CAMP-FIEE  AND  COTTON-FIELD: 


SOUTHEKN  ADVENTUKE 


TIME    OF   "WAR. 


LIFE  WITH  TEE  UNION  AEMIES, 


AND 


KESIDENCE  ON  A  LOUISIANA  PLANTATION, 


BY 

THOMAS  W.  KNOX, 


HEBALD    OOBKESPONDEJ?T. 


WITH  ILLU8TEATIONS. 


YORK: 
BLELOCK   AND    COMPANY, 

19  BEEKMAN  8TEEET. 

CHICAGO,    ILL.:    A.    KIDDBB, 

98  WASHINGTON  BT. 

1865. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  In  the  year  1883, 
BY  BLELOCK  &  COMPANY. 

In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States  for  the  Southern 
District  of  New  York. 


JOHN  A.  GRAY  &  GREEN, 

Printers,  Stereotypes,  and  Binders, 

16  &  18  JACOB  ST.,  N.  Y. 


TO 

THE  REPRESENTATIVES  OF  THE  PRESS, 

WOO  FOLLOWED  THE 

FORTUNES  OF  THE  NATIONAL  AEMIES, 

AND  BECOEDED 
THE  DEEDS  OP  VALOR  THAT  SECURED  THE  PERPETUITY  OP  THE  REPUBLIC, 


IS  SYMPATHETICALLY  INSCRIBED. 


TO  THE  BEADEK. 


A  PREFACE  usually  takes  the  form  of  an  apology. 
The  author  of  this  volume  has  none  to  offer. 

The  "book  owes  its  appearance  to  its  discovery  of  a 
publisher.  It  has  "been  prepared  from  materials  gath 
ered  during  the  Campaigns  herein  recorded,  and  from 
the  writer's  personal  recollections. 

Whatever  of  merit  or  demerit  it  possesses  remains 
for  the  reader  to  ascertain.  His  judgment  will  "be 
unprejudiced  if  he  finds  no  word  of  promise  on  the 
prefatory  page. 

NEW-YOBK,  September  15&,  1865. 


Illustrations. 


THE  RAM  Arkansas  BUNNING  THROUGH  OUB  FLEET  ABOVE  VICES- 

BUEQ        .......         Frontispiece, 

PAGE 
HAULING  DOWN  A  REBEL  FLAG  AT  HIOKMAN,  KENTUCKY      .  38 

THE  OPENING  GUN  AT  BOONEVILLE          .           .           .  .46 

THE  DEATH  OP  GENEEAL  LYON           ....  80 

GENEEAL  SIGEL'S  TEANSPOETATION  IN  MISSOUEI  .  98 

SHELLING  THE  HILL  AT  PEA  RIDGE    ....  142 

GENERAL  NELSON'S  DIVISION  OEOSSING  THE  TENNESSEE  .  .      154 

RUNNING  THE  BATTEEIES  AT  ISLAND  NUMBER  TEN     .           .  170 

THE  REBEL  OHAEGE  AT  CORINTH,  MISSISSIPPI     .           .  .      214 

ASSAULTING  THE  HILL  AT  CHICKASAW  BAYOU           .           .  248 

STEATEGY  AGAINST  GUEEEILLAS     .           .           .           .  .416 

THE  STEAMEB  Von  Phul  RUNNING  THE  BATTERIES  .  472 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  L 

ANTE    BELLUM. 

At  the  Rocky  Mountains. — Sentiment  of  the  People. — Firing  the 
Southern  Heart. — A  Midwinter  Journey  across  the  Plains. — An  Ed 
itor's  Opinion. — Election  in  Missouri. — The  North  springing  to  Arras. 
— An  amusing  Arrest.— Off  for  the  Field. — Final  Instructions. — Ni 
agara.—  Curiosities  of  Banking. — Arrival  at  the  Seat  of  War 19 

CHAPTER  IL 

MISSOURI   IN   THE    EARLY   DATS. 

Apathy  of  the  Border  States. — The  Missouri  State  Convention. — Sterling 
Price  a  Union  Man. — Plan  to  take  the  State  out  of  the  Union. — Cap 
ture  of  Camp  Jackson. — Energy  of  General  Lyon. — Union  Men  or 
ganized. — An  Unfortunate  Collision. — The  Price-Harney  Truce. — 
The  Panic  among  the  Secessionists. — Their  Hegira  from  St.  Louis. — 
A  Visit  to  the  State  Capital. — Under  the  Rebel  Flag.— Searching  for 
Contraband  Articles. — An  Introduction  to  Rebel  Dignitaries. — Gov 
ernor  Jackson. — Sterling  Price. — Jeff.  Thompson. — Activity  at  Cairo. 
— Kentucky  Neutrality. — The  Rebels  occupy  Columbus 27 

CHAPTER  HI. 

THE   BEGINNING    OF   HOSTILITIES. 

General  Harney  Relieved.— Price's  Proclamation.— End  of  the  Truce. — 
Conference  between  the  Union  and  Rebel  Leaders. — The  First  Act  of 
Hostility. — Destruction  of  Railway  Bridges. — Promptness  of  General 
Lyon. — Capture  of  the  State  Capital. — Moving  on  the  Enemy's  Works. 
— The  Night  before  Battle. — A  Correspondent's  Sensation 89 


8  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  IV. 

THE  FIRST  BATTLE   IN  MISSOURI. 

Moving  up  the  River.— A  Landing  Effected.— The  Battle.— Precipitous 
Retreat  of  the  Rebels. — Spoiling  a  Captured  Camp. — Rebel  Flags 
Emblazoned  with  the  State  Arms.— A  Journalist's  Outfit. — A  Chap 
lain  of  the  Church  Militant. — A  Mistake  that  might  have  been  Un 
fortunate.— The  People  of  Booneville.— Visiting  an  Official.— ^Bank 
ing-House  Loyalty. — Preparations  for  a  Campaign 47 


CHAPTER  V. 

TO   SPRINGFIELD    AND   BEYOND. 

Conduct  of  the  St.  Louis  Secessionists. — Collisions  between  Soldiers  and 
Citizens. — Indignation  of  the  Guests  of  a  Hotel.— From  St.  Louis  to 
Rolla. — Opinions  of  a  "Regular." — Railway-life  in  Missouri.— Un 
profitable  Freight. — A  Story  of  Orthography. — Mountains  and  Mount 
ain  Streams. — Fastidiousness  Checked. — Frontier  Courtesy. — Con 
centration  of  Troops  at  Springfield. — A  Perplexing  Situation. — The 
March  to  Dug  Spring. — Sufferings  from  Heat  and  Thirst : . .  55 

CHAPTER  VL 

THE   BATTLE    OF  WILSON   CREEK. 

The  Return  from  Dug  Spring. — The  Rebels  follow  in  Pursuit. — Prepara 
tions  to  Attack  them. — The  Plan  of  Battle. — Moving  to  the  Attack — 
A  Bivouac.— The  Opening  Shot.— "Is  that  Official  ?"— Sensations  of  a 
Spectator  in  Battle. — Extension  of  Distance  and  Time. — Characteris 
tics  of  Projectiles. — Taking  Notes  under  Fire. — Strength  and  Losses 
of  the  Opposing  Armies. — A  Noble  Record. — The  Wounded  on  the 
Field. — "  One  More  Shot." — Granger  in  his  Element. — General  Lyon's 
Death 67 

CHAPTER  VH. 

THE   RETREAT  FROM   SPRINGFIELD. 

A  Council  of  "War. — The  Journalists'  Council. — Preparations  for  Re 
treat. — Preceding  the  Advance-Guard. — Alarm  and  Anxiety  of  the 
People. — Magnificent  Distances. — A  Novel  Odometer. — The  Unre 
liable  Countryman. — Neutrality. — A  Night  at  Lebanon. — A  Disa 
greeable  Lodging-place.— Active  Secessionists. — The  Man  who  Sought 


CONTENTS.  9 

and  Found  his  Eights. — Approaching  Civilization. — Eebel  Couriers 
on  the  Eoute. — Arrival  at  Eolla 81 

CHAPTER  VIE. 

GENERAL   FREMONT^   PURSUIT   OP   PRICE. 

Quarrel  between  Price  and  McCulloch. — The  Eebels  Advance  upon  Lex 
ington. — A  Novel  Defense  for  Sharp-shooters. — Attempt  to  Ec-enforce 
the  Garrison. — An  Enterprising  Journalist. — The  Surrender. — Fre 
mont's  Advance. — Causes  of  Delay. — How  the  Journalists  Killed 
Time.— Late  News.— A  Contractor  "  Sold."— Sigel  in  Front.— A 
Motley  Collection. — A  "Wearied  Officer. — The  Woman  who  had  never 
seen  a  Black  Eepublican. — Love  and  Conversion 93 

CHAPTEE  IX. 

THE   SECOND   CAMPAIGN  TO   SPRINGFIELD. 

Detention  at  Warsaw. — A  Bridge  over  the  Osage. — The  Body-Guard. — 
Manner  of  its  Organization. — The  Advance  to  Springfield. — Charge 
of  the  Body-Guard. — A  Corporal's  Euse.— Occupation  of  Springfield. 
—The  Situation.— Wilson  Creek  Eevisited.— Traces  of  the  Battle.— 
Eumored  Movements  of  the  Enemy. — Eemoval  of  Qeneral  Fremont. 
— Danger  of  Attack. — A  Night  of  Excitement. — The  Eeturn  to 
St.  Louis. — Curiosities  of  the  Scouting  Service. — An  Arrest  by 
Mistake 103 

CHAPTEE  X. 

TWO   MONTHS    OF   IDLENESS. 

A  Promise  Fulfilled.— Capture  of  a  Eebel  Camp  and  Train.-r-Eebel  Sym 
pathizers  in  St.  Louis. — General  Halleck  and  his  Policy. — Eefugees 
from  Eebeldom. — Story  of  the  Sufferings  of  a  Union  Family. — Chiv 
alry  in  the  Nineteenth  Century. — The  Army  of  the  Southwest  in  Mo 
tion. — Gun-Boats  and  Transports. — Capture  of  Fort  Henry. — The 
Effect  in  St.  Louis. — Our  Flag  Advancing.. 113 

CHAPTEE  XI. 

ANOTHER  CAMPAIGN  IN  MISSOURI. 

From  St.  Louis  to  Eolla. — A  Limited  Outfit. — Missouri  Eoads  in  Winter. 
— "  Two  Solitary  Horsemen."— Ecstricted  Accommodations  in  a 


10  CONTENTS. 

Slaveholder's  House. — An  Energetic  Quartermaster. — General  Sheri 
dan  before  he  became  Famous. — "  Bagging  Price." — A  Defect  in  the 
Bag.— Examining  the  Correspondence  of  a  Rebel  General. — What 
the  Rebels  left  at  their  Departure 121 


CHAPTER  XII. 

THE  FLIGHT   AND   THE   PURSUIT. 

From  Springfield  to  Pea  Ridge. — Mark  Tapley  in  Missouri. — "  The  Ar 
kansas  Traveler." — Encountering  the  Rebel  Army. — A  Wonderful 
Spring. — The  Cantonment  at  Cross  Hollows. — Game  Chickens. — 
Magruder  vs.  Breckinridge. — Rebel  Generals  in  a  Controversy. — Its 
Result. — An  Expedition  to  Huntsville. — Curiosities  of  Rebel  Cur 
rency. — Important  Information. — A  Long  and  Weary  March. — Dis 
position  of  Forces  before  the  Battle. — Changing  Front. — What  the 
Rebels  lost  by  Ignorance , 127 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

THE    BATTLE    OP  PEA   RIDGE. 

The  Rebels  make  their  Attack. — Albert  Pike  and  his  Indians. — Scalping 
Wounded  Men.— Death  of  General  McCulloch. — The  Fighting  at  Elk- 
horn  Tavern. — Close  of  a  Gloomy  Day. — An  Unpleasant  Night. — 
Vocal  Sounds  from  a  Mule's  Throat. — Sleeping  under  Disadvan 
tages. — A  Favorable  Morning. — The  Opposing  Lines  of  Battle. — A 
Severe  Cannonade. — The  Forest  on  Fire. — Wounded  Men  in  the 
Flames. — The  Rebels  in  Retreat. — Movements  of  our  Army. — A 
Journey  to  St.  Louis 137 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

UP   THE   TENNESSEE    AND  AT   PITTSBURG   LANDING. 

At  St.  Louis. — Progress  of  our  Arms  in  the  Great  Valley. — Cairo. — Its 
Peculiarities  and  Attractions. — Its  Commercial,  Geographical,  and 
Sanitary  Advantages. — Up  the  Tennessee. — Movements  Preliminary 
to  the  Great  Battle. — The  Rebels  and  their  Plans. — Postponement 
of  the  Attack. — Disadvantages  of  our  Position. — The  Beginning  of 
the  Battle. — Results  of  the  First  Day. — Re-enforcements. — Disputes 
between  Officers  of  our  two  Armies. — Beauregard's  Watering- 
Place .147 


CONTENTS.  11 

CHAPTER  XV. 

SHILOH   AND   THE    SIEGE    OF   CORINTH. 

The  Error  of  the  Kebels. — Story  of  a  Surgeon. — Experience  of  a  Rebej 
Regiment. — Injury  to  the  Rebel  Army. — The  Effect  in  our  own 
Lines. — Daring  of  a  Color-Bearer. — A  Brave  Soldier. — A  Drummer- 
Boy's  Experience. — Gallantry  of  an  Artillery  Surgeon. — A  Regiment 
Commanded  by  a  Lieutenant. — Friend  Meeting  Friend  and  Brother 
Meeting  Brother  in  the  Opposing  Lines. — The  Scene  of  the  Battle. — 
Fearful  Traces  of  Musketry-Fire.— The  Wounded.— The  Labor  of 
the  Sanitary  Commission. — Humanity  a  Yankee  Trick. — Besieging 
Corinth. — A  Cold- Water  Battery. — Halleck  and  the  Journalists. — 
Occupation  of  Corinth 157 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

CAPTURE    OF   FORT   PILLOW   AND   BATTLE    OF   MEMPHIS. 

The  Siege  of  Fort  Pillow. — General  Pope. — His  Reputation  for  Verac 
ity. — Capture  of  the  "  Ten  Thousand." — Naval  Battle  above  Fort 
Pillow. — -The  John  H.  Dickey. — Occupation  of  the  Fort. — General 
Forrest.— Strength  of  the  Fortifications. — Their  Location. — Ran 
dolph,  Tennessee. — Memphis  and  her  Last  Ditch. — Opening  of  the 
Naval  Combat. — Gallant  Action  of  Colonel  Ellet. — Fate  of  the 
Rebel  Fleet.— The  People  Viewing  the  Battle.— Their  Conduct. .  169 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

IN   MEMPHIS   AND    UNDER   THE   FLAG. 

Jeff.  Thompson  and  his  Predictions. — A  Cry  of  Indignation. — Memphis 
Humiliated. — The  Journalists  in  the  Battle. — The  Surrender. — A 
Fine  Point  of  Law  and  Honor. — Going  on  Shore. — An  Enraged 
Secessionist. — A  Dangerous  Enterprise. — Memphis  and  her  Antece 
dents. — Her  Loyalty. — An  Amusing  Incident. — How  the  Natives 
learned  of  the  Capture  of  Fort  Donelson. — The  Last  Ditch. — A 
Farmer- Abolitionist. — Disloyalty  among  the  Women. — "Blessings 
in  Disguise." — An  American  Mark  Tapley 179 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

SUPERVISING    A   REBEL    JOURNAL . 

The  Press  of  Memphis.— Flight  of  The  Appeal. — A  False  Prediction. — 
The  Argus  becomes  Loyal. — Order  from  General  Wallace. — Installed 


12  CONTENTS. 

in  Office. — Lecturing  the  Rebels. — "Trade  follows  the  Flag." — 
Abuses  of  Traffic. — Supplying  the  Rebels. — A  Perilous  Adventure. — 
Passing  the  Rebel  Lines.— Eluding  Watchful  Eyes 189 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

THE   FIRST   SIEGE    OP  VICKSBURG. 

From  Memphis  to  Vicksburg. — Running  the  Batteries. — Our  Inability 
to  take  Yicksburg  by  Assault. — Digging  a  Canal. — A  Conversation 
with  Resident  Secessionists. — Their  Arguments  pro  and  con,  and  the 
Answers  they  Received. — A  Curiosity  of  Legislation. — An  Expedi 
tion  up  the  Yazoo. — Destruction  of  the  Rebel  Fleet. — The  Arkansas 
Running  the  Gauntlet. — A  Spirited  Encounter. — A  Gallant  Attempt. 
—Raising  the  Siege. — Fate  of  the  Arkansas 197 

CHAPTER  XX. 

THE   MARCH   THROUGH   ARKANSAS. — THE    SIEGE   OF   CINCINNATI. 

General  Curtis's  Army  reaching  Helena. — Its  Wanderings. — The  Arkan 
sas  Navy. — Troops  and  their  Supplies  "miss  Connection." — Rebel 
Reports. — Memphis  in  Midsummer. — "A  Journey  due  North." — 
Chicago. — Bragg's  Advance  into  Kentucky. — Kirby  Smith  in  Front 
of  Cincinnati. — The  City  under  Martial  Law. — The  Squirrel  Hunters. 
— War  Correspondents  in  Comfortable  Quarters. — Improvising  an 
Army. — Raising  the  Siege. — Bragg's  Retreat 205 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

THE   BATTLE    OF   CORINTH. 

"New  Plans  of  the  Rebels. — Their  Design  to  Capture  Corinth.-— Advanc 
ing  to  the  Attack. — Strong  Defenses. — A  Magnificent  Charge. — 
Yalor  vs.  Breast-Works. — The  Repulse.— Retreat  and  Pursuit. — The 
National  Arms  Triumphant 213 

CHAPTER  XXIL 

THE   CAMPAIGN  FROM   CORINTH. 

Changes  of  Commanders. — Preparations  for  the  Aggressive. — Marching 
from  Corinth. — Talking  with  the  People. — "  You-uns  and  We-uns." 
— Conservatism  of  a  "  Regular." — Loyalty  and  Disloyalty.— Condi 
tion  of  the  Rebel  Army. — Foraging. — German  Theology  for  Ameri 
can  Soldiers. — A  Modest  Landlord. — A  Boy  without  a  Name. — The 


CONTENTS.  13 

Freedmen's  Bureau. — Employing  Negroes. — Holly  Springs  and  its 
People. — An  Argument  for  Secession 219 

CHAPTER  XXIIL 


The  Slavery  Question. — A  Generous  Offer. — A  Journalist's  Modesty. — 
Hopes  of  the  Mississippians  at  the  Beginning  of  the  War. — Visiting  an 
Editress. — Literature  under  Difficulties. — Jacob  Thompson  and  his 
Correspondence. — Plans  for  the  Capture  of  Vickshurg. — Movements 
of  General  Sherman. — The  Raid  upon  Holly  Springs. — Forewarned, 
but  not  Forearmed. — A  Gallant  Fight » 233 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 

THE  BATTLE    OP  CHICKASAW  BAYOU. 

Leaving  Memphis. — Down  the  Great  River. — Landing  in  the  Yazoo. — 
Description  of  the  Ground. — A  Night  in  Bivouac. — Plan  of  Attack. — 
Moving  toward  the  Hills. — Assaulting  the  Bluff. — Our  Repulse. — 
New  Plans. — Withdrawal  from  the  Yazoo 243 

CHAPTER  XXV. 

BEFORE   VICKSBUEG. 

Capture  of  Arkansas  Post. — The  Army  returns  to  Milliken's  Bend. — 
General  Sherman  and  the  Journalists. — Arrest  of  the  Author. — His 
Trial  before  a  Military  Court. — Letter  from  President  Lincoln.— 
Capture  of  Three  Journalists 253 

CHAPTER  XXVL 

KANSAS   IN  WAR-TIME. 

A  Visit  to  Kansas. — Recollections  of  Border  Feuds. — Peculiarities  of 
Kansas  Soldiers. — Foraging  as  a  Fine  Art.— Kansas  and  Missouri, — 
Settling  Old  Scores. — Depopulating  the  Border  Counties. — Two  Ex 
amples  of  Grand  Strategy. — Capture  of  the  "Little-More-Grape" 
Battery. — A  Woman  in  Sorrow. — Frontier  Justice. — Trial  before  a 
"Lynch"  Court. — General  Blunt's  Order. — Execution  of  Horse- 
Thieves. — Auction  Sale  of  Confiscated  Property. — Banished  to 
Dixie..  .  261 


14  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XXVIL 

GETTYSBURG. 

A  Hasty  Departure. — At  Harrisburg. — En  route  for  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac. — The  Battle-Field  at  Gettysburg. — Appearance  of  the  Cem 
etery. — Importance  of  the  Position. — The  Configuration  of  Ground. 
—Traces  of  Battle.— Round  Hill.— General  Meade's  Head-Quarters. 
— Appearance  of  the  Dead. — Through  the  Forests  along  the  Line. — 
Retreat  and  Pursuit  of  Lee 275 

CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

IN  THE   NORTHWEST. 

From  Chicago  to  Minnesota. — Curiosities  of  Low-Water  Navigation. — St. 
Paul  and  its  Sufferings  in  Earlier  Days. — The  Indian  War. — A  Brief 
History  of  our  Troubles  in  that  Region. — General  Pope's  Expeditions 
to  Chastise  the  Red  Man.— -Honesty  in  the  Indian  Department. — The 
End  of  the  Warfare.— The  Pacific  Railway.— A  Bold  Undertaking.— 
Penetrating  British  Territory. — The  Hudson  Bay  Company. — Pecu 
liarities  of  a  Trapper's  Life 289 

CHAPTER  XXIX. 

INAUGURATION   OF   A   GREAT   ENTERPRISE. 

Plans  for  Arming  the  Negroes  along  the  Mississippi. — Opposition  to  the 
Movement. — Plantations  Deserted  by  their  Owners. — Gathering 
Abandoned  Cotton. — Rules  and  Regulations. — Speculation. — Widows 
and  Orphans  in  Demand. — Arrival  of  Adjutant-General  Thomas. — 
Designs  of  the  Government 305 

CHAPTER  XXX. 

COTTON-PLANTING   IN    1863. 

Leasing  the  Plantations. — Interference  of  the  Rebels. — Raids. — Treat 
ment  of  Prisoners. — The  Attack  upon  Milliken's  Bend. — A  Novel 
Breast- Work.— Murder  of  our  Officers.— Profits  of  Cotton-Planting. — 
Dishonesty  of  Lessees. — Negroes  Planting  on  their  own  Account.  313 

CHAPTER  XXXI. 

AMONG   THE    OFFICIALS. 

Reasons  for  Trying  an  Experiment. — Activity  among  Lessees. — Opinions 
of  the  Residents. — Rebel  Hopes  in  1863. — Removal  of  Negroes  to 


CONTENTS.  15 

"West  Louisiana. — Visiting  Natchez. — The  City  and  its  Business. — 
"  The  Rejected  Addresses  " 323 

CHAPTER  XXXH. 

A   JOURNEY    OUTSIDE   THE   LINES. 

Passing  the  Pickets. — Cold  Weather  in  the  South.— Effect  of  Climate 
upon  the  Constitution. — Surrounded  and  Captured. — Prevarication 
and  Explanation. — Among  the  Natives. — The  Game  for  the  Confed 
eracy. — Courtesy  of  the  Planters. — Condition  of  the  Plantations. — 
,  The  Return 331 

CHAPTER  XXXIIL 

ON   THE   PLANTATION. 

Military  Protection.— Promises. — Another  Widow. — Securing  a  Planta 
tion. — Its  Locality  and  Appearance. — Gardening  in  Louisiana. — How 
Cotton  is  Picked.—"  The  Tell-Tale."— A  Southerner's  Opinion  of  the 
Negro  Character. — Causes  and  Consequences 341 

CHAPTER  XXXIV. 

RULES    AND    REGULATIONS   UNDER  THE    OLD   AND   NEW   SYSTEMS. 

The  Plantation  Record. — Its  Uses. — Interesting  Memoranda. — Dogs, 
Jail,  and  Stocks. — Instructions  to  the  Overseer. — His  Duties  and 
Responsibilities. — The  Order  of  General  Banks. — Management  of 
Plantations  in  the  Department  of  the  Gulf. — The  two  Documents 
Contrasted.— One  of  the  Effects  of  "  an  Abolition  War  " 355 

CHAPTER  XXXV. 

OUR  FREE-LABOR  ENTERPRISE  IN  PROGRESS. 

The  Negroes  at  Work.— Difficulties  in  the  Way.— A  Public  Meeting.— 
A  Speech. — A  Negro's  Idea  of  Freedom. — A  Difficult  Question  to 
Determine. — Influence  of  Northern  and  Southern  Men  Contrasted. — 
An  Increase  of  Numbers. — "  Ginning  "  Cotton. — In  the  Lint-Room. — 
Mills  and  Machinery  of  a  Plantation. — A  Profitable  Enterprise..  371 

CHAPTER  XXXVL 

WAR   AND   AGRICULTURE. 

Official  Favors. — Division  of  Labor. — Moral  Suasion. — Corn-gathering 
in  the  South. — An  Alarm. — A  Frightened  Irishman.— The  Rebels 


16  CONTENTS. 

Approaching. — An  Attack  on  Waterproof. — Falstaff  Redivivus. — 
His  Feats  of  Arms. — Departure  for  New  Orleans 381 


CHAPTER  XXXVH. 

IN   THE   COTTON   MARKET. 

New  Orleans  and  its  Peculiarities. — Its  Loss  by  the  Rebellion. — Cotton 
Factors  in  New  Orleans. — Old  Things  passed  away. — The  Northern 
Barbarians  a  Race  of  Shopkeepers. — Pulsations  of  the  Cotton  Mar 
ket. — A  Quarrel  with  a  Lady. — Contending  for  a  Principle. — Inhar- 
mony  of  the  "  Regulations." — An  Account  of  Sales 391 

CHAPTER  XXXVHL 

SOME   FEATURES    OP   PLANTATION   LIFE. 

Mysteries  of  Mule-trading. — "  What's  in  a  Name?" — Process  of  Stock 
ing  a  Plantation. — An  Enterprising  White  Man.— Stratagem  of  a 
Yankee.— Distributing  Goods  to  the  Negroes. — The  Tastes  of  the 
African. — Ethiopian  Eloquence. — A  Colored  Overseer. — Guerrillas 
Approaching. — Whisky  vs.  Guerrillas. — A  Hint  to  Military  Men.  405 

'••'('       '  «    • 

CHAPTER  XXXIX. 

VISITED   BY   GUERRILLAS. 

News  of  the  Raid.— Returning  to  the  Plantation.— Examples  of  Negro 
Cunning. — A  Sudden  Departure  and  a  Fortunate  Escape. — A  Second 
Visit. — "  Going  Through,"  in  Guerrilla  Parlance. — How  it  is  Accom 
plished. — Courtesy  to  Guests. — A  Holiday  Costume.— Lessees  Aban 
doning  their  Plantations. — Official  Promises. 417 

CHAPTER  XL. 

PECULIARITIES    OF  PLANTATION   LABOR. 

Resuming  Operation. — Difficulties  in  the  Way. — A  New  Method  of 
Healing  the  Sick. — A  Thief  Discovered  by  his  Ignorance  of  Arith 
metic.— How  Cotton  is  Planted. — The  Uses  of  Cotton-Seed. — A 
Novel  Sleeping-Room. — Constructing  a  Tunnel. — Vigilance  of  a 
Negro  Sentinel 425 


CONTENTS.  17 

CHAPTER  XLI. 

THE    NEGROES    AT   A   MILITARY   POST. 

The  Soldiers  at  Waterproof. — The  Black  Man  in  Blue.— Mutiny  and 
Desertion. — Their  Cause  and  Cure. — Tendering  a  Resignation. — No 
Desire  for  a  Barber. — Seeking  Protection. — Falsehood  and  Truth. — 
Proneness  to  Exaggeration. — Amusing  Estimates 433 

CHAPTER  XLII. 

THE   END    OP  THE    EXPERIMENT. 

The  Nature  of  our  "  Protection."— Trade  Following  the  Flag.— A  For 
tunate  Journey. — Our  Last  Visit. — Inhumanity  of  the  Guerrillas. — 
Driving  Negroes  into  Captivity. — Killing  an  Overseer. — Our  Final 
Departure. — Plantations  Elsewhere 441 

CHAPTER  XLHI. 

THE    MISSISSIPPI   AND   ITS   PECULIARITIES. 

Length  of  the  Great  River,  and  the  Area  it  Drains. — How  Itasca  Lake  ob 
tained  its  Name. — The  Bends  of  the  Mississippi. — Curious  Effect  upon 
Titles  to  Real  Estate.— A  Story  of  Napoleon.— A  Steamboat  Thirty- 
five  Years  under  Water. — The  Current  and  its  Variations. — Navigat 
ing  Cotton  and  Corn  Fields. — Reminiscences  of  the  Islands 455 

CHAPTER  XLIV. 

8TEAMBOATING    ON   THE    MISSISSIPPI   IN   PEACE    AND   WAR. 

Attempts  to  Obstruct  the  Great  River. — Chains,  Booms,  and  Batteries. 
— A  Novelty  in  Piloting. — Travel  in  the  Days  Before  the  Rebellion. 
—Trials  of  Speed.— The  Great  Race.— Travel  During  the  War.— 
Running  a  Rebel  Battery  on  the  Lower  Mississippi. — Incidents  of 
the  Occasion, — Comments  on  the  Situation 465 

CHAPTER  XLV. 

THE    ARMY    CORRESPONDENT. 

The  Beginning  and  the  End. — The  Lake  Erie  Piracy. — A  Rochester 
Story. — The  First  War  Correspondent. — Napoleon's  Policy. — Wa 
terloo  and  the  Rothschilds. — Journalistic  Enterprise  in  the  Mexican 
War. — The  Crimea  and  the  East  Indian  Rebellion. — Experiences  at 
the  Beginning  of  Hostilities. — The  Tender  Mercies  of  the  Insurgents. 
2 


18  CONTENTS. 

— In  the  Field. — Adventures  in  Missouri  and  Kentucky. — Corre 
spondents  in  Captivity. — How  Battle-Accounts  were  Written. — Pro 
fessional  Complaints, 479 

CHAPTER  XLVI. 

THE    PRESENT    CONDITION    OF    THE    SOUTH. 

Scarcity  of  the  Population. — Fertility  of  the  Country. — Northern  Men 
already  in  the  South. — Kansas  Emigrants  Crossing  Missouri. — Change 
of  the  Situation. — Present  Disadvantages  of  Emigration. — Feeling  of 
the  People. — Property-Holders  in  Eichmond. — The  Sentiment  in 
North  Carolina. — South  Carolina  Chivalry. — Th«  Effect  of  War. — 
Prospect  of  the  Success  of  Free  Labor. — Trade  in  the  South 493 

CHAPTER  XLVII. 

HOW   DISADVANTAGES    MAY    BE    OVERCOME. 

Conciliating  the  People  of  the  South. — Railway 'Travel  and  its  Improve 
ment. — Rebuilding  Steamboats.— Replacing  Working  Stock. — The 
Condition  of  the  Plantations. — Suggestions  about  $Iasty  Departures. 
— Obtaining  Information. — The  Attractions  of  Missouri ^ . .  503 

CHAPTER  XLVIII. 

THE    RESOURCES    OF    THE    SOUTHERN    STATES. 

How  the  People  have  Lived. — An  Agricultural  Community. — Mineral 
and  other  Wealth  of  Virginia. — Slave-Breeding  in  Former  Times. — 
The  Auriferous  Region  of  North  Carolina. — Agricultural  Advan 
tages. — Varieties  of  Soil  in  South  Carolina. — Sea-Island  Cotton. — 
Georgia  and  her  Railways. — Probable  Decline  of  the  Rice  Culture. — 
The  Everglade  State. — The  Lower  Mississippi  Valley.— The  Red 
River. — Arkansas  and  its  Advantages. — A  Hint  for  Tragedians. — 
Mining  in  Tennessee. — The  Blue-Grass  Region  of  Kentucky. — Texas 
and  its  Attractions. — Difference  between  Southern  and  Western 
Emigration. — The  End 509 


CAMP-FIRE  AND  COTTON-FIELD. 


CHAPTER  I. 

ANTE  BELLUM. 

At  the  Rocky  Mountains. — Sentiment  of  the  People. — Firing  the 
Southern  Heart. — A  Midwinter  Journey  across  the  Plains. — An 
Editor's  Opinion. — Election  in  Missouri. — The  North  springing  to 
Arms. — An  amusing  Arrest. — Off  for  the  Field. — Final  Instructions. 
— Niagara. — Curiosities  of  Banking. — Arrival  at  the  Seat  of  War. 

I  PASSED  the  summer  and  autumn  of  1860  in  the 
Rocky  Mountain  Gold  Region.  At  that  time  the  pop 
ulation  of  the  young  Territory  was  composed  of  emi 
grants  from  Northern  and  Southern  States,  those  from 
the  colder  regions  "being  in  the  majority.  When  the 
Presidential  election  took  place,  there  was  much  angry 
discussion  of  the  great  questions  of  the  day,  and  there 
were  threats  of  violence  on  the  part  of  the  friends  of  the 
" institution."  The  residents  of  the  Gold  Region  were 
unable  to  cast  their  votes  for  the  men  of  their  choice, 
"but  their  anxiety  to  know  the  result  was  very  great. 

When  it  was  announced  that  the  Republican  candi 
date  had  triumphed,  there  were  speedy  signs  of  discon 
tent.  Some  of  the  more  impulsive  Southerners  departed 
at  once  fqr  their  native  States,  predicting  a  separation 


20  PREPARING  FOR  THE  FIELD. 

of  Dixie  from  the  North  before  the  end  of  the  year. 
Some  went  to  New  Mexico,  and  others  to  Texas,  while 
many  remained  to  press  their  favorite  theories  upon 
their  neighbors.  The  friends  of  the  Union  were  slow  to 
believe  that  any  serious  difficulty  would  take  place. 
Long  after  the  secession  of  South  Carolina  they  were 
confident  our  differences  could  be  healed  without  an 
appeal  to  arms. 

My  visit  to  the  Rocky  Mountains  was  a  professional 
one.  During  my  stay  in  that  region  I  supplied  several 
Eastern  journals  with  letters  from  Colorado  and  New 
Mexico.  One  after  another,  the  editors  of  these  journals 
informed  me  that  letters  from  the  Territories  had  lost 
their  interest,  owing  to  the  troubles  growing  out  of  the 
election.  Wishing  to  take  part  in  the  drama  about  to 
be  enacted,  I  essayed  a  midwinter  journey  across  the 
plains,  and,  early  in  February,  stood  in  the  editorial 
room  of  The  Herald. 

I  announced  my  readiness  to  proceed  to  any  point 
between  the  Poles,  wherever  The  Herald  desired  a  cor 
respondent.  The  editor-in-chief  was  busy  over  a  long 
letter  from  some  point  in  the  South,  but  his  response 
was  promptly  given.  Half  reading,  half  pausing  over 
the  letter,  he  briefly  said : — 

"  A  long  and  bloody  war  is  upon  us,  in  which  the 
whole  country  will  be  engaged.  We  shall  desire  you 
to  take  the  field ;  probably  in  the  West.  It  may  be 
several  weeks  before  we  need  you,  but  the  war  cannot 
be  long  delayed." 

At  that  time  few  persons  in  the  North  looked  upon 


THE  MISSOURI  ELECTION.  21 

the  situation  with  any  fears  of  trouble.  There  were 
some  who  thought  a  hostile  collision  was  among  the 
possibilities,  but  these  persons  were  generally  in  the 
minority.  Many  believed  the  secession  movement  was 
only  the  hasty  work  of  political  leaders,  that  would  be 
soon  undone  when  the  people  of  the  South  came  to  their 
senses. 

That  the  South  would  deliberately  plunge  the  coun 
try  into  civil  war  was  difficult  to  comprehend,  even 
after  the  first  steps  had  been  taken.  The  majority  of 
the  Northern  people  were  hoping  and  believing,  day 
by  day,  that  something  might  transpire  to  quell  the 
excitement  and  adjust  the  difficulties  threatening  to 
disturb  the  country. 

Before  leaving  the  Rocky  Mountains  I  did  not  be 
lieve  that  war  was  certain  to  ensue,  though  I  considered 
it  quite  probable.  As  I  passed  through  Missouri,  the 
only  slave  State  that  lay  in  my  route,  I  found  every 
thing  comparatively  quiet.  In  St.  Joseph,  on  the  day 
of  my  arrival,  the  election  for  Delegates  to  the  State 
Convention  was  being  held.  There  was  no  disorder, 
more  than  is  usual  on  election  days  in  small  cities. 
Little  knots  of  people  were  engaged  in  discussion,  but 
the  discussions  partook  of  no  extraordinary  bitterness. 
The  vote  of  the  city  was  decidedly  in  favor  of  keeping 
the  State  in  the  Union. 

Between  the  7th  of  December  and  the  12th  of  April, 
the  Northern  blood  warmed  slowly.  The  first  gun  at 
Sumter  quickened  its  pulsations.  When  the  President 
issued  his  call  for  seventy -five  thousand  men  for  three 


22  MISTAKEN  IDENTITY. 

months,  to  put  down  insurrection,  the  North  woke  to 
action.  Everywhere  the  response  was  prompt,  earnest, 
patriotic.  In  the  Northern  cities  the  recruiting  offices 
were  densely  thronged.  New  York  and  Massachusetts 
were  first  to  send  their  favorite  regiments  to  the  front, 
but  they  were  not  long  in  the  advance.  Had  the  call 
been  for  four  times  seventy -five  thousand,  and  for  a 
service  of  three  years,  there  is  little  doubt  the  people 
would  have  responded  without  hesitation. 

For  a  short  time  after  my  arrival  at  the  East,  I  re 
mained  in  a  small  town  in  Southern  New  Hampshire. 
A  few  days  after  the  first  call  was  issued,  a  friend  invited 
me  to  a  seat  in  his  carriage  for  a  ride  to  Portsmouth,  the 
sea-port  of  the  State.  On  reaching  the  city  we  found  the 
war  spirit  fully  aroused.  Two  companies  of  infantry 
were  drilling  in  the  public  square,  and  the  citizens 
were  in  a  state  of  great  excitement.  In  the  course  of 
the  afternoon  my  friend  and  myself  were  arrested,  by 
a  committee  of  respectable  citizens,  who  suspected  us  of 
being  Southern  emissaries.  It  was  with  great  difficulty 
we  convinced  them  they  had  made  a  slight  mistake. 
We  referred  them  to  the  only  acquaintances  we  had  in 
the  city.  They  refused  to  consider  the  truth  established 
in  the  mouths  of  two  witnesses,  and  were  not  induced 
to  give  us  our  liberty  until  all  convenient  proof  of  our 
identity  had  been  adduced. 

To  be  arrested  within  twenty  miles  of  home,  on  sus 
picion  of  being  delegated  from  Charleston  or  Montgom 
ery,  was  one  of  my  most  amusing  experiences  of  the 
war.  The  gentleman  who  accompanied  me  was  a  very 


UNDER   ARREST.  23 

earnest  believer  in  coercion.  His  "business  in  Ports 
mouth  on  that  occasion  was  to  offer  his  services  in  a 
regiment  then  "being  formed.  A  few  months  later  he 
received  a  commission  in  the  army,  but  did  not  obtain 
it  through  any  of  our  temporary  acquaintances  at  Ports 
mouth. 

Our  captors  were  the  solid  men  of  the  city,  any  one 
of  whom  could  have  sat  for  the  portrait  of  Mr.  Turvey- 
drop  without  the  slightest  alteration.  On  taking  us  into 
custody,  they  stated  the  grounds  on  which  they  arrested 
us.  Our  dark  complexions  and  long  beards  had  aroused 
suspicions  concerning  the  places  of  our  nativity.  Sus 
picion  was  reduced  to  a  certainty  when  one  of  them 
heard,  me  mention  my  presence  in  Missouri  on  the  day 
of  choosing  candidates  for  the  Convention.  Our  purpose 
was  divined  when  I  asked  if  there  was  any  activity  at 
the  Navy  Yard.  We  were  Rebel  emissaries,  who  de 
signed  to  lay  their  Navy  Yard  in  ashes ! 

On  our  release  and  departure  we  were  followed  to 
our  homes,  that  the  correctness  of  our  representations 
might  be  ascertained.  This  little  occurrence,  in  the 
center  of  New  England,  where  the  people  claim  to  be 
thoroughly  quiet  and  law-abiding,  indicated  that  the 
War  spirit  in  that  part  of  the  North  was  more  than  mo 
mentary. 

The  West  was  not  behind  the  Eastern  States  in  the 
determination  to  subdue  the  Rebellion.  Volunteers 
were  gathering  at  Cairo,  and  threatening  to  occupy 
points  further  down  the  Mississippi.  At  St.  Louis  the 
struggle  was  active  between  the  Unionists  and  the  Seces- 


24  GOING  WEST. 

sionists.  A  collision  was  a  mere  question  of  time,  and 
of  short  time  at  the  "best. 

As  I  visited  The  Herald  office  for  final  instructions, 
I  found  that  the  managing  editor  had  determined  upon 
a  vigorous  campaign.  Every  point  of  interest  was  to  "be 
covered,  so  that  the  operations  of  our  armies  would  be 
fully  recorded  from  day  to  day.  The  war  correspond 
ents  had  gone  to  their  posts,  or  were  just  taking  their 
departure.  One  correspondent  was  already  on  the  way 
to  Cairo.  I  was  instructed  to  watch  the  military  move 
ments  in  Missouri,  and  hastened  to  St.  Louis  as  fast  as 
steam  could  "bear  me. 

Detained  twelve  hours  at  Niagara,  "by  reason  of  miss 
ing  a  railway  train,  I  found  that  the  opening  war  gave 
promise  of  affecting  that  locality.  The  hotel-keepers 
were  gloomy  at  the  prospect  of  losing  their  Southern 
patronage,  and  half  feared  they  would  be  obliged  to 
close  their  establishments.  There  were  but  few  visitors, 
and  even  these  were  not  of  the  class  which  scatters 
its  money  profusely.  The  village  around  the  Falls  dis 
played  positive  signs  of  dullness,  and  the  inhabitants 
had  personal  as  well  as  patriotic  interest  in  wishing 
there  was  no  war.  The  Great  Cataract  was  unchanged 
in  its  beauty  and  grandeur.  The  flood  from  the  Lakes 
was  not  diminished,  and  the  precipice  over  which  the 
water  plunged  was  none  the  less  steep.  The  opening 
war  had  no  effect  upon  this  wonder  of  the  New  World. 

In  Chicago,  business  was  prostrated  on  account  of  the 
outbreak  of  hostilities.  Most  of  the  banks  in  Illinois 
had  been  holding  State  bonds  as  securities  for  the  re- 


EUMORS  OF  WAR.  25 

demption  of  their  circulation.  As  these  "bonds  were 
nearly  all  of  Southern  origin,  the  beginning  of  the  war 
had  materially  affected  their  value.  The  banks  found 
their  securities  rapidly  becoming  insecure,  and  hence 
there  was  a  depreciation  in  the  currency.  This  was  not 
uniform,  but  varied  from  five  to  sixty  per  cent.,  accord 
ing  to  the  value  of  the  bonds  the  respective  banks  were 
holding.  Each  morning  and  evening  bulletins  were 
issued  stating  the  value  of  the  notes^of  the  various  bank 
ing-houses.  Such  a  currency  was  very  inconvenient 
to  handle,  as  the  payment  of  any  considerable  sum  re 
quired  a  calculation  to  establish  the  worth  of  each  note. 

Many  rumors  were  in  circulation  concerning  the  inse 
curity  of  a  Northern  visitor  in  St.  Louis,  but  none  of  the 
stories  were  very  alarming.  Of  one  thing  all  were  cer 
tain — the  star  of  the  Union  was  in  the  ascendant.  On 
arriving  in  St.  Louis  I  found  the  city  far  from  quiet, 
though  there  was  nothing  to  lead  a  stranger  to  consider 
his  personal  safety  in  danger.  I  had  ample  material  for 
entering  at  once  upon  my  professional  duties,  in  chroni 
cling  the  disordered  and  threatening  state  of  affairs. 

On  the  day  of  my  arrival,  I  met  a  gentleman  I  had 
known  in  the  Rocky  Mountains,  six  months  before. 
I  knew  his  courage  was  beyond  question,  having  seen 
him  in  several  disturbances  incident  to  the  Gold  Re 
gions  ;  but  I  was  not  aware  which  side  of  the  great 
cause  he  had  espoused.  After  our  first  greetings,  I 
ventured  to  ask  how  he  stood. 

"  I  am  a  Union  man,"  was  his  emphatic  response. 

"  What  kind  of  a  Union  man  are  you  3" 


26  AN  UNFORTUNATE  CONSIGNMENT. 

"I  am  tliis  kind  of  a  Union  man,"  and  he  threw 
open  his  coat,  and  showed  me  a  huge  revolver,  strapped 
to  his  waist. 

There  were  many  loyal  men  in  St.  Louis,  whose 
sympathies  were  evinced  in  a  similar  manner.  Re 
volvers  were  at  a  premium. 

Some  of  the  Secessionists  ordered  a  quantity  of 
revolvers  from  New  York,  to  "be  forwarded  by  ex 
press.  To  prevent  interference  "by  the  Union  author 
ities,  they  caused  the  case  to  be  directed  to  "  Colonel 

Francis  P.   Blair,   Jr.,   care  of  ."     They  thought 

Colonel  Blair's  name  would  secure  the  property  from 
seizure.  The  person  in  whose  care  the  revolvers  were 
sent  was  a  noted  Secessionist,  who  dealt  extensively 
in  fire-arms. 

Colonel  Blair  learned  of  the  shipment,  and  met  the 
box  at  the  station.  Fifty  revolvers  of  the  finest  qual 
ity,  bought  and  paid  for  by  the  Secessionists,  were 
distributed  among  the  friends  of  Colonel  Blair,  and 
were  highly  prized  by  the  recipients. 


FEELING  ON  THE  BORDER.  27 

CHAPTER   II. 

MISSOURI  IN  THE  EARLY  DAYS. 

Apathy  of  the  Border  States. — The  Missouri  State  Convention. — Sterling 
Price  a  Union  Man.— Plan  to  take  the  State  out  of  the  Union.— Cap 
ture  of  Camp  Jackson. — Energy  of  General  Lyon. — Union  Men  or 
ganized. — An  Unfortunate  Collision. — The  Price-Harney  Truce. — 
The  Panic  among  the  Secessionists. — Their  Hegira  from  St.  Louis. — 
A  Visit  to  the  State  Capital.— Under  the  Rebel  Flag.— Searching  for 
Contraband  Articles. — An  Introduction  to  Rebel  Dignitaries. — Gov 
ernor  Jackson. — Sterling  Price. — Jeff.  Thompson. — Activity  at  Cairo. 
—Kentucky  Neutrality. — The  Rebels  occupy  Columbus. 

THE  Border  States  were  not  prompt  to  follow  the 
example  of  the  States  on  the  Gulf  and  South  Atlantic 
coast.  Missouri  and  Kentucky  were  loyal,  if  the  voice 
of  the  majority  is  to  be  considered  the  voice  of  the  pop 
ulation.  Many  of  the  wealthier  inhabitants  were,  at  the 
outset,  as  they  have  always  been,  in  favor  of  the  estab 
lishment  of  an  independent  Southern  Government.  Few 
of  them  desired  an  appeal  to  arms,  as  they  well  knew 
the  Border  States  would  form  the  front  of  the  Confed 
eracy,  and  thus  become  the  battle-field  of  the  Rebellion. 
The  greater  part  of  the  population  of  those  States  was 
radically  opposed  to  the  secession  movement,  but  be 
came  powerless  under  the  noisy,  political  leaders  who 
assumed  the  control.  Many  of  these  men,  who  were 
Unionists  in  the  beginning,  were  drawn  into  the  Rebel 
ranks  on  the  plea  that  it  would  be  treason  to  refuse  to 
do  what  their  State  Government  had  decided  upon. 


28  THE  MISSOURI  CONVENTION. 

The  delegates  to  the  Missouri  State  Convention  were 
elected  in  February,  1861,  and  assembled  at  St.  Louis 
in  the  following  April.  Sterling  Price,  afterward  a 
Rebel  general,  was  president  of  this  Convention,  and 
spoke  in  favor  of  keeping  the  State  in  the  Union.  The 
Convention  thought  it  injudicious  for  Missouri  to  secede, 
at  least  at  that  time,  and  therefore  she  was  not  taken 
out.  This  discomfited  the  prime  movers  of  the  seces 
sion  schemes,  as  they  had  counted  upon  the  Convention 
doing  the  desired  work.  In  the  language  of  one  of  their 
own  number,  "they  had  called  a  Convention  to  take 
the  State  out  of  the  Union,  and  she  must  be  taken  out 
at  all  hazards/'  Therefore  a  new  line  of  policy  was 
adopted. 

The  Governor  of  Missouri  was  one  of  the  most  active 
and  unscrupulous  Secessionists.  After  the  failure  of  the 
Convention  to  unite  Missouri  with  the  Confederacy, 
Governor  Jackson  overhauled  the  militia  laws,  and, 
under  their  sanction,  issued  a  call  for  a  muster  of  militia 
near  St.  Louis.  This  militia  assembled  at  Lindell  Grove, 
in  the  suburbs  of  St.  Louis,  and  a  military  camp  was  es 
tablished,  under  the  name  of  "Camp  Jackson."  Though 
ostensibly  an  innocent  affair,  this  camp  was  intended  to 
be  the  nucleus  of  the  army  to  hoist  the  Rebel  flag  in  the 
State.  The  officers  in  command  were  known  Secession 
ists,  and  every  thing  about  the  place  was  indicative  of 
its  character. 

The  Governor  of  Louisiana  sent,  from  the  arsenal  at 
Baton  Rouge,  a  quantity  of  guns  and  munitions  of  war, 
to  be  used  by  the  insurgent  forces  in  Missouri.  These 


ENERGY  OF  CAPTAIN  LYON.          29 

reached  St.  Louis  without  hinderance,  and  were  promptly 
conveyed  to  the  embryonic  Rebel  camp.  Captain  Lyon, 
in  command  of  the  St.  Louis  Arsenal,  was  informed  that 
he  must  confine  his  men  to  the  limits  of  the  United 
States  property,  under  penalty  of  the  arrest  of  all  who 
stepped  outside.  Governor  Jackson  several  times  vis 
ited  the  grounds  overlooking  the  arsenal,  and  selected 
spots  for  planting  his  guns.  Every  thing  was  in  prepar 
ation  for  active  hostility. 

The  Union  people  were  by  no  means  idle.  Captain 
Lyon  had  foreseen  the  danger  menacing  the  public 
property  in  the  arsenal,  and  besought  the  Government 
for  permission  to  remove  it.  Twenty  thousand  stand  of 
arms  were,  in  a  single  night,  loaded  upon  a  steamer  and 
sent  to  Alton,  Illinois.  They  were  conveyed  thence  by 
rail  to  the  Illinois  State  Arsenal  at  Springfield.  Au 
thority  was  obtained  for  the  formation  of  volunteer  regi 
ments,  and  they  were  rapidly  mustered  into  the  service. 

While  Camp  Jackson  was  being  formed,  the  Union 
men  of  St.  Louis  were  arming  and  drilling  with  such 
secrecy  that  the  Secessionists  were  not  generally  aware 
of  their  movements.  Before  the  close  of  the  day  Cap 
tain  Lyon  received  permission  for  mustering  volunteers ; 
he  placed  more  than  six  hundred  men  into  the  ser 
vice.  Eegiments  were  organized  under  the  name  of 
"Home  Guards,"  and  by  the  9th  of  May  there  were  six 
thousand  armed  Union  men  in  St.  Louis,  who  were 
sworn  to  uphold  the  national  honor. 

Colonel  Francis  P.  Blair,  Jr.,  commanded  the  First 
Regiment  of  Missouri  Volunteers,  and  stood  faithfully 


30          LOYALTY  ON  THE  BORDER. 

"by  Captain  Lyon  in  all  those  early  and  dangerous  days. 
The  larger  portion  of  the  forces  then  available  in  St. 
Louis  was  made  up  of  the  German  element,  which  was 
always  thoroughly  loyal.  This  fact  caused  the  Missouri 
Secessionists  to  feel  great  indignation  toward  the  Ger 
mans.  They  always  declared  they  would  have  seized 
St.  Louis  and  held  possession  of  the  larger  portion 
of  the  State,  had  it  not  "been  for  tne  earnest  loyalty  of 
"  the  Dutch." 

In  the  interior  of  Missouri  the  Secessionists  were  gen 
erally  in  the  ascendant.  It  was  the  misfortune  of  the 
time  that  the  Unionists  were  usually  passive,  while 
their  enemies  were  active.  In  certain  counties  where 
the  Unionists  were  four  times  the  number  of  the  Seces 
sionists,  it  was  often  the  case  that  the  latter  were  the 
ruling  party.  The  Union  people  were  quiet  and  law- 
abiding;  the  Secessionists  active  and  unscrupulous. 
"  Peaceably  if  we  can,  forcibly  if  we  must,"  was  the 
motto  of  the  enemies  of  the  Eepublic. 

In  some  localities  the  Union  men  asserted  themselves, 
but  they  did  not  generally  do  so  until  after  the  first 
blows  were  struck  at  St.  Louis.  When  they  did  come 
out  in  earnest,  the  loyal  element  in  Missouri  became  fully 
apparent. 

To  assure  the  friends  of  the  Union,  and  save  Missouri 
from  the  domination,  of  the  insurgents,  it  was  necessary 
for  Captain  Lyon  to  assume  the  offensive.  This  was 
done  on  the  10th  of  May,  resulting  in  the  famous  capture 
of  "Camp  Jackson." 

On  the  night  of  the  9th,  loyal  parties  in  St.  Louis 


CAMP  JACKSON.  31 

supplied  a  sufficient  number  of  horses  to  move  the  light 
artillery  necessary  to  accomplish  the  desired  object. 
On  the  morning  of  the  10th,  Captain  Lyon's  command 
moved  from  various  points,  so  as  to  surround  the  Rebel 
camp  at  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  At  that  hour 
General  Frost,  the  Rebel  commander,  was  surprised  at 
the  appearance  of  an  overpowering  force  on  the  hills 
surrounding  his  position.  A  demand  for  surrender  gave 
half  an  hour  for  deliberation.  At  the  end  of  that  time 
General  Frost  concluded  to  capitulate.  The  prisoners, 
less  than  a  thousand  in  number,  were  marched  to  the 
arsenal  and  safely  secured. 

This  achievement  destroyed  Camp  Jackson,  and  es 
tablished  the  United  States  authority  in  full  force  over 
St.  Louis.  An  unfortunate  collision  occurred  between 
the  soldiers  and  the  crowd  outside.  Provoked  by  in 
sults  terminating  in  an  assault  with  fire-arms,  a  portion 
of  the  German  troops  fired  upon  the  multitude.  Upward 
of  thirty  persons  were  killed  or  wounded  in  the  aifair. 
With  the  exception  of  this  unhappy  collision,  the  cap 
ture  was  bloodless. 

General  Harney  arrived  at  St.  Louis  soon  after  this 
event,  and  assumed  command  in  Missouri.  The  agree 
ment  known  as  "the  Price-Harney  truce"  was  imme 
diately  made.  Under  an  assurance  from  Governor  Jack 
son  that  the  State  troops  should  be  disbanded,  General 
Harney  promised  that  no  hostilities  should  be  under 
taken,  and  attempted  to  cause  the  dispersal  of  the  Union 
volunteers.  The  status  of  the  latter  had  been  so  fixed 
that  General  Harney  was  not  empowered  to  disarm 


32  A  .NEEDLESS  ALARM. 

them,  and  he  so  informed  the  State  authorities.    His 
message  announcing  this  read  nearly  as  follows : — 

"  I  have  ascertained  that  I  have  no  control  over  the  Home  Guards. 

"W.  S.  HAENEY,  Brig.- Gen." 

This  message  was  received  at  the  Police  Head-Quar 
ters  in  St.  Louis,  on  the  morning  of  Sunday,  May  15th. 
It  was  misunderstood  "by  the  parties  who  read  it.  They 
inferred,  from  the  tenor  of  the  dispatch,  that  General 
Harney  was  unable  to  restrain  the  Union  volunteers. 

The  most  frightful  stories  had  "been  circulated  con 
cerning  the  "blood-thirsty  character  of  these  soldiers, 
particularly  the  German  portion.  Visions  of  murder, 
pillage,  house-burning,  and  all  the  accompanying  out 
rages  committed  by  an  unrestrained  army,  flitted  through 
the  minds  of  the  Secessionists.  The  story  spread,  and 
gained  intensity  with  each  repetition.  "The  Dutch  are 
rising;  we  shall  all  be  slain  in  cold  blood!"  was  the 
cry,  echoed  from  house  to  house.  Not  less  than  five 
thousand  people  fled  from  the  city  on  that  day,  and  as 
many  more  within  the  succeeding  twenty-four  hours. 
Carriages,  wagons,  drays,  every  thing  that  could  trans 
port  persons  or  valuables,  commanded  exorbitant  prices. 
Steamboats  were  chartered  as  ferries  to  the  Illinois  shore 
or  to  go  to  points  of  safety,  either  up  or  down  the  river. 
Many  persons  abandoned  their  houses,  taking* with  them 
only  a  few  articles  of  value  or  necessity,  while  others 
carried  away  nothing,  in  their  haste  to  escape. 

In  a  few  days  the  excitement  subsided  and  nearly  all 
the  refugees  returned,  but  there  are  some  who  have 


SECESSIONISTS  AT  WOKK.  33 

never  Ibeen  in  St.  Louis  since  their  remarkable  hegira. 
In  their  determination  to  obtain  their  "rights,"  they  en 
tered  the  Rebel  army  and  followed  its  checkered  for 
tunes.  Less  than  half  of  these  persons  are  now  alive. 

For  a  time  after  the  appearance  of  General  Harney's 
proclamation,  there  were  no  hostile  demonstrations  on 
either  side.  Governor  Jackson  had  promised  to  dis 
band  the  small  force  of  militia  at  Jefferson  City,  but  he 
failed  to  do  so.  The  Eebel  flag  was  flying  in  Jefferson 
City,  from  a  staff  in  front  of  the  Governor's  mansion, 
and  over  the  head -quarters  of  the  Missouri  State  Guard. 
Missouri,  through  her  State  officers,  was  in  favor  of  an 
armed  neutrality,  which  really  meant  nothing  less  than 
armed  secession. 

The  Secessionists  were  quietly  but  earnestly  at  work 
to  effect  their  object.  They  did  not  heed  their  promise 
to  remain  inactive.  The  Union  authorities  observed 
theirs  to  the  letter.  The  Camp  Jackson  prisoners  were 
paroled  and  restored  to  liberty.  A  portion  of  them  ob 
served  the  parole,  'but  many  did  not.  General  Frost 
remained  on  his  farm  and  took  no  part  in  the  Rebellion 
until  relieved  from  his  parole,  several  months  later.  It 
is  proper  to  add,  that  he  was  of  very  little  account  to 
the  Rebels  when  he  finally  entered  the  field. 

While  watching  the  progress  of  affairs  in  St.  Louis,  I 
determined  upon  a  visit  to  Jefferson  City.  Though  the 
Rebel  flag  was  flying  over  the  State  Capitol,  and  the  nu 
cleus  of  the  Missouri  State  Guard  (Rebel)  had  its  camp 
in  the  suburbs,  the  communication  by  railroad  had  not 
been  interrupted.  Taking  the  morning  train  from  St. 


34  GOING  TO  JEFFERSON  CITY. 

Louis,  on  the  27th  of  May,  I  found  myself,  at  three 
o'clock  of  the  afternoon,  under  the  secession  "banner. 
The  searching  of  the  train  for  articles  contraband  of  war 
was  then  a  new  feature. 

In  the  early  days  only  the  outside  of  a  package  was 
examined.  If  the  "marks"  indicated  nothing  suspi 
cious,  the  goods  were  allowed  to  pass.  Under  this  reg 
ulation,  a  large  number  of  boxes  marked  "soap"  were 
shipped  on  a  steamboat  for  Lexington.  So  much  soap 
going  into  Missouri  was  decidedly  suspicious,  as  the 
people  of  the  interior  do  not  make  extensive  use  of  the 
article.  An  examination  disclosed  canisters  of  powder 
instead  of  bars  of  soap.  The  discovery  was  followed  by 
the  promulgation  of  an  order  requiring  a  rigid  examina 
tion  of  all  packages  that  might  be  of  doubtful  character. 
This  order,  with  various  modifications,  was  kept  in  force 
for  a  long  time. 

In  starting  from  St.  Louis,  I  left  a  company  of -Union 
volunteers  at  the  railway  station.  At  Jefferson  City  I 
found  the  depot  filled  with  the  Rebel  soldiers,  or  "neu 
trals,"  as  Governor  Jackson  persisted  in  calling  them. 
The  particular  duty  they  were  performing  I  was  unable 
to  ascertain,  but  they  bore  unmistakable  signs  of 
being  something  more  than  a  "neutral"  body  of  men. 
Their  camp  was  just  in  rear  of  the  city.  The  Rebel  flag, 
which  floated  above  the  camp,  was  recognized  as  the 
emblem  of  their  neutrality. 

The  proprietor  of  the  hotel  where  I  stopped  held  the 
reputation  of  an  earnest  friend  of  the  Union,  ready  to 
gutter  any  thing  rather  than  sink  his  principles.  He  in- 


THE  EEBEL  LEADERS.  35 

troduced  me  to  several  citizens,  most  of  them,  like  him 
self,  thoroughly  loyal.  We  discussed  freely  the  condi 
tion  of  affairs  in  Missouri. 

It  was  evident  the  State  authorities  intended  war,  as 
soon  as  the  necessary  preparations  could  Tbe  made. 
They  were  not  quite  ready  to  strike  their  first  blow, 
"but  when  they  should  be  prepared,  they  would  not 
hesitate  a  moment.  Governor  Jackson  was  exerting 
himself  to  the  utmost  to  accumulate  arms  and  military 
stores  at  various  points  in  the  State,  where  they  would 
be  of  most  value.  In  defiance  of  the  truce  between 
Generals  Price  and  Harney,  companies  were  being 
formed  throughout  the  State,  and  were  drilling  for 
service  in  the  field.  Time  was  of  great  importance  to 
the  Rebels,  and  this  they  had  secured  by  means  of  the 
truce. 

During  my  stay  at  Jefferson  City,  I  met  the  three 
men  most  prominent  in  bringing  war  upon  Missouri. 
These  were  Governor  Jackson,  General  Sterling  Price, 
and  Jeff.  Thompson.  Governor  Jackson  was  elected  in 
the  previous  December,  before  it  was  thought  any 
serious  trouble  would  grow  out  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  elec- 
tion.  He  was  not  looked  upon  as  a  man  of  great  ability, 
but  no  one  doubted  his  desire  to  promote  the  best  in 
terests  of  the  State.  Those  who  knew  him  said  his 
strength  lay  more  in  a  public  than  in  a  private  direc 
tion.  He  had  few,  if  any,  personal  friends,  and  was 
considered  dangerous  when  his  passions  were  roused. 
Some  said  he  was  cold  and  treacherous,  giving  all 
around  him  a  feeling  of  aversion.  Even  among  the 


36  THEIR  PERSONNEL. 

Secessionists,  and  those  who  should  have  "been  his 
ardent  supporters,  he  was  never  mentioned  with  enthu 
siasm. 

Within  two  weeks  from  the  day  I  saw  him,  Governor 
Jackson,  "by  his  own  act,  was  a  fugitive  from  the  State 
capital.  He  never  returned.  After  wandering  in  Ar 
kansas  and  Louisiana,  during  the  early  part  of  the  war, 
'  he  died  at  Little  Rock,  in  1863,  in  a  condition  of  extreme 
poverty. 

Of  General  Price,  I  heard  many  praises,  even  from 
those  who  opposed  his  course.  He  was  said  to  "be  a 
man  of  warm  friendship,  of  fair  abilities,  and  quite  pop 
ular  among  the  masses  of  the  inhabitants.  He  possessed 
much  personal  pride,  and  his  ambition  for  public  honor 
was  very  great.  At  the  outset  he  deprecated  secession, 
and  prophesied  a  devastating  war  as  the  result.  He 
was  inclined  to  be  loyal,  but  his  ambition  was  greater 
than  his  patriotism.  The  offer  of  a  high  position  in  the 
Rebel  service  touched  his  weakest  point,  and  carried 
him  with  the  insurgents. 

In  the  Eebel  service  he  never  obtained  much  distinc 
tion.  His  principal  successes  were  in  saving  his  army 
after  defeat.  He  displayed  a  capacity  for  annoying  the 
Union  armies  without  doing  great  damage.  Though  his 
oft-repeated  promise  of  victory  was  never  fulfilled,  it 
served  to  keep  many  Missourians  in  the  Rebel  ranks. 
He  was  constantly  expected  to  capture  St.  Louis.  Some 
of  the  Rebel  residents  fully  believed  he  would  do  so, 
and  kept  their  wine-cellars  ready  for  the  event.  Until 
the  official  announcement  of  the  surrender  of  all  forces 


KENTUCKY  NEUTRALITY.  37 

west  of  the  Mississippi,  they  did  not  abandon  hope. 
General  Price  had  given  his  promise,  and,  as  they 
argued,  was  sure  to  keep  it. 

Of  Jeff.  Thompson  little  can  be  said.  Previous  to 
that  time  he  had  "been  known  as  the  mayor  of  St. 
Joseph,  and  a  politician  of  some  little  importance  in 
Northwest  Missouri.  He  was  famous  for  much  gascon 
ading,  and  a  fondness  for  whisky  and  other  material 
things.  I  could  never  learn  that  he  commanded  much 
respect.  During  the  war  the  Rebels  never  trusted  him 
with  any  command  of  importance.  He  made  a  very  fair 
guerrilla,  and,  in  1861,  gave  our  forces  at  Cairo  and  Bird' s 
Point  considerable  annoyance.  History  is  not  likely  to 
give  him  a  very  prominent  place  in  the  roll  of  distin 
guished  military  heroes. 

At  this  time  Cairo  was  the  most  southerly  point  on 
the  Mississippi  in  possession  of  the  National  forces.  We 
could  have  occupied  Columbus  or  Hickman,  Kentucky, 
had  not  the  sacredness  of  the  soil  prevented.  Kentucky 
was  neutral,  and  declared  that  neither  party  must  set 
foot  within  her  limits.  Her  declaration  of  neutrality  was 
much  like  that  issued  by  the  Governor  of  Missouri.  The 
United  States  forces  were  under  great  restrictions,  while 
the  Rebels  could  do  pretty  much  as  they  pleased.  Gen 
eral  Prentiss  sent  a  small  expedition  down  the  Missis 
sippi,  some  sixty  miles  below  Cairo.  The  Kentuckrans 
were  greatly  enraged  because  our  forces  landed  at  Hick 
man  and  tore  down  a  Rebel  flag  which  the  citizens  had 
hoisted.  It  was  an  invasion  of  their  soil,  for  which 
they  demanded  apology.  A  few  weeks  later  the  Rebels 


38  COLUMBUS  AS  A  STRONGHOLD. 

occupied  "both  Hickman  and  Columbus,  without  any 
objection  on  the  part  of  the  neutrals. 

Columlbus  was  made  very  strong  by  the  Eebel  en 
gineers,  and  supplied  with  many  heavy  guns  for  its  pro 
tection.  At  the  same  time,  General  Prentiss  pushed  for 
ward  the  defenses  of  Cairo,  in  readiness  for  any  attack 
by  the  Rebel  gun-boats.  For  more  than  half  a  year 
Columbus  was  the  northern  limit  of  the  Eebel  domina 
tion  of  the  Great  River.  On  assuming  command  there, 
General  Polk  announced  that  Columbus  was  the  throat 
of  the  Mississippi,  and  must  be  held  at  all  hazards.  The 
Rebels  repeatedly  urged  the  capture  of  Cairo,  but  it  was 
never  attempted. 


GENERAL  HARNEY  BELIEVED.         39 


CHAPTER   III. 

THE    BEGINNING    OP   HOSTILITIES. 

General  Harney  Relieved. — Price's  Proclamation. — End  of  the  Truce. — 
Conference  between  the  Union  and  Rebel  Leaders. — The  First  Act  of 
Hostility. — Destruction  of  Railway  Bridges. — Promptness  of  General 
Lyon. — Capture  of  the  State  Capital. — Moving  on  the  Enemy's 
Works. — The  Night  before  Battle. — A  Correspondent's  Sensation. 

ON  the  first  of  June  an  order  was  received  from 
Washington,  relieving  General  Harney  from  command 
in  Missouri.  Captain  Lyon  had  "been  promoted  to  the 
rank  of  a  brigadier-general  of  volunteers,  and  was  as 
signed  to  duty  in  General  Harney' s  stead.  On  the  5th 
of  June,  General  Price  issued  a  proclamation,  calling  for 
the  State  Guard  to  "be  in  readiness  to  defend  Missouri . 
against  all  enemies.  The  appearance  of  this  proclama 
tion  was  not  altogether  unexpected.  It  was  far  more 
satisfactory  to  the  friends  of  the  Union  than  to  the  Seces 
sionists,  as  it  showed  the  hostile  position  of  Governor 
Jackson  and  his  abettors,  and  gave  an  opportunity  for 
proceeding  actively  against  them.  It  demonstrated  very 
clearly  that  the  Secessionists  were  determined  to  make 
their  actions  correspond  to  their  words. 

It  was  ascertained  that,  a  few  days  "before  the  publi 
cation  of  Price's  proclamation,  Governor  Jackson  was 
in  consultation  with  an  agent  of  the  Eebel  Government, 
who  promised  twenty -five  thousand  men,  and  arms  and 


40  PRICE  AND  LYON  IN  CONFERENCE. 

ammunition  for  fifty  thousand  more,  if  the  State  were 
fairly  and  unequivocally  out  of  the  Union.  He  had  also 
conferred  with  an  agent  from  the  Indian  Nation,  with  a 
view  to  putting  several  thousand  Indians  into  the  field 
on  the  side  of  the  Rebels.  General  Lyon  wanted  an 
u overt  act"  on  the  part  of  the  Rebels,  before  commenc 
ing  actual  hostilities.  Price' s  proclamation  was  the  thing 
desired. 

The  troops  in  and  around  St.  Louis  were  drilled  as 
thoroughly  as  possible.  Every  day  added  to  their  ef 
fectiveness.  Recruiting  was  pushed,  trade  with  the 
interior  was  suspended,  and  boats  passing  down  the 
river  were  made  subject  to  stoppage  and  search  at  the 
arsenal.  Every  thing  was  assuming  a  warlike  appear 
ance.  The  Government  was  very  tardy  in  supplying 
General  Lyon' s  wants.  In  many  cases  it  did  not  author 
ize  him  to  do  what  was  needed.  Much  of  the  money  for 
outfitting  the  troops  for  the  field  was  voluntarily  con 
tributed  in  the  Eastern  cities,  or  by  patriotic  men  in  St. 
Louis.  In  several  things,  General  Lyon  acted  upon  his 
own  responsibility,  under  the  advice  and  co-operation 
of  Colonel  Blair. 

On  the  9th  of  June,  Governor  Jackson  and  General 
Price  asked  General  Lyon  to  give  them  a  safeguard  to 
visit  St.  Louis.  They  wished  to  confer  with  General 
Lyon  and  Colonel  Blair,  upon  the  best  means  of  bringing 
peace  to  the  State  and  making  an  end  of  hostilities.  The 
safeguard  was  granted,  and,  on  the  llth  of  June,  Jack 
son  and  Price  reached  St.  Louis,  and  signified  their 
readiness  for  the  proposed  conference.  The  meeting 


BRIDGES  DESTROYED.  41 

took  place  at  the  Planters'  House,  Governor  Jackson 
declining  to  trust  himself  inside  the  walls  of  the  arsenal, 
where  General  Lyon  had  invited  Mm  to  "be  his  guest. 
The  interview  began  with  many  professions  of  good 
will  on  the  part  of  Governor  Jackson,  and  the  assurance 
of  his  earnest  desire  for  peace.  He  promised  to  disband 
the  State  troops,  if  General  Lyon  would  first  remove  all 
United  States  troops  from  the  limits  of  Missouri,  and 
agree  not  to  bring  them  back  under  any  consideration. 
Of  course,  this  proposition  could  not  be  entertained.  A 
conversation  then  took  place  between  General  Lyon  and 
General  Price,  but  all  to  no  purpose.  Price  and  Jack 
son  would  do  nothing,  unless  the  United  States  troops 
were  first  sent  out  of  Missouri.  Lyon  and  Blair  would 
not  consent  to  any  thing  of  the  kind,  and  so  the  confer 
ence  ended. 

Jackson  and  Price  left  St.  Louis  on  a  special  train  for 
Jefferson  City,  on  the  afternoon  of  the  llth.  On  the 
way  up  the  road,  they  set  fire  to  the  bridges  over  the 
Gasconade  and  Osage  Rivers,  the  former  thirty-five  miles 
from  Jefferson  City,  and  ninety  from  St.  Louis,  and  the 
latter  within  nine  miles  of  Jefferson  City.  If  the  con 
duct  of  these  men  had  been  neutral  up  to  that  time,  this 
act  made  an  end  of  their  neutrality. 

General  Lyon  left  the  conference  fully  satisfied  there 
was  no  longer  any  reason  for  hesitation.  The  course  he 
should  pursue  was  plain  before  him. 

Early  in  the  forenoon  of  the  12th,  he  learned  of  the 
destruction  of  the  bridges  over  the  Gasconade  and  Osage 
Rivers.  He  immediately  ordered  a  force  to  proceed  up 


42  FROM  .ST.  LOUIS. 

the  road,  and  protect  as  much  of  it  as  possible  from  fur 
ther  damage.  Within  four  hours  of  the  reception  of  the 
order  to  move,  the  troops  were  on  their  way.  On  the 
next  day,  three  steamers,  with  about  two  thousand  men, 
left  St.  Louis  for  Jeiferson  City.  General  Lyon  knew 
the  importance  of  time,  and  was  determined  to  give 
Governor  Jackson  very  little  opportunity  for  prepara 
tion. 

My  first  experience  of  a  military  campaign  was  on 
the  expedition  up  the  Missouri.  I  had  seen  something 
of  Indian  troubles  on  the  Plains,  in  which  white  men 
were  concerned,  but  I  had  never  witnessed  civilized 
warfare  where  white  men  fought  against  white  men.  A 
residence  of  several  weeks  in  St.  Louis  had  somewhat 
familiarized  me  with  the  appearance  of  troops  at  the 
arsenal  and  at  the  various  camps  in  the  city,  but  the 
preparations  to  take  the  field  were  full  of  novelty. 

I  was  on  the  boat  which  carried  the  First  Missouri 
Infantry,  and  which  General  Lyon  had  selected  for  his 
head- quarters.  The  young  officers  were  full  of  enthu 
siasm,  and  eagerly  anticipating  their  first  encounter 
with  the  Rebel  battalions.  Colonel  Blair  was  less  de 
monstrative  than  the  officers  of  his  regiment,  but  was 
evidently  much  elated  at  the  prospect  of  doing  some 
thing  aggressive.  General  Lyon  was  in  the  cabin, 
quiet,  reserved,  and  thoughtful.  With  Colonel  Blair 
he  conversed  long  and  freely.  Few  others  approached 
him.  Outside  the  cabin  the  soldiers  were  ardently  dis 
cussing  the  coming  campaign,  and  wishing  an  early  op 
portunity  for  winning  glory  in  battle. 


JUNCTION  OF  THE  GREAT  RIVERS.  43 

To  one  who  travels  for  the  first  time  "by  steamboat 
from  St.  Louis  in  a  northerly  direction,  a  curious  pic 
ture  is  presented.  The  water  in  the  Mississippi  above 
the  mouth  of  the  Missouri  is  quite  clear  and  transparent. 
That  from  the  Missouri  is  of  a  dirty  yellow  color,  de 
rived  from  the  large  quantity  of  earthy  matter  which  it 
holds  in  solution.  For  several  miles  "below  the  junc 
tion  of  the  streams,  the  two  currents  remain  separated, 
the  line  between  them  being  plainly  perceptible.  The 
pilots  usually  endeavor  to  keep  on  the  dividing  line,  so 
that  one  can  look  from  the  opposite  sides  of  a  boat  and 
imagine  himself  sailing  upon  two  rivers  of  different 
character  at  the  same  moment. 

Sometimes  this  distinctive  line  continues  for  fifteen 
or  twenty  miles,  but  usually  less  than  ten.  A  soldier 
wittily  remarked,  that  the  water  from  the  Upper  Missis 
sippi  derived  its  transparency  from  the  free  States,  from 
whence  it  came,  while  the  Missouri,  emerging  from  a 
slave  State,  was,  consequently,  of  a  repulsive  hue.  As 
Missouri  is  now  a  free  State,  the  soldier's  remark  is  not 
applicable. 

Steaming  up  the  Missouri  toward  the  State  capital, 
we  found  the  sentiment  along  the  banks  of  the  river 
strongly  in  favor  of  the  Union.  Home  Guard  organiza 
tions  had  been  hastily  formed,  and  were  doing  their 
best  for  the  protection  of  the  railway.  Most  of  the  vil 
lages  along  the  Lower  Missouri  contained  a  strong  Ger 
man  element,  which  needs  no  question  of  its  loyalty. 
The  railway  bridges  were  thoroughly  guarded,  and  each 
town  had  a  small  garrison  to  suppress  any  rising  of  the 


44  ENTRY  INTO  JEFFERSON  CITY. 

Secessionists.  The  conduct  of  the  people  inHhese  vil 
lages  was  quite  different  from  the  course  of  those  re 
siding  albove  Jefferson  City.  Where  the  inhabitants 
possessed  no  slaves,  there  was  outspoken  loyalty.  In 
the  most  populous  slave  districts  it  was  the  reverse. 
Slaveholders  declared  that  their  interest  lay  in  seces 
sion.  There  were  a  few  exceptions,  but  they  were  very 
far  in  a  minority. 

Our  triumphal  entry  into  Jefferson  City  was  not 
marked  by  any  noteworthy  event.  The  Capitol  was 
deserted.  The  Governor  and  most  of  the  State  officials 
had  departed  the  previous  day,  in  the  direction  of 
Booneville.  We  marched  through  the  principal  streets, 
and  found  many  of  the  people  delighted  at  our  coming. 
We  occupied  the  State  House,  and,  of  course,  unfurled 
our  flag  from  its  cupola.  A  steamboat,  seized  at  the 
landing,  was  pressed  into  our  service  for  use  further  up 
the  stream.  An  encounter  with  the  Rebels  was  eagerly 
desired. 

We  left  a  full  regiment,  a  large  force  in  those  days, 
to  retain  possession  of  the  place,  and  then  pushed  on  in 
pursuit.  The  Eebels  had  disabled  the  railway,  taking 
off  nearly  all  the  rolling  stock  and  destroying  a  large 
bridge  four  miles  west  of  the  city.  As  the  point  where 
they  had  fled  lay  upon  the  river,  we  pursued  them  by 
water.  At  noon,  on  the  16th,  General  Lyon  left  Jeffer 
son  City  for  Booneville.  Within  twenty-four  hours  he 
fought  his  first  battle  in  Missouri. 

It  is  slow  work  to  proceed  with  a  steamboat  where 
one's  way  must  be  felt.  Though  we  had  only  fifty 


BEFOEE  BATTLE.  45 

miles  to  move,  we  advanced  less  than  thirty  "before 
nightfall.  Touching  at  a  landing  on  the  left  "bank  of 
the  river,  fifteen  miles  "below  Booneville,  a  scout  from 
the  enemy's  camp  came  easily  into  our  hands.  From 
Tbeing  a  scout  of  the  enemy  he  became  our  scout,  as 
he  revealed  in  his  fright  all  we  wished  to  know .  The 
enemy,  confident  of  an  easy  victory,  was  waiting  our 
approach,  and  expressed  the  most  lively  intention  of 
destroying  us  all  in  the  twinkling  of  an  eye. 

Experience  had  not  then  demonstrated  that  there 
is  little  difference  in  the  "bravery  of  Americans,  when 
well  officered.  Each  side  cherished  the  delusion  that 
it  had  a  monopoly  of  courage  and  endurance.  One 
Southern  man  was  thought  equal  to  five  Northern  men 
in  a  fair  contest,  and  if  the  former  were  given  the 
advantage  of  a  defensive  position,  any  odds  of  num 
bers  would  "be  taken.  There  was  nearly,  though  not 
quite,  as  much  boasting  on  the  part  of  our  own  press 
and  people.  The  first  severe  battles  made  an  end  of 
the  greater  part  of  this  gasconading. 

It  is  said  the  most  trying  moment  on  shipboard  is 
when  the  deck,  previous  to  an  engagement,  is  sprinkled 
with  saw-dust  to  receive  the  blood  yet  unshed.  JSTo 
man  can  know  whose  blood  will  be  first  to  moisten 
that  dust,  or  whose  life  will  be  passed  away  before 
the  action  is  over.  So  on  the  eve  of  that  first  battle 
in  Missouri,  as  I  reclined  in  the  cabin  of  our  flag-boat, 
and  saw  the  surgeons  busy  with  their  preparations  for 
the  coining  day  ;  as  I  saw  them  bring  to  light  all  the 
dreadful  implements  of  their  trade,  and  arrange  them 


46  BLOODY  INSTRUCTIONS. 

in  readiness  for  sudden  use — a  coldness  crept  over 
me,  and  I  fully  realized  we  had  earnest  work  before 
us.  Since  that  time  I  have  witnessed  many  a  "battle, 
many  a  scene  of  preparation  and  of  "bloody  work  with 
knife  and  saw  and  "bandage,  "but  I  have  never  expe 
rienced  a  chill  like  that  I  felt  on  that  early  day  of  the 
Rebellion. 

The  war  has  made  us  familiar  with  horrors.  That 
which  once  touched  us  to  the  heart  is  now  passed  over 
with  scarce  a  moment' s  thought.  Our  nerves  have  been 
hardened,  our  sensibilities  blunted,  our  hearts  steeled 
against  suffering,  in  the  terrible  school  through  which 
we  have  passed. 


THE  BATTLE  IN  PROGRESS.  47 


CHAPTER   IV. 

THE  FIRST  BATTLE  IN  MISSOURI. 

Moving  up  the  River. — A  Landing  Effected.— The  Battle. — Precipitous 
Retreat  of  the  Rebels. — Spoiling  a  Captured  Camp. — Rebel  Flags 
Emblazoned  with  the  State  Arms. — A  Journalist's  Outfit. — A  Chap 
lain  of  the  Church  Militant.— A  Mistake  that  might  have  been  Un 
fortunate. — The  People  of  Booneville. — Visiting  an  Official. — Bank 
ing-House  Loyalty. — Preparations  for  a  Campaign. 

DAYBREAK  on  the  17th  found  us  slowly  moving  up 
the  river  toward  Booneville.  General  Lyon  sat  forward 
of  the  steamer' s  cabin,  closely  scanning  both  banks  of 
the  stream.  Four  miles  below  the  town  his  glass  sought 
out  two  pieces  of  artillery,  partially  concealed  in  a 
clump  of  trees,  and  trained  upon  the  channel  by  which 
we  were  to  pass.  At  once  our  engines  were  reversed, 
and  the  boats  moved  back  to  a  landing  about  eight 
miles  below  Booneville.  A  little  before  seven  o'clock 
we  were  on  shore,  and  our  column  of  fifteen  hundred 
men  began  its  advance  upon  the  Rebel  camp. 

It  was  the  story  that  has  found  its  repetition  in  many 
a  battle  since  that  time.  The  enemy's  pickets  were 
driven  in.  The  enemy,  in  line  of  battle,  was  discovered 
on  a  long  ridge,  and  our  own  line  was  formed  on  a 
ridge  parallel  to  it.  Then  we  opened  fire  with  our  artil 
lery  (one  battery  was  all  we  possessed),  and  received 
no  response,  save  by  a  desultory  discharge  of  small- 


48  A  CAMP  IN  CONFUSION. 

arms.  Next  our  infantry  added  its  tenor  notes  to  the 
"bass  of  the  field-guns ;  the  Rebel  forces  melted  steadily 
away,  and  the  field  was  in  our  possession,  twenty  min 
utes  after  the  opening  shot  had  Ibeen  fired. 

Once  in  retreat,  the  Rebels  did  not  halt  until  out  of 
harm's  reach.  Their  camp  lay  in  the  line  of  retreat, 
"but  they  made  no  stop  in  passing  it.  Following  in  the 
rear  of  our  column,  I  entered  the  camp,  and  found 
many  signs  of  a  hasty  departure.  I  found  the  fires 
burning,  and  dozens  of  coffee-pots  and  frying-pans 
filled  with  the  materials  for  breakfast.  Here  was  a  pan 
full  of  meat  fried  to  a  crisp,  from  the  neglect  of  the  cook 
to  remove  it  before  his  sudden  exodus.  A  few  feet 
distant  lay  a  ham,  with  a  knife  sticking  in  a  half-severed 
slice.  A  rude  camp-table  was  spread  with  plates  and 
their  accessories,  and  a  portion  of  the  articles  of  food 
were  carefully  arranged.  The  seats  for  the  breakfast 
party  were  in  position,  two  of  them  being  overturned. 
I  could  not  help  fancying  the  haste  with  which  that 
table  had  been  abandoned,  only  a  few  moments  before. 
The  tents  were  standing,  and  in  some  the  blankets  were 
lying  on  the  ground,  as  if  they  had  been  very  suddenly 
vacated.  In  one  tent  was  a  side-saddle,  a  neat  pair  of 
gaiters,  and  a  hoop-skirt.  The  proper  connection  of 
those  articles  with  the  battle-field  I  was  unable  to  ascer 
tain. 

In  that  camp  was  a  fine  lot  of  provisions,  arms, 
equipments,  and  ammunition.  Saddles  were  numerous, 
but  there  were  no  horses.  It  was  evident  that  the  hasty 
evacuation  left  no  time  for  the  simple  process  of  sad- 


THE  SPOILS  OF  WAR.  49 

dling.  Early  in  the  day  I  had  come  into  possession  of  a 
horse  with  a  very  poor  outfit.  Once  in  camp,  I  was  not 
slow  to  avail  myself  of  the  privilege  of  supply.  I  went 
into  battle  on  foot,  carrying  only  a  knapsack  contain 
ing  a  note-book  and  two  pieces  of  bread.  When  the 
fight  was  over,  I  was  the  possessor  of  a  horse  and  all  the 
equipments  for  a  campaign.  I  had  an  overcoat,  a  roll 
of  fine  blankets,  and  a  pair  of  saddle-bags.  The  latter 
were  well  filled  from  the  trunk  of  some  one  I  had  not  the 
pleasure  of  knowing,  but  who  was  evidently  "  just  my 
size."  Mr.  Barnes,  of  the  Missouri  Democrat,  was  my 
companion  on  that  occasion.  He  was  equally  careful  to 
provide  himself  from  the  enemy's  stores,  but  wasted 
time  in  becoming  sentimental  over  two  love-letters  and 
a  photograph  of  a  young  woman. 

The  flags  captured  in  this  affair  were  excellent  illus 
trations  of  the  policy  of  the  leading  Secessionists.  There 
was  one  Rebel  flag  with  the  arms  of  the  State  of  Mis 
souri  filling  the  field.  There  was  a  State  flag,  with  only 
fifteen  stars  surrounding  the  coat  of  arms.  There  was  a 
Rebel  flag,  with  the  State  arms  in  the  center,  and  there 
was  one  Rebel  flag  of  the  regular  pattern.  The  rally- 
ing-cry  at  that  time  was  in  behalf  of  the  State,  and  the 
people  were  told  they  must  act  for  Missouri,  without 
regard  to  any  thing  else.  In  no  part  of  the  country  was 
the  "State  Rights"  theory  more  freely  used.  All  the 
changes  Tvrere  rung  upon  the  sovereignty  of  States,  the 
right  of  Missouri  to  exclude  United  States  soldiers  from 
her  soil,  the  illegality  of  the  formation  of  Union  regi 
ments,  and  the  tyranny  of  the  General  Government. 


50  OF  THE  CHURCH  MILITANT. 

The  flags  under  which  Missouri  soldiers  were  gathered 
clearly  blended  the  interests  of  the  State  with  secession. 

Our  troops  entered  Booneville  amid  demonstrations 
of  delight  from  one  portion  of  the  inhabitants,  and  the 
frowns  and  muttered  indignation  of  the  other.  The 
Kebels  had  fled,  a  part  of  them  by  land,  and  the  bal 
ance  on  a  steamboat,  toward  Lexington.  Quiet  posses 
sion  obtained,  there  was  time  to  examine  into  the  details 
of  the  fight.  We  had  lost  twelve  men,  the  enemy  prob 
ably  twice  as  many.  The  action,  three  years  later,  would 
have  been  considered  only  a  road-side  skirmish,  but  it 
was  then  an  affair  of  importance.  Every  man  with 
General  Lyon  felt  far  more  elation  over  the  result  than 
has  since  been  felt  over  battles  of  much  greater  mo 
ment.  We  had  won  a  signal  victory ;  the  enemy  had 
suffered  an  equally  signal  defeat. 

During  the  battle,  a  chaplain,  provided  with  four 
men  to  look  after  the  wounded,  came  suddenly  upon  a 
group  of  twenty-four  Rebels.  An  imperative  demand 
for  their  surrender  was  promptly  complied  with,  and 
the  chaplain,  with  his  force  of  four,  brought  twenty-four 
prisoners  into  town.  He  was  so  delighted  at  his  suc 
cess  that  he  subsequently  took  a  commission  in  the  line. 
In  time  he  was  honored  with  the  stars  of  a  brigadier- 
general. 

General  Lyon  was  my  personal  friend,  but  he  very 
nearly  did  me  great  injustice.  Seeing  myself  and  a 
fellow-journalist  on  a  distant  part  of  the  field,  he  mis 
took  us  for  scouts  of  the  enemy,  and  ordered  his  sharp 
shooters  to  pick  us  off.  His  chief-of-staff  looked  in  our 


POISONED  WELLS.  51 

direction,  and  fortunately  recognized  us  in  time  to  coun 
termand  the  order.  I  was  afterward  on  the  point  of 
"being  shot  at  "by  an  infantry  captain,  through  a  similar 
mistake.  A  civilian's  dress  on  the  "battle-field  (a  gray 
coat  formed  a  part  of  mine)  subjects  the  wearer  to  many 
dangers  from  his  friends,  as  most  war  correspondents 
can  testify. 

While  approaching  the  town,  I  stopped  to  slake  my 
thirst  at  a  well.  A  group  of  our  soldiers  joined  me 
while  I  was  drinking.  I  had  drank  very  freely  from 
the  "bucket,  and  transferred  it  to  a  soldier,  when  the 
resident  of  a  neighboring  house  appeared,  and  informed 
us  that  the  well  had  "been  poisoned  Iby  the  Rebels,  and 
the  water  was  certain  to  produce  death.  The  soldiers 
desisted,  and  looked  at  me  with  much  pity.  For  a  mo 
ment,  I  confess,  the  situation  did  not  appear  cheerful, 
but  I  concluded  the  injury,  if  any,  was  already  done, 
and  I  must  make  the  best  of  it.  The  soldiers  watched 
me  as  I  mounted  my  horse,  evidently  expecting  me  to 
fall  within  a  hundred  yards.  When  I  met  one  of  them 
the  following  day,  he  opened  his  eyes  in  astonishment  at 
seeing  me  alive.  From  that  day,  I  entertained  a  great 
contempt  for  poisoned  wells. 

In  Booneville  the  incidents  were  not  of  a  startling 
character.  I  found  the  strongest  secession  sympathy 
was  entertained  by  the  wealthier  inhabitants,  while  the 
poor  were  generally  loyal.  Some  cases  of  determined 
loyalty  I  found  among  the  wealthy  ;  but  they  were  the 
exception  rather  than  the  rule.  Accompanied  by  a 
small  squad  of  soldiers,  myself  and  companion  visited 


52  "A  GOOD  USriON  MAK" 

the  house  of  a  gentleman  holding  office  under  the 
United  States  Government.  We  obtained  from  that 
house  several  Rebel  cockades  and  small  flags,  which 
*had  "been  fabricated  by  the  ladies. 

With,  the  same  squad  we  visited  the  principal  bank 
of  Booneville,  and  persuaded  the  cashier  to  give  us  a 
Eebel  flag  which  had  been  floating  for  several  days 
from  a  staff  in  front  of  the  building.  This  flag  was  ten 
yards  in  length,  and  the  materials  of  which  it  was  made 
were  of  the  finest  quality.  The  interview  between  the 
cashier  and  ourselves  was  an  amusing  one.  He  protest 
ed  he  knew  nothing  of  the  flag  or  its  origin,  and  at  first 
declared  it  was  not  about  the  building.  According  to 
his  own  representation,  he  was  too  good  a  Union  man  to 
harbor  any  thing  of  the  sort.  Just  as  he  was  in  the 
midst  of  a  very  earnest  profession  of  loyalty  the  flag 
was  discovered. 

"  Somebody  must  have  put  that  there  to  ruin  me," 
was  his  exclamation.  "  Gentlemen,  I  hope  you  won't 
harm  me  ;  and,  if  you  want  me  to  do  so,  I  will  take  the 
oath  of  allegiance  this  minute.  " 

Soon  after  the  occupation  of  Booneville,  General 
Lyon  sent  a  small  expedition  to  Syracuse,  twenty-five 
miles  in  the  interior.  This  force  returned  in  a  few 
days,  and  then  preparations  were  begun  for  a  march  to 
Springfield.  Colonel  Blair  left  Booneville  for  St.  Louis 
and  Washington,  while  General  Lyon  attended  to  the 
preliminaries  for  his  contemplated  movement.  The  First 
Iowa  Infantry  joined  him,  and  formed  a  part  of  his  ex 
peditionary  force.  The  Eebels  gathered  at  Lexington, 


SOUTHWESTERN"  MOVEMENTS.  53 

and  thence  moved  southward  to  reach  the  Arkansas 
line,  to  form  a  junction  with  the  then  famous  Ben  Mc- 
Culloeh. 

The  prospect  was  good  that  Central  Missouri  would 
soon  "be  clear  of  Rebels.  Our  general  success  in  the 
State  depended  upon  occupying  and  holding  the  South 
west.  General  Lyon  was  to  move  thither  from  Boone- 
ville.  General  Sweeney  had  already  gone  there  Iby  way 
of  Holla,  while  another  force,  under  Major  Sturgis,  was 
moving  from  Leavenworth  in  a  southeasterly  direction. 
All  were  to  unite  at  Springfield  and  form  an  army  of  oc 
cupation. 

Preparations  went  on  slowly,  as  the  transportation 
was  to  "be  gathered  from  the  surrounding  country. 
Foreseeing  that  the  expedition  would  be  slow  to  reach 
Springfield,  I  returned  to  St.  Louis.  There  I  made 
preparations  to  join  the  army,  when  its  march  should 
be  completed,  by  a  more  expeditious  route  than  the  one 
General  Lyon  would  follow. 

At  Booneville,  General  Lyon  established  a  temporary 
blockade  of  the  Missouri  River,  by  stopping  all  boats 
moving  in  either  direction.  In  most  cases  a  single  shot 
across  the  bow  of  a  boat  sufficed  to  bring  it  to  land. 
One  day  the  White  Cloud,  on  her  way  from  Kansas  City 
to  St.  Louis,  refused  to  halt  until  three  shots  had  been 
fired,  the  last  one  grazing  the  top  of  the  pilot-house. 
When  brought  before  General  Lyon,  the  captain  of  the 
White  Cloud  apologized  for  neglecting  to  obey  the  first 
signal,  and  said  his  neglect  was  due  to  his  utter  igno 
rance  of  military  usage. 


54  MARTIAL  LAW. 

The  apology  was  deemed  sufficient.  The  captain 
was  dismissed,  with  a  gentle  admonition  not  to  make  a 
similar  mistake  in  future. 

At  that  time  the  public  was  slow  to  understand  the 
power  and  extent  of  military  law  and  military  rule. 
When  martial  law  was  declared  in  St.  Louis,  in  August, 
1861,  a  citizen  waited  upon  the  provost-marshal,  in  order 
to  ascertain  the  precise  state  of  affairs. 

After  some  desultory  conversation,  he  threw  out  the 
question : — 

"  What  does  martial  law  do  ?" 

"  Well,"  said  Major  McKinstry,  the  provost-marshal, 
"I  can  explain  the  whole  thing  in  a  second.  Martial 
law  does  pretty  much  as  it  d — n  pleases." 

Before  the  year  was  ended  the  inhabitants  of  St. 
Louis  learned  that  the  major's  assertion  was  not  far 
from  the  truth. 


COLLISIONS  BETWEEN  SOLDIERS  AND  CITIZENS.     55 


CHAPTER   Y. 

TO    SPRINGFIELD    AND   BEYOND. 

Conduct  of  the  St.  Louis  Secessionists. — Collisions  between  Soldiers  and 
Citizens. — Indignation  of  the  Guests  of  a  Hotel. — From  St.  Louis  to 
Rolla. — Opinions  of  a  "Regular." — Railway-life  in  Missouri. — Un 
profitable  Freight. — A  Story  of  Orthography. — Mountains  and  Mount 
ain  Streams. — Fastidiousness  Checked. — Frontier  Courtesy. — Con 
centration  of  Troops  at  Springfield. — A  Perplexing  Situation. — The 
March  to  Dug  Spring. — Sufferings  from  Heat  and  Thirst. 

THE  success  of  the  Union  arms  at  Booneville  did 
not  silence  the  Secessionists  in  St.  Louis.  They  con 
tinued  to  hold  meetings,  and  arrange  plans  for  assisting 
their  friends  in  the  field.  At  many  places,  one  could 
hear  expressions  of  indignation  at  the  restrictions  which 
the  proper  authorities  sought  to  put  upon  the  secession 
movement.  Union  flags  were  torn  from  the  front  of  pri 
vate  buildings — generally  in  the  night  or  early  morning. 
Twice,  when  Union  troops  were  marching  along  the 
streets,  they  were  fired  upon  "by  citizens.  A  collision  of 
this  kind  had  occurred  at  the  corner  of  Fifth  and  Walnut 
streets,  on  the  day  after  the  capture  of  Camp  Jackson. 
The  soldiers  returned  the  fire,  and  killed  several  per 
sons  ;  but  this  did  not  deter  the  Secessionists  from  re 
peating  the  experiment.  In  the  affairs  that  took  place 
after  the  battle  of  Booneville,  the  result  was  the  same. 
Unfortunately,  in  each  collision,  a  portion  of  those  killed 
were  innocent  on-lookers.  After  a  few  occurrences  of 


56  OFF  FOR  SPRINGFIELD. 

tliis  kind,  soldiers  were  allowed  to  march  through  the 
streets  without  molestation. 

About  the  first  of  July,  there  were  rumors  that  an 
insurrection  would  be  attempted  on  the  National  holi 
day.  Ample  provision  was  made  to  give  the  insurgents 
a  warm  reception.  Consequently,  they  made  no  trouble. 
The  printer  of  the  bills  of  fare  at  a  prominent  hotel 
noticed  the  Fourth  of  July  by  ornamenting  his  work 
with  a  National  flag,  in  colors.  This  roused  the  indig 
nation  of  a  half-dozen  guests,  whose  sympathies  lay 
with  the  Rebellion.  They  threatened  to  leave,  but  were 
so  far  in  arrears  that  they  could  not  settle  their  accounts. 
The  hotel-keeper  endeavored  to  soothe  them  by  promis 
ing  to  give  his  printing,  for  the  future,  to  another  house. 
Several  loyal  guests  were  roused  at  this  offer,  and  threat 
ened  to  secede  at  once  if  it  were  carried  out.  The  affair 
resulted  in  nothing  but  words. 

On  the  morning  of  the  llth  of  July  I  left  St.  Louis, 
to  join  General  Lyon  in  the  Southwest.  It  was  a  day's 
ride  by  rail  to  Rolla,  the  terminus  of  the  Southwest 
Branch  of  the  Pacific  road.  I  well  recollect  the  strange 
and  motley  group  that  filled  the  cars  on  that  journey. 
There  were  a  few  officers  and  soldiers  en  route  to  join 
their  comrades  in  the  field.  Nearly  all  of  them  were 
fresh  from  civil  life.  They  wore  their  uniforms  uneasily, 
as  a  farmer's  boy  wears  his  Sunday  suit.  Those  who 
carried  sabers  experienced  much  inconvenience  when 
walking,  on  account  of  the  propensity  of  those  weapons 
to  get  between  their  legs.  In  citizen's  dress,  at  my  side, 
sat  an  officer  of  the  old  army,  who  looked  upon  these 


A   "REGULAR"   ON  VOLUNTEERS.  57 

newly-made  warriors  with  much  contempt,  mingled  with 
an  admiration  of  their  earnestness.  After  an  outburst 
of  mild  invective,  he  pronounced  a  well-merited  tribute 
to  their  patriotism. 

" After  all,"  said  he,  "they  are  as  good  as  the  mate 
rial  the  Eebels  have  for  their  army.  In  some  respects, 
they  are  better.  The  -Northern  blood  is  cold;  the 
Southern  is  full  of  life  and  passion.  In  the  first  onset, 
our  enemies  will  prove  more"  impetuous  than  we,  and 
will  often  overpower  us.  In  the  beginning  of  the  strug 
gle,  they  will  prove  our  superiors,  and  may  be  able  to 
boast  of  the  first  victories.  But  their  physical  energy 
will  soon  be  exhausted,  while  ours  will  steadily  increase. 
Patience,  coolness,  and  determination  will  be  sure  to 
bring  us  the  triumph  in  the  end.  These  raw  recruits, 
that  are  at  present  worthless  before  trained  soldiers,  dis 
trusting  themselves  as  we  distrust  them,  will  yet  become 
veterans,  worthy  to  rank  with  the  best  soldiers  of  the 
Old  World." 

The  civilian  passengers  on  a  railway  in  Missouri 
are  essentially  different  from  the  same  class  in  the 
East.  There  are  very  few  women,  and  the  most  of 
these  are  not  as  carefully  dressed  as  their  Oriental 
sisters.  Their  features  lack  the  fineness  that  one  ob 
serves  in  New  York  and  New  England.  The  "hog 
and  hominy,"  the  general -diet  of  the  Southwest,  is 
plainly  perceptible  in  the  physique  of  the  women. 
The  male  travelers,  who  are  not  indigenous  to  the 
soil,  are  more  roughly  clothed  and  more  careless  in 
manner  than  the  same  order  of  passengers  between 


58  PRIMITIVE  ORTHOGRAPHY. 

New  York  and  Boston.  Of  those  who  enter  and  leave 
at  way-stations,  the  men  are  clad  in  that  yellow,  home 
spun  material  known  as  "butternut."  The  casual 
observer  inclines  to  the  opinion  that  there  are  no  good 
bathing-places  where  these  men  reside.  They  are  in 
quisitive,  ignorant,  unkempt,  but  generally  civil.  The 
women  are  the  reverse  of  attractive,  and  are  usually 
uncivil  and  ignorant.  The  majority  are  addicted  to 
smoking,  and  generally  make  use  of  a  cob-pipe.  Unless 
objection  is  made  by  some  passenger,  the  conductors 
ordinarily  allow  the  women  to  indulge  in  this  pas 
time. 

The  region  traversed  by  the  railway  is  sparsely 
settled,  the  ground  being  generally  unfavorable  to 
agriculture.  For  some  time  after  this  portion  of  the 
road  was  opened,  the  natives  refused  to  give  it  patron 
age,  many  of  them  declaring  that  the  old  mode  of 
travel,  by  horseback,  was  the  best  of  all.  During  the 
first  week  after  opening  the  Southwest  Branch,  the 
company  ran  a  daily  freight  train  eaoh  way.  All  the 
freight  offered  in  that  time  was  a  bear  and  a  keg  of 
honey.  Both  were  placed  in  the  same  car.  The  bear 
ate  the  honey,  and  the  company  was  compelled  to 
pay  for  the  damage. 

I  have  heard  a  story  concerning  the  origin  of  the 
name  of  Rolla,  which  is  interesting,  though  I  cannot 
vouch  for  its  truth.  In  selecting  a  name  for  the  county 
seat  of  Phelps  County,  a  North  Carolinian  residing 
there,  suggested  that  it  should  do  honor  to  the  capital 
of  his  native  State.  The  person  who  reduced  the 


BEAUTIFUL  STREAMS.  59 

request  to  writing,  used  the  "best  orthography  that 
occurred  to  him,  so  that  what  should  have  "been 
"Raleigh,"  became  "  Jtolla."  The  request  thus  writ 
ten  was  sent  to  the  Legislature,  and  the  name  of  the 
town  became  fixed.  The  inhabitants  generally  pro 
nounce  it  as  if  the  intended  spelling  had  been  adopted. 

The  journey  from  Holla  to  Springfield  was  accom 
plished  by  stage,  and  required  two  days  of  travel. 
For  fifty  miles  the  road  led  over  mountains,  to  the 
banks  of  the  Gasconade,  one  of  the  prettiest  rivers 
I  have  ever  seen.  The  mountain  streams  of  South 
west  Missouri,  having  their  springs  in  the  limestone 
rock,  possess  a  peculiarity  unknown  in  the  Eastern 
States.  In  a  depth  of  two  feet  or  less,  the  water  is 
apparently  as  clear  as  that  of  the  purest  mountain 
brook  in  New  England.  But  when  the  depth  reaches, 
or  exceeds,  three  feet,  the  water  assumes  a  deep-blue 
tinge,  like  that  of  the  sky  in  a  clear  day.  Viewed 
from  an  elevation,  the  picture  is  one  that  cannot  be 
speedily  forgotten.  The  blue  water  makes  a  marked 
contrast  with  surrounding  objects,  as  the  streams  wind 
through  the  forests  and  fields  on  their  banks.  Though 
meandering  through  mountains,  these  rivers  have  few 
sharp  falls  or  roaring  rapids.  Their  current  is  usually 
gentle,  broken  here  and  there  into  a  ripple  over  a 
slightly  descending  shallow,  but  observing  uniformity 
in  all  its  windings. 

My  first  night  from  Eolla  was  passed  on  the  banks 
of  the  Gasconade.  Another  day's  ride,  extended  far 
into  the  second  night,  found  me  at  Springfield.  When 


60          HOTEL-LIFE  ON  THE  BORDER. 

I  reached  my  room  at  the  hotel,  and  examined  the 
"bed,  I  found  "but  one  sheet  where  we  usually  look 
for  two.  Expostulations  were  of  no  avail.  The  porter 
curtly  informed  me,  "  People  here  use  only  one  sheet. 
Down  in  St.  Louis  you  folks  want  two  sheets,  Tbut 
in  this  part  of  the  country  we  ain't  so  nice." 

I  appreciated  my  fastidiousness  when  I  afterward 
saw,  at  a  Tennessee  hotel,  the  following  notice  :— 

"  Gentlemen  who  wish  towels  in  their  rooms  must 
deposit  fifty  cents  at  the  office,  as  security  for  their 
return." 

Travel  in  the  Border  and  Southern  States  will  ac 
quaint  a  Northerner  with  strange  customs.  To  find 
an  entire  household  occupying  a  single  large  room 
is  not  an  unfrequent  occurrence.  The  rules  of  polite 
ness  require  that,  when  bedtime  has  arrived,  the  men 
shall  go  out  of  doors  to  contemplate  the  stars,  while 
the  ladies  disrobe  and  retire.  The  men  then  return 
and  proceed  to  bed.  Sometimes  the  ladies  amuse  them 
selves  by  studying  the  fire  while  the  men  find  their 
way  to  their  couches,  where  they  gallantly  turn  their 
faces  to  the  wall,  and  permit  the  ladies  to  don  their 
robes  de  nuit. 

Notwithstanding  the  scarcity  of  accommodations, 
the  traveler  seeking  a  meal  or  resting-place  will  rarely 
meet  a  refusal.  In  New  York  or  New  England,  one 
can  journey  many  a  mile  and  find  a  cold  denial  at  every 
door.  In  the  West  and  Southwest  "the  latch-string 
hangs  out,"  and  the  stranger  is  always  welcome.  Espe 
cially  is  this  the  case  among  the  poorer  classes. 


SPRINGFIELD  AND  ITS  SITUATION.  61 

Springfield  is  the  largest  town  in  Southwest  Missouri, 
and  has  a  fine  situation.  Before  the  war  it  was  a  place 
of  considerable  importance,  as  it  controlled  the  trade  of 
a  large  region  around  it.  East  of  it  the  country  is  quite 
"broken,  but  on  the  south  and  west  there  are  stretches 
of  rolling  prairie,  bounded  by  rough  wood-land.  Con 
sidered  in  a  military  light,  Springfield  was  the  key  to 
that  portion  of  the  State.  A  large  number  of  public 
roads  center  at  that  point.  Their  direction  is  such  that 
the  possession  of  the  town  by  either  army  would  con 
trol  any  near  position  of  an  adversary  of  equal  or  infe 
rior  strength.  General  Lyon  was  prompt  in  seeing  its 
value,  and  determined  to  make  an  early  movement  for 
its  occupation.  When  he  started  from  St.  Louis  for 
Booneville,  he  ordered  General  Sweeney  to  march  from 
Holla  to  Springfield  as  speedily  as  possible. 

General  Sweeney  moved  with  three  regiments  of  in 
fantry  and  a  battery  of  artillery,  and  reached  Springfield 
in  five  days  from  the  time  of  starting ;  the  distance  be 
ing  a  hundred  and  twenty  miles.  He  then  divided  his 
forces,  sending  Colonel  Sigel  to  Carthage,  nearly  fifty 
miles  further  toward  the  west,  in  the  hope  of  cutting  off 
the  Eebel  retreat  in  that  direction.  Major  Sturgis  was 
moving  from  Leavenworth  toward  Springfield,  and  ex 
pected  to  arrive  there  in  advance  of  General  Lyon. 

Major  Sturgis  was  delayed  in  crossing  a  river,  so  that 
the  Eebel  s  arrived  at  Carthage  before  Colonel  Sigel  had 
been  reinforced.  The  latter,  with  about  eleven  hundred 
men,  encountered  the  Rebel  column,  twice  as  large  as 
his  own.  The  battle  raged  for  several  hours,  neither 


62  AFFAIRS  IN  THE  SOUTHWEST. 

side  losing  very  heavily.  It  resulted  in  Sigel'  s  retreat 
to  avoid  being  surrounded  by  the  enemy.  Wonderful 
stories  were  told  at  that  time  of  the  terrific  slaughter  in 
the  Rebel  ranks,  but  these  stories  could  never  be  traced 
to  a  reliable  source.  It  is  proper  to  say  that  the  Rebels 
made  equally  large  estimates  of  our  own  loss. 

On  General  Lyon'  s  arrival  all  the  troops  were  con 
centrated  in  the  vicinity  of  Springfield.  It  was  known 
that  the  Rebels  were  encamped  near  the  Arkansas  bor 
der,  awaiting  the  re-enforcements  which  had  been  prom 
ised  from  the  older  States  of  the  Confederacy.  General 
Fremont  had  been  assigned  to  the  command  of  the 
Western  Department,  and  was  daily  expected  at  St. 
Louis  to  assume  the  direction  of  affairs.  Our  scouts 
were  kept  constantly  employed  in  bringing  us  news 
from  the  Rebel  camp,  and  it  is  quite  probable  the 
Rebels  were  equally  well  informed  of  our  own  condi 
tion.  We  were  able  to  learn  that  their  number  was  on 
the  increase,  and  that  they  would  soon  be  largely  re-en 
forced.  After  three  weeks  of  occupation  our  strength 
promised  to  be  diminished.  Half  of  General  Lyon' s  com 
mand  consisted  of  ''three-months  men,"  whose  period 
of  enlistment  was  drawing  to  a  close.  A  portion  of  these 
men  went  to  St.  Louis,  some  volunteered  to  remain  as 
long  as  the  emergency  required  their  presence,  and 
others  were  kept  against  their  will.  Meantime,  General 
Lyon  made  the  most  urgent  requests  for  re-enforcements, 
and  declared  he  would  be  compelled  to  abandon  the 
Southwest  if  not  speedily  strengthened.  General  Fre 
mont  promised  to  send  troops  to  his  assistance.  After 


THE  FIGHT  AT  DUG  SPKItfG.  63 

he  made  the  promise,  Cairo  was  threatened  by  General 
Pillow,  and  the  re-enforcing  column  turned  in  that  direc 
tion.  General  Lyon  was  left  to  take  care  of  himself. 

By  the  latter  part  of  July,  our  situation  had  become 
critical.  Price's  army  had  been  re-enforced  by  a  col 
umn  of  Arkansas  and  Louisiana  troops,  under  General 
McCulloch.  This  gave  the  Rebels  upward  of  twelve 
thousand  men,  while  we  could  muster  less  than  six 
thousand.  General  Price  assumed  the  offensive,  mov 
ing  slowly  toward  Springfield,  as  if  sure  of  his  ability  to 
overpower  the  National  forces.  General  Lyon  determ 
ined  to  fall  upon  the  enemy  before  he  could  reach 
Springfield,  and  moved  on  the  1st  of  August  with  that 
object  in  view. 

On  the  second  day  of  our  march  a  strong  scouting 
party  of  Eebels  was  encountered,  and  a  sharp  skirmish 
ensued,  in  which  they  were  repulsed.  This  encounter  is 
known  in  the  Southwest  as  uthe  fight  at  Dug  Spring." 
The  next  day  another  skirmish  occurred,  and,  on  the 
third  morning,  twenty-five  miles  from  Springfield,  Gen 
eral  Lyon  called  a  council  of  war.  "  Councils  of  war  do 
not  fight"  has  grown  into  a  proverb.  The  council  on 
this  occasion  decided  that  we  should  return  to  Spring 
field  without  attacking  the  enemy.  The  *  decision  was 
immediately  carried  out. 

The  beginning  of  August,  in  Southwest  Missouri,  is 
in  the  midst  of  the  warm  season.  The  day  of  the  march 
to  Dug  Spring  was  one  I  shall  never  forget.  In  Kan 
sas,  before  the  war,  I  once  had  a  walk  of  several  miles 
under  a  burning  sun,  in  a  region  where  not  a  drop  of 


64  A  TERRIBLE  DAY. 

water  could  Ibe  found.  When  I  finally  reached  it,  the 
only  water  to  Ibe  found  was  in  a  small,  stagnant  pool, 
covered  with  a  green  scum  nearly  an  inch  in  thickness. 
Warm,  "brackish,  and  fever-laden  as  that  water  was,  I 
had  never  before  tasted  any  thing  half  so  sweet.  Again, 
while  crossing  the  Great  Plains  in  1860,  I  underwent  a 
severe  and  prolonged  thirst,  only  quenching  it  with  the 
"bitter  alkali- water  of  the  desert.  On  neither  of  these 
occasions  were  my  sufferings  half  as  great  as  in  the  ad 
vance  to  Dug  Spring. 

A  long  ride  in  that  hot  atmosphere  gave  me  a  thirst 
of  the  most  terrible  character.  Making  a  detour  to  the 
left  of  the  road  in  a  vain  search  for  water,  I  fell  behind 
the  column  as  it  marched  slowly  along.  As  I  moved 
again  to  the  front,  I  passed  scores  of  men  who  had 
fallen  from  utter  exhaustion.  Many  were  delirious,  and 
begged  piteously  for  water  in  ever  so  small  a  quantity. 
Several  died  from  excessive  heat,  and  others  were  for  a 
long  time  unfit  for  duty.  Reaching  the  spring  which 
gave  its  name  to  the  locality,  I  was  fortunate  in  finding 
only  the  advance  of  the  command.  With  considerable 
effort  I  succeeded  in  obtaining  a  pint  cupful  of  water, 
and  thus  allayed  my  immediate  thirst. 

According  to  the  custom  in  that  region,  the  spring 
was  covered  with  a  frame  building,  about  eight  feet 
square.  .  There  are  very  few  cellars  in  that  part  of  the 
country,  and  the  spring-house,  as  it  is  called,  is  used 
for  preserving  milk  and  other  articles  that  require  a  low 
temperature.  As  the  main  portion  of  the  column  came 
up,  the  crowd  around  the  spring-house  became  so  dense 


SUFFERING  FROM  THIRST.  65 

that  those  once  inside  could  not  get  out.  The  building 
was  lifted  and  thrown  away  from  the  spring,  but  this 
only  served  to  increase  the  confusion.  Officers  found 
it  impossible  to  maintain  discipline.  When  the  men 
caught  sight  of  the  crowd  at  the  spring,  the  lines  were 
instantly  broken.  At  the  spring,  officers  and  men  were 
mingled  without  regard  to  rank,  all  struggling  for  the 
same  object.  A  few  of  the  former,  who  had  been  fortu 
nate  in  commencing  the  day  with  full  canteens,  attempted 
to  bring  order  out  of  chaos,  but  found  the  effort  useless. 
No  command  was  heeded.  The  officers  of  the  two  regi 
ments  of  "  regulars"  had  justly  boasted  of  the  superior 
discipline  of  their  men.  On  this  occasion  the  superiority 
was  not  apparent.  Volunteers  and  regulars  were  equally 
subject  to  thirst,  and  made  equal  endeavor  to  quench  it. 
Twenty  yards  below  the  spring  was  a  shallow  pool, 
where  cattle  and  hogs  were  allowed  to  run.  Directly 
above  it  was  a  trough  containing  a  few  gallons  of  warm 
water,  which  had  evidently  been  there  several  days. 
This  was  speedily  taken  by  the  men.  Then  the  hot, 
scum- covered  pool  was  resorted  to.  In  a  very  few  min 
utes  the  trampling  of  the  soldiers'  feet  had  stirred  this 
pool  till  its  substance  was  more  like  earth  than  water. 
Even  from  this  the  men  would  fill  their  cups  and  can 
teens,  and  drink  with  the  utmost  eagerness.  I  saw  a 
private  soldier  emerge  from  the  crowd  with  a  canteen 
full  of  this  worse  than  ditch-water.  An  officer  tendered 
a  five-dollar  gold  piece .  for  the  contents  of  the  canteen, 
and  found  his  offer  indignantly  refused.  To  such  a 
frenzy  were  men  driven  by  thirst  that  they  tore  up 


66  HOW  WE  PROCURED  WATER. 

handfuls  of  moist  earth,  and  swallowed  tlie  few  drops 
of  water  that  could  "be  pressed  out. 

In  subsequent  campaigns  I  witnessed  many  scenes  of 
hunger  and  thirst,  "but  none  to  equal  those  of  that  day  at 
Dug  Spring. 


RETURN  TO  SPRINGFIELD.  67 


CHAPTER  VI. 

THE  BATTLE   OP  WILSON   CREEK. 

The  Return  from  Dug  Spring. — The  Rebels  follow  in  Pursuit. — Prepara 
tions  to  Attack  them. — The  Plan  of  Battle. — Moving  to  the  Attack — 
A  Bivouac. — The  Opening  Shot. — "Is  that  Official?" — Sensations  of  a 
Spectator  in  Battle. — Extension  of  Distance  and  Time. — Characteris 
tics  of  Projectiles. — Taking  Notes  under  Fire. — Strength  and  Losses 
of  the  Opposing  Armies. — A  Noble  Record. — The  Wounded  on  the 
Field. — "  One  More  Shot." — Granger  in  his  Element.— General  Lyon's 
Death. 

THE  return  of  General  Lyon  from  Dug  Spring  em- 
"boldened  the  enemy  to  move  nearer  to  Springfield.  On 
the  7th  of  August  the  Rebels  reached  Wilson  Creek,  ten 
miles  from  Springfield,  and  formed  their  camp  on  "both 
sides  of  that  stream.  General  Ben.  McCulloch  was  their 
commander-in-chief.  On  the  night  of  the  8th,  General 
Lyon  proposed  to  move  from  Springfield  for  the  pur 
pose  of  attacking  their  position.  The 'design  was  not 
carried  out,  on  account  of  the  impossibility  of  securing 
proper  disposition  of  our  forces  in  season  to  reach  the 
enemy's  camp  at  daylight. 

During  the  8th  and  the  forenoon  of  the  9th,  prepara 
tions  were  made  for  resisting  an  attack  in  Springfield,  in 
case  the  enemy  should  come  upon  us.  In  the  afternoon 
of  the  9th,  General  Lyon  decided  to  assault  the  Rebel 
camp  at  daylight  of  the  following  morning.  A  council 
of  war  had  determined  that  a  defeat  would  be  less  inju- 


68  MOYIXG  TO  WILSON  GREEK. 

rions  than  a  retreat  without  a  battle,  provided  the  defeat 
were  not  too  serious.  ' '  To  abandon  the  Southwest  with 
out  a  struggle,"  said  General  Lyon,  "  would  be  a  sad 
blow  to  our  cause,  and  would  greatly  encourage  the 
Eebels.  We  will  fight,  and  hope  for  the  best." 

In  arranging  a  plan  of  battle,  Colonel  Sigel  suggested 
that  the  forces  should  be  divided,  so  that  a  simultaneous 
attack  would  be  made  upon  either  extremity  of  the 
enemy's  camp.  The  two  columns  were  to  move  from 
Springfield  at  sunset,  bivouac  within  four  miles  of  the 
proposed  battle-field,  and  begin  their  march  early  enQugh 
to  fall  upon  the  enemy' s  camp  a  little  past  daylight.  We 
left  Springfield  about  sunset  on  the  9th,  General  Lyon 
taking  about  three  thousand  men,  while  Colonel  Sigel 
took  less  than  two  thousand.  Exceptions  have  fre 
quently  been  made  to  this  mode  of  attack.  Had  it  been 
successful,  I  presume  no  one  would  have  found  it  faulty. 
It  is  an  easy  matter  to  criticise  the  plans  of  others,  after 
their  result  is  known. 

The  columns  moved  by  different  roads  to  obtain  the 
desired  positions.  The  march  was  as  silent  as  possible. 
The  only  sounds  were  the  rumbling  of  wheels  and  the 
occasional  clank  of  arms.  No  one  was  heavily  encum: 
bered,  as  we  expected  to  return  to  Springfield  before 
the  following  night.  Midnight  found  us  in  a  hay -field, 
four  miles  from  the  Eebel  camp.  There  we  rested  till 
morning. 

On  the  previous  night  I  had  been  almost  without 
sleep,  and  therefore  took  speedy  advantage  of  the  halt. 
Two  journeys  over  the  Plains,  a  little  trip  into  New 


A  BIVOUAC.  69 

Mexico,  and  some  excursions  among  the  Eocky  Mount 
ains,  had  taught  me  certain  rules  of  campaign  life. 
I  rarely  moved  without  my  blankets  and  rubber 
"  poncho,"  and  with  a  haversack  more  or  less  well 
filled.  On  this  occasion  I  was  prepared  for  sleeping  in 
the  open  air. 

One  bivouac  is  much  like  another.  When  one  is 
weary,  a  blanket  on  the  ground  is  just  as  comfortable 
as  a  bed  of  down  under  a  slated  roof.  If  accustomed 
to  lie  under  lace  curtains,  a  tree  or  a  bush  will  make  an 
excellent  substitute.  " Tired  nature's  sweet  restorer" 
comes  quickly  to  an  exhausted  frame.  Realities  of  the 
past,  expectations  of  the  future,  hopes,  sorrows,  wishes, 
regrets — all  are  banished  as  we  sink  into  sweet  repose. 

At  dawn  we  were  in  motion.  At  daylight  the  smoke 
hanging  over  the  enemy's  camp  was  fully  before  us. 
Sunrise  was  near  at  hand  when  the  hostile  position  was 
brought  to  our  view.  It  lay,  as  we  had  anticipated, 
stretched  along  the  banks  of  Wilson  Creek. 

Until  our  advance  drove  in  the  pickets,  a  thousand 
yards  from  their  camp,  the  Rebels  had  no  intimation 
of  our  approach.  Many  of  them  were  reluctant  to 
believe  we  were  advancing  to  attack  them,  and  thought 
the  firing  upon  the  pickets  was  the  work  of  a  scouting 
party.  The  opening  of  our  artillery  soon  undeceived 
them,  a  shell  being  dropped  in  the  middle  of  their 
camp. 

A  Rebel  officer  afterward  told  me  about  our  first 
shell.  When  the  pickets  gave  the  alarm  of  our  ap 
proach,  the  Rebel  commander  ordered  his  forces  to 


70  "IS  THAT  OFFICIAL?" 

"turn  out."  An  Arkansas  colonel  was  in  Ibed  when 
the  order  reached  him,  and  lazily  asked,  "  Is  that 
official  ?"  Before  the  "bearer  of  the  order  could  answer, 
our  shell  tore  through  the  colonel' s  tent,  and  exploded 
a  few  yards  beyond  it.  The  officer  waited  for  no 
explanation,  "but  ejaculated,  " That's  official,  anyhow," 
as  he  sprang  out  of  his  "blankets,  and  arrayed  himself 
in  fighting  costume. 

Before  the  Rebels  could  respond  to  our  morning 
salutation,  we  heard  the  booming  of  Sigel's  cannon 
on  the  left.  Colonel  Sigel  reached  the  spot  assigned 
him  some  minutes  before  we  were  able  to  open  fire 
from  our  position.  It  had  been  stipulated  that  he 
should  wait  for  the  sound  of  our  guns  before  making 
his  attack.  His  officers  said  they  waited  nearly  fifteen 
minutes  for  our  opening  shot.  They  could  look  into 
the  Rebel  camp  in  the  valley  of  the  stream,  a  few 
hundred  yards  distant.  The  cooks  were  beginning 
their  preparations  for  breakfast,  and  gave  our  men  a 
fine  opportunity  to  learn  the  process  of  making  Con 
federate  corn-bread  and  coffee.  Some  of  the  Rebels 
saw  our  men,  and  supposed  they  were  their  own  forces, 
who  had  taken  up  a  new  position.  Several  walked 
into  our  lines,  and  found,  themselves  prisoners  of 
war. 

Previous  to  that  day  I  had  witnessed  several  skir 
mishes,  but  this  was  my  first  battle  of  importance. 
Distances  seemed  much  greater  than  they  really  were. 
I  stood  by  the  side  of  Captain  Totten's  battery  as  it 
opened  the  conflict. 


SENSATIONS   UNDER  FIRE.  71 

"  How  far  are  you  firing  ?"  I  asked. 

"  About  eiglit  hundred  yards;  not  over  that,"  was 
the  captain's  response. 

I  should  have  called  it  sixteen  hundred,  had  I  Ibeen 
called  on  for  an  estimate. 

Down  the  valley  rose  the  smoke  of  Sigel's  guns, 
about  a  mile  distant,  though,  apparently,  two  or  three 
miles  away. 

Opposite  Sigel's  position  was  the  camp  of  the  Ar 
kansas  Division:  though  it  was  fully  in  my  sight, 
and  the  tents  and  wagons  were  plainly  visible,  I 
could  not  get  over  the  impression  that  they  were 
far  off. 

The  explosions  of  our  shells,  and  the  flashes  of  the 
enemy's  guns,  a.  short  distance  up  the  slope  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  creek,  seemed  to  be  at  a  con 
siderable  distance. 

To  what  I  shall  ascribe  these  illusions,  I  do  not 
know.  On  subsequent  battle-fields  I  have  never  known 
their  recurrence.  Greater  battles,  larger  streams,  high 
er  hills,  broader  fields,  wider  valleys,  more  extended 
camps,  have  come  under  my  observation,  but  in  none 
of  them  has  the  romance  exceeded  the  reality. 

The  hours  did  not  crowd  into  minutes,  but  the 
minutes  almost  extended  into  hours.  I  frequently 
found,  on  consulting  my  watch,  that  occurrences,  ap 
parently  of  an  hour's  duration,  were  really  less  than 
a  half  or  a  quarter  of  that  time. 

As  the  sun  rose,  it  passed  into  a  cloud.  When 
it  emerged,  I  fully  expected  it  would  be  some  distance 


72  TIME  AND  DISTANCE. 

toward  the  zenith,  and  was  surprised  to  find  it  had 
advanced  only  a  few  degrees. 

There  was  a  light  shower,  that  lasted  less  than  ten 
minutes :  I  judged  it  had  been  twenty. 

The  evolutions  of  the  troops  on  the  field  appeared 
slow  and  awkward.  They  were  really  effected  with 
great  promptness. 

General  Lyon  was  killed  "before  nine  o'clock,  as  I 
very  well  knew.  It  was  some  days  before  I  could 
rid  myself  of  an  impression  that  his  death  occurred 
not  far  from  noon. 

The  apparent  extension  of  the  hours  was  the  expe 
rience  of  several  persons  on  that  field.  I  think  it  has 
been  known  by  many,  on  the  occasion  of  their  first 
battle.  At  Pea  Ridge,  an  officer  told  me,  there  seemed 
to  be  about  thirty  hours  between  sunrise  and  sunset. 
Another  thought  it  was  four  p.  M.  when  the  sun  was 
at  the  meridian.  It  was  only  at  Wilson  Creek  that 
I  experienced  this  sensation.  On  subsequent  battle 
fields  I  had  no  reason  to  complain  of  my  estimate  of 
time. 

The  first  shell  from  the  enemy's  guns  passed  high 
over  my  head.  I  well  remember  the  screech  of  that  mis 
sile  as  it  cut  through  the  air  and  lost  itself  in  the  dis 
tance.  "Too  high,  Captain  Bledsoe,"  exclaimed  our 
artillery  officer,  as  he  planted  a  shell  among  the  Rebel 
gunners.  In  firing  a  half-dozen  rounds  the  Rebels  ob 
tained  our  range,  and  then  used  their  guns  with  some 
effect.  The  noise  of  each  of  those  shells  I  can  distinctly 
recall,  though  I  have  since  listened  to  hundreds  of  simi- 


TAKING  NOTES  UNDER  DIFFICULTIES.  73 

lar  sounds,  of  which  I  have  no  vivid  recollection.  The 
sound  made  by  a  shell,  in  its  passage  through  the  air, 
cannot  be  described,  and,  when  once  heard,  can  never 
be  forgotten. 

I  was  very  soon  familiar  with  the  whistling  of  musket- 
balls.  Before  the  end  of  the  action,  I  thought  I  could 
distinguish  the  noise  of  a  Minie  bullet  from  that  of  a 
common  rifle-ball,  or  a  ball  from  a  smooth-bored  musket. 
Once,  while  conversing  with  the  officer  in  charge  of  the 
skirmish  line,  I  found  myself  the  center  of  a  very  hot 
fire.  It  seemed,  at  that  instant,  as  if  a  swarm  of  the 
largest  and  most  spiteful  bees  had  suddenly  appeared 
around  me .  The  bullets  flew  too  rapidly  to  be  counted, 
but  I  fancied  I  could  perceive  a  variation  in  their 
sound. 

After  I  found  a  position  beyond  the  range  of  musket 
ry,  the  artillery  would  insist  upon  searching  me  out. 
While  I  was  seated  under  a  small  oak-tree,  with  my 
left  arm  through  my  horse's  bridle,  and  my  pencil  busy 
on  my  note-book,  the  tree  above  my  head  was  cut  by  a 
shell.  Moving  from  that  spot,  I  had  just  resumed  my 
writing,  when  a  shot  tore  up  the  ground  under  my  arm, 
and  covered  me  with  dirt.  Even  a  remove  to  another 
quarter  did  not  answer  my  purpose,  and  I  finished  my 
notes  after  reaching  the  rear. 

It  is  not  my  intention  to  give  the  details  of  the  battle 
— the  movements  of  each  regiment,  battalion,  or  battery, 
as  it  performed  its  part  in  the  work.  The  official  record 
will  be  sought  by  those  who  desire  the  purely  military 
history.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  official  report  of 


74  THE  FOECES  ENGAGED. 

tlie  engagement  at  Wilson  Creek  displays  the  great  hos 
tility  of  its  author  toward  a  fellow- soldier.  In  the  early 
campaigns  in  Missouri,  many  officers  of  the  regular  army 
vied  with  the  Rebels  in  their  hatred  of  "  the  Dutch." 
This  feeling  was  not  confined  to  Missouri  alone,  "but  was 
apparent  in  the  East  as  well  as  in  the  "West.  As  the  war 
progressed  the  hostility  diminished,  "but  it  was  never 
entirely  laid  aside. 

The  duration  of  the  Ibattle  was  albout  four  and  a  half 
hours.  The  whole  force  tinder  the  National  flag  was 
five  thousand  men.  The  Rebels  acknowledged  having 
twelve  thousand,  of  all  arms.  It  is  probable  that  this 
estimate  was  a  low  one.  The  Rebels  were  generally 
armed  with  shot-guns,  common  rifles,  and  muskets  of 
the  old  pattern.  About  a  thousand  had  no  arms  what 
ever.  Their  artillery  ammunition  was  of  poorer  qual 
ity  than  our  own.  These  circumstances  served  to  make 
the  disparity  less  great  than  the  actual  strenght  of  the 
hostile  forces  would  imply.  Even  with  these  con 
siderations,  the  odds  against  General  Lyon  were  quite 
large. 

Our  loss  was  a  little  less  than  one-fifth  our  whole 
strength.  Up  to  that  time,  a  battle  in  which  one-tenth 
of  those  engaged  was  placed  liors  de  combat,  was  con 
sidered  a  very  sanguinary  affair.  During  the  war  there 
were  many  engagements  where  the  defeated  party  suf 
fered  a  loss  of  less  than  one-twentieth.  Wilson  Creek 
can  take  rank  as  one  of  the  best-fought  battles,  when 
the  number  engaged  is  brought  into  consideration. 

The  First  Missouri  Infantry  went  into  action  with 


CAUSE  OF  OUK  EETBEAT.  75 

seven  hundred  and  twenty-six  men.    Its  casualty  list 
was  as  follows  : — 

Killed TT 

Dangerously  wounded 93 

Otherwise  wounded 126 

.  Captured 2 

Missing .• . . .  15 

Total -. 313 

The  First  Kansas  Infantry,  out  of  seven  hundred  and 
eighty-five  men,  lost  two  hundred  and  ninety-six.  The 
loss  in  other  regiments  was  quite  severe,  though  not 
proportionately  as  heavy  as  the  albove.  These  two  regi 
ments  did  not  break  during  the  "battle,  and  when  they 
left  the  ground  they  marched  off  as  coolly  as  from  a 
parade. 

At  the  time  our  retreat  was  ordered  our  ammunition 
was  nearly  exhausted  and  the  ranks  fearfully  thinned. 
The  Eelbels  had  made  a  furious  attack,  in  which  they 
were  repulsed.  General  Sweeney  insisted  that  it  was 
their  last  effort,  and  if  we  remained  on  the  ground  we 
would  not  Ibe  molested  again.  Major  Sturgis,  upon 
whom  the  command  devolved  after  General  Lyon's 
death,  reasoned  otherwise,  and  considered  it  best  to  fall 
back  to  Springfield.  The  Rebels  afterward  admitted 
that  General  McCulloch  had  actually  given  the  order  for 
retreat  a  few  moments  before  they  learned  of  our  with 
drawal.  Of  course  he  countermanded  his  order  at  once. 
There  were  several  battles  in  the  late  Rebellion  in  which 
the  circumstances  were  similar.  In  repeated  instances 
the  victorious  party  thought  itself  defeated,  and  was 


76  A  NOVEL  PAYMENT. 

much  astonished  at  finding  its  antagonist  had  abandoned 
the  struggle. 

In  our  retreat  we  brought  away  many  of  our  wounded, 
but  left  many  others  on  the  field.  When  the  Rebels 
took  possession  they  cared  for  their  own  men  as  well  as 
the  circumstances  would  permit,  but  gave  no  assistance 
to  ours.  There  were  reports,  well  authenticated,  that 
some  who  lay  helpless  were  shot  or  bayoneted.  Two 
days  after  the  battle  a  surgeon  who  remained  at  Spring 
field  was  allowed  to  send  out  wagons  for  the  wounded. 
Some  were  not  found  until  after  four  days'  exposure. 
They  crawled  about  as  best  they  could,  and,  by  searching 
the  haversacks  of  dead  men,  saved  themselves  from 
starvation.  One  party  of  four  built  a  shelter  of  branches 
of  trees  as  a  protection  against  the  sun.  Another  party 
crawled  to  the  bank  of  the  creek,  and  lay  day  and  night 
at  the  water's  edge.  Several  men  sought  shelter  in  the 
fence  corners,  or  by  the  side  of  fallen  trees. 

Two  days  before  the  battle,  ten  dollars  were  paid  to 
each  man  of  the  First  Kansas  Infantry.  The  money  was 
in  twenty-dollar  pieces,  and  the  payment  was  made  by 
drawing  up  the  regiment  in  the  customary  two  ranks, 
and  giving  a  twenty-dollar  piece  to  each  man  in  the 
front  rank.  Three-fourths  of  those  killed  or  wounded 
in  that  regiment  were  of  the  front  rank.  The  Rebels 
learned  of  this  payment,  and  made  rigid  search  of  all 
whom  they  found  on  the  field.  Nearly  a  year  after  the 
battle  a  visitor  to  the  ground  picked  up  one  of  these 
gold  coins. 

During  the  battle  several  soldiers  from  St.  Louis  and 


"ANOTHER  SHOT."  77 

its  vicinity  recognized  acquaintances  on  the  opposite  side. 
These  recognitions  were  generally  the  occasion  of  many 
derisive  and  abusive  epithets.  In  the  Border  States 
each  party  had  a  feeling  of  bitter  hostility  toward  the 
other.  Probably  the  animosity  was  greather  in  Missouri 
than  elsewhere. 

A  lieutenant  of  the  First  Missouri  Infantry  reported" 
that  he  saw  one  of  the  men  of  his  regiment  sitting  under 
a  tree  during  the  battle,  busily  engaged  in  whittling  a 
bullet. 

"  What  are  you  doing  there  ?"  said  the  officer. 

"  My  ammunition  is  gone,  and  I'm  cutting  down  this 
bullet  to  fit  my  gun."  (The  soldier's  musket  was  a 
"54-caliber,"  and  the  bullet  was  a  "  59.") 

"Look  around  among  the  wounded  men,"  was  the 
order,  "  and  get  some  54-cartridges.  Don't  stop  to  cut 
down  that  bullet." 

"I  would  look  around,  lieutenant,"  the  soldier  re 
sponded,  "but  I  can't  move.  My  leg  is  shot  through. 
I  won't  be  long  cutting  this  down,  and  then  I  want  a 
chance  to  hit  some  of  them." 

Captain  Gordon  Granger  was  serving  on  the  staff  of 
General  Lyon.  When  not  actively  engaged  in  his  pro 
fessional  duties,  he  visited  all  parts  of  the  field  where 
the  fight  was  hottest.  Though  himself  somewhat  ex 
cited,  he  was  constantly  urging  the  raw  soldiers  to  keep 
cool  and  not  throw  away  a  shot.  Wherever  there  was 
a  weak  place  in  our  line,  he  was  among  the  first  to  dis 
cover  it  and  devise  a  plan  for  making  it  good.  On  one 
occasion,  he  found  a  gap  between  two  regiments,  and 


78  CAPTAIN  GORDON  GRANGER. 

noticed  that  the  Rebels  were  preparing  to  take  advan 
tage  of  it.  Without  a  moment's  delay,  he  transferred 
three  companies  of  infantry  to  the  spot,  managing  to 
keep  them  concealed  behind  a  small  ridge. 

"Now,  lie  still ;  don't  raise  your  heads  out  of  the 
grass,"  said  Granger ;  "  I'll  tell  you  when  to  fire." 

The  Rebels  advanced  toward  the  supposed  gap. 
Granger  stood  where  he  could  see  and  not  be  seen.  He 
was  a  strange  compound  of  coolness  and  excitement. 
While  his  judgment  was  of  the  best,  and  his  resources 
were  ready  for  all  emergencies,  a  by-stander  would  have 
thought  him  heated  almost  to  frenzy.  The  warmth  of 
his  blood  gave  him  a  wonderful  energy  and  rendered 
Him  ubiquitous  ;  his  skill  and  decision  made  his  services 
of  the  highest  importance. 

"There  they  come  ;  steady,  now ;  let  them  get  near 
enough ;  fire  low ;  give  them  h — 1." 

The  Rebels  rushed  forward,  thinking  to  find  an  easy 
passage.  When  within  less  than  fifty  yards,  Granger 
ordered  his  men  to  fire.  The  complete  repulse  of  the 
Rebels  was  the  result. 

"  There,  boys  ;  you've  done  well.  D — n  the  scoun 
drels  ;  they  won't  come  here  again."  With  this,  the 
captain  hastened  to  some  other  quarter. 

The  death  of  General  Lyon  occurred  near  the  middle 
of  the  battle.  So  many  accounts  of  this  occurrence  have 
been  given,  that  I  am  not  fully  satisfied  which  is  the  cor 
rect  one.  I  know  at  least  half  a  dozen  individuals  in 
whose  arms  General  Lyon  expired,  and  think  there  are 
as  many  more  who  claim  that  sad  honor.  There  is  a 


GENERAL  LYON'S  LAST  MOMENTS.  79 

similar  mystery  concerning  Ms  last  words,  a  dozen  ver 
sions  having  "been  given  "by  persons  who  claim  to  have 
heard  them.  It  is  my  belief  that  General  Lyon  was 
killed  while  reconnoitering  the  enemy's  line  and  direct 
ing  the  advance  of  a  regiment  of  infantry.  I  believe  he 
was  on  foot  at  the  instant,  and  was  caught,  as  he  fell,  in 
the  arms  of  "Lehman,"  his  orderly.  His  last  utterance 
was,  doubtless,  the  order  for  the  infantry  to  advance,  and 
was  given  a  moment  before  he  received  the  fatal  bullet. 
From  the  nature  of  the  wound,  his  death,  if  not  instan 
taneous,  was  very  speedy.  A  large  musket-ball  entered 
his  left  side,  in  the  region  of  the  heart,  passing  nearly 
through  to  the  right.  A  reported  wound  in  the  breast 
was  made  with  a  bayonet  in  the  hands  of  a  Rebel  sol 
dier,  several  hours  afterward.  The  body  was  brought 
to  Springfield  on  the  night  after  the  battle. 

It  was  my  fortune  to  be  acquainted  with  General 
Lyon.  During  the  progress  of  the  war  I  met  no  one 
who  impressed  me  more  than  he,  in  his  devotion  to  the 
interests  of  the  country.  If  he  possessed  ambition  for 
personal  glory,  I  was  unable  to  discover  it.  He  declared 
that  reputation  was  a  bubble,  which  no  good  soldier 
should  follow.  Wealth  was  a  shadow,  which  no  man 
in  the  country's  service  should  heed.  His  pay  as  an 
officer  was  sufficient  for  all  his  wants,  and  he  desired 
nothing  more.  He  gave  to  the  Nation,  as  the  friend  he 
loved  the  dearest,  a  fortune  which  he  had  inherited. 
If  his  death  could  aid  in  the  success  of  the  cause  for 
which  he  was  fighting,  he  stood  ready  to  die.  The 
gloom  that  spread  throughout  the  North  when  the  news 


80   OFFICERS  FROM  THE  WILSOX  CREEK  ARMY. 

of  his  loss  was  received,  showed  a  just  appreciation  of 
his  character. 

"How  sleep  the  brave  who  sink  to  rest 
By  all  their  country's  wishes  blest!" 

At  that  "battle  there  was  the  usual  complement  of 
officers  for  five  thousand  men.  Two  years  later  there 
were  seven  major-generals  and  thirteen  brigadier-gen- 
erals  who  had  risen  from  the  Wilson  Creek  Army. 
There  were  colonels,  lieutenant-colonels,  and  majors,  by 
the  score,  who  fought  in  the  line  or  in  the  ranks  on  that 
memorable  10th  of  August.  In  1863,  thirty-two  com 
missioned  officers  were  in  the  service  from  one  company 
of  the  First  Iowa  Infantry.  Out  of  one  company  of  the 
First  Missouri  Infantry,  twenty-eight  men  received  com 
missions.  To  the  majority  of  the  officers  from  that  army 
promotion  was  rapid,  though  a  few  cases  occurred  in 
which  the  services  they  rendered  were  tardily  acknowl 
edged. 


A  COUNCIL  OF  WAR.  81 


CHAPTER   VII. 

THE  RETREAT  FROM  SPRINGFIELD. 

A  Council  of  War. — The  Journalists'  Council. — Preparations  for  Ee- 
treat. — Preceding  the  Advance-Guard. — Alarm  and  Anxiety  of  the 
People. — Magnificent  Distances. — A  Novel  Odometer. — The  Unre 
liable  Countryman. — Neutrality. — A  Night  at  Lebanon. — A  Disa 
greeable  Lodging-place. — Active  Secessionists. — The  Man  who  Sought 
and  Found  his  Rights. — Approaching  Civilization. — Kebel  Couriers 
on  the  Route. — Arrival  at  Rolla. 

ON  the  night  after  the  Ibattle,  the  army  was  quartered 
at  Springfield.  The  Rebels  had  returned  to  the  battle 
ground,  and  were  holding  it  in  possession.  The  court 
house  and  a  large  hotel  were  taken  for  hospitals,  and 
received  such  of  our  wounded  as  wBre  brought  in.  At 
a  council  of  war,  it  was  decided  to  fall  back  to  Rolla,  a 
hundred  and  twenty  miles  distant,  and  orders  were  given 
to  move  at  daylight. 

The  journalists  held  a  council  of  war,  and  decided  to 
commence  their  retreat  at  half-past  two  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  in  order  to  be  in  advance  of  the  army.  The 
probabilities  were  in  favor  of  the  enemy's  cavalry  being 
at  the  junction  of  certain  roads,  five  miles  east  of  the 
town.  We,  therefore,  divested  ourselves  of  every  thing 
of  a  compromising  character.  In  my  own  saddle-bags  I 
took  only  such  toilet  articles  as  I  had  long  carried,  and 
which  were  not  of  a  warlike  nature.  We  destroyed 


82  A  DANGEROUS  ROAD. 

papers  that  might  give  information  to  the  enemy,  and 
kept  only  our  note-books,  from  which  all  reference  to 
the  strength  of  our  army  was  carefully  stricken  out. 
We  determined,  in  case  of  capture,  to  announce  our 
selves  as  journalists,  and  display  our  credentials. 

One  of  our  party  was  a  telegraph  operator  as  well  as 
a  journalist.  He  did  not  wish  to  appear  in  the  former 
character,  as  the  Missouri  Rebels  were  then  declaring 
they  would  show  no  quarter  to  telegraphers.  Accord 
ingly,  he  took  special  care  to  divest  himself  of  all  that 
pertained  to  the  transmission  of  intelligence  over  the 
wires.  A  pocket  "  instrument,"  which  he  had  hitherto 
carried,  he  concealed  in  Springfield,  after  carefully  dis 
abling  the  office,  and  leaving  the  establishment  unfit  for 
immediate  use. 

"We  passed  the  dangerous  point  five  miles  from  town, 
just  as  day  was  breaking.  No  Rebel  cavalry  confronted 
us  in  the  highway,  nor  shouted  an  unwelcome  "halt !" 
from  a  roadside  thicket.  All  was  still,  though  we  fan 
cied  we  could  hear  a  sound  of  troops  in  motion  far  in 
the  distance  toward  Wilson  Creek.  The  Rebels  were 
doubtless  astir,  though  they  did  not  choose  to  interfere 
with  the  retreat  of  our  army. 

As  day  broke  and  the  sun  rose,  we  found  the  people 
of  both  complexions  thronging  to  the  road,  and  seeking, 
anxiously,  the  latest  intelligence.  At  first  we  bore  their 
questions  patiently,  and  briefly  told  them  what  had  oc 
curred.  Finding  that  we  lost  much  time,  we  began, 
early  in  the  day,  to  give  the  shortest  answers  possible. 
As  fast  as  we  proceeded  the  people  became  more  earn- 


ALAKM  AMONG   THE  PEOPLE.  83 

est,  and  would  insist  upon  delaying  us.  Soon  after  mid 
day  we  commenced  denying  we  had  "been  at  the  "battle, 
or  even  in  Springfield.  This  was  our  only  course  if  we 
would  avoid  detention.  Several  residents  of  Springfield, 
and  with  them  a  runaway  captain  from  a  Kansas  regi 
ment,  had  preceded  us  a  few  hours  and  told  much  more 
than  the  truth.  Some  of  them  had  advised  the  people 
to  abandon  their  homes  and  go  to  Rolla  or  St.  Louis, 
assuring  them  they  would  all  be  murdered  if  they  re 
mained  at  home. 

In  pursuance  of  this  advice  many  were  loading  a 
portion  of  their  household  goods  upon  wagons  and  pre 
paring  to  pre.cede  or  follow  the  army  in  its  retreat.  WQ 
quieted  their  alarm  as  much  as  possible,  advising  them 
to  stay  at  home  and  trust  to  fortune.  We  could  not 
imagine  that  the  Rebels  would  deal  severely  with  the 
inhabitants,  except  in  cases  where  they  had  been  con 
spicuous  in  the  Union  cause.  Some  of  the  people  took 
our  advice,  unloaded  their  wagons,  and  waited  for  fur 
ther  developments.  Others  persisted  in  their  determin 
ation  to  leave.  They  knew  the  Rebels  better  than  we, 
and  hesitated  to  trust  their  tender  mercies.  A  year 
later  we  learned  more  of  "the  barbarism  of  Slavery." 

Southwest  Missouri  is  a  region  of  magnificent  dis 
tances.  A  mile  in  that  locality  is  like  two  miles  in  the 
New  England  or  Middle  States.  The  people  have  an 
easy  way  of  computing  distance  by  the  survey  lines. 
Thus,  if  it  is  the  width  of  a  township  from  one  point  to 
another,  they  call  the  distance  six  miles,  even  though 
the  road  may  follow  the  tortuosities  of  a  creek  or  of  the 


84  MAGNIFICENT  DISTANCES. 

crest  of  a  ridge,  and  "be  ten  or  twelve  miles  by  actual 
measurement. 

'  From  Springfield  to  Lebanon  it  is  called  fifty  miles, 
as  indicated  by  the  survey  lines.  A  large  part  of  the 
way  the  route  is  quite  direct,  but  there  are  places  where 
it  winds  considerably  among  the  hills,  and  adds  several 
miles  to  the  length  of  the  road.  No  account  is  taken  of 
this,  but  all  is  thrown  into  the  general  reckoning. 

There  is  a  popular  saying  on  the  frontier,  that  they 
measure  the  roads  with  a  fox-skin,  and  make  no  allow 
ance  for  the  tail.  Frequently  I  have  been  told  it  was 
five  miles  to  a  certain  point,  and,  after  an  hour' s  riding, 
on  inquiry,  found  that  the  place  I  sought  was  still  five, 
and  sometimes  six,  miles  distant.  Once,  when  I  essayed 
a  "  short  cut"  of  two  miles,  that  was  to  save  me  twice 
that  distance,  I  rode  at  a  good  pace  for  an  hour  and  a 
half  to  accomplish  it,  and  traveled,  as  I  thought,  at  least 
eight  miles. 

On  the  route  from  Springfield  to  Lebanon  we  were 
much  amused  at  the  estimates  of  distance.  Once  I 
asked  a  rough-looking  farmer,  "  How  far  is  it  to  Sand 
Springs?" 

"Five  miles,  stranger,"  was  the  reply.  "May  be 
you  won't  find  it  so  much." 

After  riding  three  miles,  and  again  inquiring,  I  was 
informed  it  was  "risin'  six  miles  to  Sand  Springs." 
Who  could  believe  in  the  existence  of  a  reliable  coun 
tryman,  after  that  ? 

Thirty  miles  from  Springfield,  we  stopped  at  a  farm 
house  for  dinner.  While  our  meal  was  being  prepared, 


SOUTHWESTERN  NEUTRALITY.  85 

we  lay  upon  the  grass  in  front  of  the  house,  and  were 
at  once  surrounded  by  a  half-dozen  anxious  natives. 
We  answered  their  questions  to  the  best  of  our  abilities, 
but  nearly  all  of  us  fell  asleep  five  minutes  after  lying 
down.  When  aroused  for  dinner,  I  was  told  I  had 
paused  in  the  middle  of  a  word  of  two  syllables,  leav 
ing  my  hearers  to  exercise  their  imaginations  on  what 
I  was  about  to  say. 

Dinner  was  the  usual  uhog  and  hominy"  of  the 
Southwest,  varied  with  the  smallest  possible  loaf  of 
wheaten  bread.  Outside  the  house,  before  dinner,  the 
men  were  inquisitive.  Inside  the  house,  when  we  were 
seated  for  dinner,  the  women  were  unceasing  in  their 
inquiries.  Who  can  resist  the  questions  of  a  woman, 
even  though  she  be  an  uneducated  and  unkempt  Mis- 
sourian  ?  The  dinner  and  the  questions  kept  us  awake, 
and  we  attended  faithfully  to  both. 

The  people  of  this  household  were  not  enthusiastic 
friends  of  the  Union.  Like  many  other  persons,  they 
were  anxious  to  preserve  the  good  opinion  of  both  sides, 
by  doing  nothing  in  behalf  of  either.*  Thus  neutral, 
they  feared  they  would  be  less  kindly  treated  by  the 
Eebels  than  by  the  National  forces.  Though  they  had 
no  particular  love  for  our  army,  I  think  they  were  sorry 
to  see  it  departing.  A  few  of  the  Secessionists  were  not 
slow  to  express  the  fear  that  their  own  army  would  not 
be  able  to  pay  in  full  for  all  it  wanted,  as  our  army  had 
done. 

Horses  and  riders  refreshed,  our  journey  was  re 
sumed.  The  scenes  of  the  afternoon  were  like  those  of 


86  SURROUKDED  BY  DANGERS. 

tlie  morning:  the  same  alarm  among  the  people,  the 
same  exaggerated  reports,  and  the  same  advice  from 
ourselves,  when  we  chose  to  give  it.  The  road  stretched 
out  in  the  same  way  it  had  hitherto  done,  and  the  infor 
mation  derived  from  the  inhabitants  was  as  unreliable 
as  ever.  It  was  late  in  the  evening,  in  the  midst  of  a 
heavy  shower,  that  we  reached  Lebanon,  where  we 
halted  for  the  night. 

I  have  somewhere  read  of  a  Persian  king  who  be 
headed  his  subjects  for  the  most  trivial  or  imaginary 
offenses.  The  officers  of  his  cabinet,  when  awaking  in 
the  morning,  were  accustomed  to  place  their  hands  to 
their  necks,  to  ascertain  if  their  heads  still  remained. 
The  individuals  comprising  our  party  had  every  reason 
to  make  a  similar  examination  on  the  morning  after  our 
stay  in  this  town,  and  to  express  many  thanks  at  the 
gratifying  result. 

On  reaching  the  only  hotel  at  Lebanon,  long  after 
dark,  we  found  the  public  room  occupied  by  a  miscel 
laneous  assemblage.  It  was  easy  to  see  that  they  were 
more  happy  tha"n  otherwise  at  the  defeat  which  our 
arms  had  sustained.  While  our  supper  was  being  pre 
pared  we  made  ready  for  it,  all  the  time  keeping  our 
eyes  on  the  company.  We  were  watched  as  we  went 
to  supper,  and,  on  reaching  the  table,  found  two  persons 
sitting  so  near  our  allotted  places  that  we  could  not  con 
verse  freely. 

After  supper  several  individuals  wished  to  talk  with 
us  concerning  the  recent  events.  We  made  the  battle 
appear  much  better  than  it  had  really  been,  and  assured 


AN  UNPLEASANT  NIGHT.  87 

them  that  a  company  of  cavalry  was  following  close  be- 
hind  us,  and  would  speedily  arrive.  This  information 
was  unwelcome,  as  the  countenances  of  the  listeners 
plainly  indicated. 

One  of  our  party  was  called  aside  "by  a  Union  citizen, 
and  informed  of  a  plan  to  rob,  and  probably  kill,  us  be 
fore  morning.  This  was  not  pleasing.  It  did  not  add 
to  the  comfort  of  the  situation  to  know  that  a  collision 
between  the  Home  Guards  and  a  company  of  Seces 
sionists  was  momentarily  expected.  At  either  end  of 
the  town  the  opposing  parties  were  reported  preparing 
for  a  fight.  As  the  hotel  was  about  half-way  between 
the  two  points,  our  position  became  interesting. 

Next  came  a  report  from  an  unreliable  contraband 
that  our  horses  had  been  stolen.  We  went  to  the  stable, 
as  a  man  looks  in  a  wallet  he  knows  to  be  empty,  and 
happily  found  our  animals  still  there.  We  found,  how 
ever,  that  the  stable  had  been  invaded  and  robbed  of 
two  horses  in  stalls  adjacent  to  those  of  our  own.  The 
old  story  of  the  theft  of  a  saw-mill,  followed  by  that  of 
the  dam,  was  brought  to  our  minds,  with  the  exception, 
that  the  return  of  the  thief  was  not  likely  to  secure  his 
capture.  The  stable-keeper  offered  to  lock  the  door 
and  resign  the  key  to  our  care.  His  offer  was  probably 
well  intended,  but  we  could  see  little  advantage  in  ac 
cepting  it,  as  there  were  several  irregular  openings  in 
the  side  of  the  building,  each  of  them  ample  for  the 
egress  of  a  horse. 

In  assigning  us  quarters  for  the  night,  the  landlord 
suggested  that  two  should  occupy  a  room  at  one  end  of 


88  A  COLLISION  EXPECTED. 

the  house,  while  the  rest  were  located  elsewhere.  We 
objected  to  this,  and  sustained  our  objection.  With  a 
little  delay,  a  room  sufficient  for  all  of  us  was  obtained. 
We  made  arrangements  for  the  best  possible  defense  in 
case  of  attack,  and  then  lay  down  to  sleep.  Our  Union 
friend  called  upon  us  before  we  were  fairly  settled  to 
rest,  bringing  us  intelligence  that  the  room,  where  the 
guns  of  the  Home  Guard  were  temporarily  stored,  had 
been  invaded  while  the  sentinels  were  at  supper.  The 
locks  had  been  removed  from  some  of  the  muskets,  but 
there  were  arms  enough  to  make  some  resistance  if 
necessary.  Telling  him  we  would  come  out  when  the 
firing  began,  and  requesting  the  landlord  to  send  the 
cavalry  commander  to  our  room  as  soon  as  he  arrived, 
we  fell  asleep. 

'No  one  of  our  party  carried  his  fears  beyond  the 
waking  hours.  In  five  minutes  after  dismissing  our 
friend,  all  were  enjoying  a  sleep  as  refreshing  and  un 
disturbed  as  if  we  had  been  in  the  most  secure  and 
luxurious  dwelling  of  New  York  or  Chicago.  During 
several  years  of  travel  under  circumstances  of  greater  or 
less  danger,  I  have  never  found  my  sleep  disturbed,  in 
the  slightest  degree,  by  the  nature  of  my  surroundings. 
Apprehensions  of  danger  may  be  felt  while  one  is 
awake,  but  they  generally  vanish  when  slumber  begins. 

In  the  morning  we  found  ourselves  safe,  and  were 
gratified  to  discover  that  our  horses  had  been  let  alone. 
The  landlord  declared  every  thing  was  perfectly  quiet, 
and  had  been  so  through  the  night,  with  the  exception 
of  a  little  fight  at  one  end  of  the  town.  The  Home 


SEEKING  HIS  EIGHTS.  89 

Guards  were  in  possession,  and  the  Secessionists  had 
dispersed.  The  latter  deliberated  upon  the  policy  of 
attacking  us,  and  decided  that  their  town  might  "be 
destroyed  by  our  retreating  array  in  case  we  were  dis 
turbed.  They  left  us  our  horses,  that  we  might  get  away 
from  the  place  as  speedily  as  possible.  So  we  bade 
adieu  to  Lebanon  with  much  delight.  That  we  came 
unmolested  out  of  that  nest  of  disloyalty,  was  a  matter 
of  much  surprise.  Subsequent  events,  there  and  else 
where,  have  greatly  increased  that  surprise. 

After  a  ride  of  thirteen  miles  we  reached  the  Gas 
conade  River,  which  we  found  considerably  swollen  by 
recent  rains.  The  proprietor  of  the  hotel  where  we 
breakfasted  was  a  country  doctor,  who  passed  in  that 
region  as  a  man  of  great  wisdom.  He  was  intensely 
disloyal,  and  did  not  relish  the  prospect  of  having,  as 
he  called  it,  uan  Abolition  army"  moving  anywhere 
in  his  vicinity.  He  was  preparing  to  leave  for  the  South, 
with  his  entire  household,  as  soon  as  his  affairs  could  be 
satisfactorily  arranged.  He  had  taken  the  oath  of  alle 
giance,  to  protect  himself  from  harm  at  the  hands  of  our 
soldiers,  but  his  negroes  informed  us  that  he  belonged 
to  a  company  of  "  Independent  Guards,"  which  had 
been  organized  with  the  design  of  joining  the  Kebel 
army. 

This  gentleman  was  searching  for  his  rights.  I  passed 
his  place  six  months  afterward.  The  doctor's  negroes 
had  run  away  to  the  North,  and  the  doctor  had  van 
ished  with  his  family  in  the  opposite  direction.  His 
house  had  been  burned,  his  stables  stripped  of  every 


00  APPROACHING  CIVILIZATION. 

tiling  of  value,  and  the  whole  surroundings  formed  a 
picture  of  desolation.  The  doctor  had  found  a  reward 
for  his  vigilant  search.  There  was  no  doubt  he  had 
obtained  his  rights. 

Having  ended  our  breakfast,  we  decided  to  remain  at 
that  place  until  late  in  the  afternoon,  for  the  purpose  of 
writing  up  our  accounts.  With  a  small  table,  and  other 
accommodations  of  the  worst  character,  we  busied  our 
selves  for  several  hours.  To  the  persons  of  the  house 
hold  we  were  a  curiosity.  They  had  never  before  seen 
men  who  could  write  with  a  journalist's  ordinary 
rapidity,  and  were  greatly  surprised  at  the  large  number 
of  pages  we  succeeded,  in  passing  over.  We  were  re 
peatedly  interrupted,  until  forced  to  make  a  request  to 
be  let  alone.  The  negroes  took  every  .opportunity  to 
look  at  us,  and,  when  none  but  ourselves  could  see  them, 
they  favored  us  with  choice  bits  of  local  information. 
When  we  departed,  late  in  the  afternoon,  four  stout 
negroes  ferried  us  across  the  river. 

A  hotel  known  as  the  California  House  was  our  stop 
ping-place,  ten  miles  from  the  Gasconade.  As  an  evi 
dence  of  our  approaching  return  to  civilization,  we  found 
each  bed  at  this  house  supplied  with  two  clean  sheets,  a 
luxury  that  Springfield  was  unable  to  furnish.  I  re 
gretted  to  find,  several  months  later,  that  the  California 
House  had  been  burned  by  the  Rebels.  At  the  time  of 
our  retreat,  the  landlord  was  unable  to  determine  on 
which  side  of  the  question  he  belonged,  and  settled  the 
matter,  in  conversation  with  me,  by  saying  he  was  a 
hotel-keeper,  and  could  not  interfere  in  the  great  issue 


EEBEL  COUKIEBS.  91 

of  the  day.  I  inclined  to  the  "belief  that  he  was  a  Union 
man,  but  feared  to  declare  himself  on  account  of  the 
dubious  character  of  his  surroundings. 

The  rapidity  with  which  the  Secessionists  carried 
and  received  news  was  a  matter  of  astonishment  to  our 
people.  While  on  that  ride  through  the  Southwest,  I 
had  an  opportunity  of  learning  their  modus  operandi. 
Several  times  we  saw  horsemen  ride  to  houses  or  stables, 
and,  after  a  few  moments'  parley,  exchange  their  wearied 
horses  for  fresh  ones.  The  parties  with  whom  they  ef 
fected  their  exchanges  would  be  found  pretty  well  in 
formed  concerning  the  latest  news.  By  this  irregular 
system  of  couriers,  the  Secessionists  maintained  a  com 
plete  communication  with  each  other.  All  along  the 
route,  I  found  they  knew  pretty  well  what  had  trans 
pired,  though  their  news  was  generally  mixed  up  with 
much  falsehood. 

Even  in  those  early  days,  there  was  a  magnificence 
in  the  Kebel  capacity  for  lying.  Before  the  war,  the 
Northern  States  produced  by  far  the  greatest  number  of 
inventions,  as  the  records  of  the  Patent  Office  will  show. 
During  the  late  Rebellion,  the  brains  of  the  Southern 
States  were  wonderfully  fertile  in  the  manufacture  of 
falsehood.  The  inhabitants  of  Dixie  invent  neither  cot 
ton-gins,  caloric  engines,  nor  sewing-machines,  but  when 
they  apply  their  faculties  to  downright  lying,  the  mud 
sill  head  is  forced  to  bow  in  reverence. 

In  the  last  day  of  this  ride,  we  passed  over  a  plateau 
twelve  miles  across,  also  over  a  mountain  of  consider 
able  height.  Near  the  summit  of  this  mountain,  we 


92  AT  OUR  JOURNEY'S  END. 

struck  a  small  brook,  whose  growth,  was  an  interesting 
study.  At  first,  "barely  perceptible  as  it  issued  from  a 
spring  by  the  roadside,  it  grew,  mile  by  mile,  until,  at 
the  foot  of  the  mountain,  it  formed  a  respectable  stream. 
The  road  crossed  it  every  few  hundred  yards,  and  at 
each  crossing  we  watched  its  increase.  At  the  base  of 
the  mountain  it  united  with  another  and  larger  stream, 
which  we  followed  on  our  way  to  Rolla. 

Late  in  the  afternoon  we  reached  the  end  of  our  jour 
ney.  Weary,  dusty,  hungry,  and  sore,  we  alighted 
from  our  tired  horses,  and  sought  the  office  of  the  com 
mandant  of  the  post.  All  were  eager  to  gather  the 
latest  intelligence,  and  we  were  called  upon  to  answer 
a  thousand  questions. 

With  our  story  ended,  ourselves  refreshed  from  the 
fatigue  of  our  long  ride,  a  hope  for  the  safety  of  our 
gallant  but  outnumbered  army,  we  bade  adieu  to  Rolla, 
and  were  soon  whirling  over  the  rail  to  St.  Louis. 


FREMONT  PURSUING  PRICE.  93 


CHAPTER   VIII. 

GENERAL  FREMONT'S  PURSUIT  OF  PRICE. 

Quarrel  between  Price  and  McCulloch. — The  Rebels  Advance  upon  Lex 
ington. — A  Novel  Defense  for  Sharp-shooters. — Attempt  to  Re-enforce 
the  Garrison. — An  Enterprising  Journalist. — The  Surrender. — Fre 
mont's  Adrance. — Causes  of  Delay. — How  the  Journalists  Killed 
Time. — Late  News. — A  Contractor  "  Sold."— Sigel  in  Front. — A 
,  Motley  Collection. — A  Wearied  Officer. — The  Woman  who  had  never 
seen  a  Black  Republican. — Love  and  Conversion. 

AFTER  tlie  "battle  of  Wilson  Creek  and  the  occupation 
of  Springfield,  a  quarrel  arose  between  the  Rebel  Gen 
erals,  Price  and  McCulloch.  It  resulted  in  the  latter 
being  ordered  to  Arkansas,  leaving  General  Price  in 
command  of  the  army  in  Missouri.  The  latter  had  re 
peatedly  promised  to  deliver  Missouri  from  the  hands 
of  the  United  States  forces,  and  made  his  preparations 
for  an  advance  into  the  interior.  His  intention,  openly 
declared,  was  to  take  possession  of  Jefferson  City,  and 
reinstate  Governor  Jackson  in  control  of  the  State.  The 
Rebels  wisely  considered  that  a  perambulating  Govern 
or  was  not  entitled  to  great  respect,  and  were  particu 
larly  anxious  to  see  the  proclamations  of  His  Excellency 
issued  from  the  established  capital. 

Accordingly,  General  Price,  with  an  army  twenty 
thousand  strong,  marched  from  Springfield  in  the  direc 
tion  of  Lexington.  This  point  was  garrisoned  by  Colo- 


94  THE  CAPTURE  OF  LEXINGTON. 

nel  Mulligan  with  albout  twenty-five  hundred  men. 
After  a  siege  of  four  days,  during  the  last  two  of  which 
the  garrison  was  without  water,  the  fort  was  surrender 
ed.  Price's  army  was  sufficiently  large  to  make  a  com 
plete  investment  of  the  fortifications  occupied  "by  Colonel 
Mulligan,  and  thus  cut  off  all  access  to  tke  river.  The 
hemp  warehouses  in  Lexington  were  drawn  upon  to  con 
struct  movable  breast-works  for  the  besieging  force. 
Rolling  the  bales  of  hemp  before  them,  the  Rebel  sharp 
shooters  could  get  very  near  the  fort  without  placing 
themselves  in  great  danger. 

The  defense  was  gallant,  but  as  no  garrisons  can 
exist  without  water,  Colonel  Mulligan  was  forced  to 
capitulate.  It  afterward  became  known  that  Price's 
army  had  almost  exhausted  its  stock  of  percussion-caps 
— it  having  less  than  two  thousand  when  the  surren 
der  was  made.  General  Fremont  was  highly  censured 
by  the  Press  and  people  for  not  re-enforcing  the  garri 
son,  when  it  was  known  that  Price  was  moving  upon 
Lexington.  One  journal  in  St.  Louis,  that  took  occa 
sion  to  comment  adversely  upon  his  conduct,  was  sud 
denly  suppressed.  After  a  stoppage  of  a  few  days, 
it  was  allowed  to  resume  publication. 

During  the  siege  a  small  column  of  infantry  ap 
proached  the  north  bank  of  the  river,  opposite  Lexing 
ton,  with  the  design  of  joining  Colonel  Mulligan.  The 
attempt  was  considered  too  hazardous,  and  no  junction 
was  effected.  Mr.  Wilkie,  of  the  New  York  Times,  ac 
companied  this  column,  and  was  much  disappointed 
when  the  project  of  reaching  Lexington  was  given  up. 


FREMONT  AT  JEFFERSON  CITY;  95 

Determined  to  see  the  "battle,  he  crossed  the  river  and 
surrendered  himself  to  General  Price,  with  a  request 
to  be  put  on  parole  until  the  battle  was  ended.  The 
Rebel  commander  gave  him  quarters  in  the  guard 
house  till  the  surrender  took  place.  Mr.  Wilkie  was 
then  liberated,  and  reached  St.  Louis  with  an  exclusive 
account  of  the  affair. 

While  General  Price  was  holding  Lexington,  Gen 
eral  Fremont  commenced  assembling  an  army  at  Jeffer 
son  City,  with  the  avowed  intention  of  cutting  off  the 
retreat  of  the  Rebels  through  Southwest  Missouri.  From 
Jefferson  City  our  forces  moved  to  Tipton  and  Syra 
cuse,  and  there  left  the  line  of  railway  for  a  march  to 
Springfield.  Our  movements  were  not  conducted  with 
celerity,  and  before  we  left  Jefferson  City  the  Rebels 
had  evacuated  Lexington  and  moved  toward  Spring 
field. 

The  delay  in  our  advance  was  chiefly  owing  to  a 
lack  of  transportation  and  a  deficiency  of  arms  for  the 
men.  General  Fremont's  friends  charged  that  he  was 
not  properly  sustained  by  the  Administration,  in  his 
efforts  to  outfit  and  organize  his  army.  There  was, 
doubtless,  some  ground  for  this  charge,  as  the  authori 
ties,  at  that  particular  time,  were  unable  to  see  any 
danger,  except  at  Washington.  They  often  diverted 
to  that  point  materiel  that  had  been  originally  designed 
for  St.  Louis. 

As  the  army  lay  at  Jefferson  City,  preparing  for  the 
field,  some  twelve  or  fifteen  journalists,  representing  the 
prominent  papers  of  the  country,  assembled  there  to 


96  JOVIAL  JOUPwNALISTS. 

chronicle  its  achievements.  They  waited  nearly  two 
weeks  for  the  movement  to  begin.  Some  "became  sick, 
others  left  in  disgust,  "but  the  most  of  them  remained 
firm.  The  devices  of  the  journalists  to  kill  time  were 
of  an  amusing  nature.  The  town  had  no  attractions 
whatever,  and  the  gentlemen  of  the  press  devoted  them 
selves  to  fast  riding  on  the  "best  horses  they  could  ob 
tain.  Their  horseback  excursions  usually  terminated 
in  lively  races,  in  which  both  riders  and  steeds  were  suf 
ferers.  The  representatives  of  two  widely-circulated 
dailies  narrowly  escaped  being  sent  home  with  broken 
necks. 

Evenings  at  the  hotels  were  passed  in  reviving  the 
"  sky-larking  "  of  school-boy  days.  These  scenes  were 
amusing  to  participants  and  spectators.  Sober,  digni 
fied  men,  the  majority  of  them  heads  of  families,  occu 
pied  themselves  in  devising  plans  for  the  general  amuse 
ment. 

One  mode  of  enjoyment  was  to  assemble  in  a  certain 
large  room,  and  throw  at  each  other  every  portable  arti 
cle,  at  hand,  until  exhaustion  ensued.  Every  thing  that 
could  be  thrown  or  tossed  was  made  use  of.  Pillows, 
overcoats,  blankets,  valises,  saddle-bags,  bridles,  satch 
els,  towels,  books,  stove- wood,  bed- clothing,  chairs, 
window-curtains,  and,  ultimately,  the  fragments  of  the 
bedsteads,  were  transformed  into  missiles.  I  doubt  if 
that  house  ever  before,  or  since,  knew  so  much  noise  in 
the  same  time.  Everybody  enjoyed  it  except  those  who 
occupied  adjoining  rooms,  and  possessed  a  desire  for 
sleep.  Some  of  these  persons  were  inclined  to  excuse 


RECEIVING  LATE  NEWS.  97 

our  hilarity,  on  the  ground  that  the  "boys  ought  to  en 
joy  themselves.  "  The  boys !"  Most  of  them  were  on 
the  shady  side  of  twenty-five,  and  some  had  seen  forty 
years. 

About  nine  o'clock  in  the  forenoon  of  the  day  follow 
ing  Price' s  evacuation  of  Lexington,  we  obtained  news 
of  the  movement.  The  mail  at  noon,  and  the  telegraph 
before  that  time,  carried  all  we  had  to  say  of  the  affair, 
and  in  a  few  hours  we  ceased  to  talk  of  it.  On  the 
evening  of  that  day,  a  good-natured  "contractor"  vis 
ited  our  room,  and,  after  indulging  in  our  varied  amuse 
ments  until  past  eleven,  bade  us  good-night  and  de 
parted. 

Many  army  contractors  had  grown  fat  in  the  coun 
try's  service,  but  this  man  had  a  large  accumulation  of 
adipose  matter  before  the  war  broke  out.  A  rapid 
ascent  of  a  long  flight  of  stairs  was,  therefore,  a  serious 
matter  with  him.  Five  minutes  after  leaving  us,  he 
dashed  rapidly  up  the  stairs  and  entered  our  room.  As 
soon  as  he  could  speak,  he  asked,  breathing  between 
the  words — 

"  Have  you  heard  the  news  V9 

6  *  No,  "we  responded ;  ' i  what  is  it  f ' 

"Why"  (with  more  efforts  to  recover  his  breath), 
"  Price  has  evacuated  Lexington !" 

"  Is  it  possible «" 

"Yes,"  he  gasped,  and  then  sank  exhausted  into  a 
large  (very  large)  arm-chair. 

We  gave  him  a  glass  of  water  and  a  fan,  and  urged 
him  to  proceed  with  the  story.  He  told  all  he  had  just 


98  THE  AEMT  IN  MOTION. 

heard  in  the  bar-room  "below,  and  we  listened  with  the 
greatest  apparent  interest. 

When  he  had  ended,  we  told  him  our  story.  The 
quality  and  quantity  of  the  wine  which  he  immediately 
ordered,  was  only  excelled  by  his  hearty  appreciation  of 
the  joke  he  had  played  upon  himself. 

Every  army  correspondent  has  often  been  furnished 
with  " important  intelligence"  already  in  his  possession, 
and  sometimes  in  print  before  his  well-meaning  inform 
ant  obtains  it. 

A  portion  of  General  Fremont's  army  marched  from 
Jefferson  City  to  Tipton  and  Syracuse,  while  the  bal 
ance,  with  most  of  the  transportation,  was  sent  by  rail. 
General  Sigel  was  the  first  to  receive  orders  to  march 
his  division  from  Tipton  to  Warsaw,  and  he  was  very 
prompt  to  obey.  While  other  division  commanders 
were  waiting  for  their  transportation  to  arrive  from  St. 
Louis,  Sigel  scoured  the  country  and  gathered  up  every 
thing  with  wheels.  His  train  was  the  most  motley  col 
lection  of  vehicles  it  has  ever  been  my  lot  to  witness. 
There  were  old  wagons  that  made  the  journey  from 
Tennessee  to  Missouri  thirty  years  before,  farm  wagons 
and  carts  of  every  description,  family  carriages,  spring 
wagons,  stage-coaches,  drays,  and  hay-carts.  In  fact, 
every  thing  that  could  carry  a  load  was  taken  along. 
Even  pack-saddles  were  not  neglected.  Horses,  mules, 
jacks,  oxen,  and  sometimes  cows,  formed  the  motive 
power.  To  stand  by  the  roadside  and  witness  the  pas 
sage  of  General  Sigel' s  train,  was  equal  to  a  visit  to  Bar- 
num's  Museum,  and  proved  an  unfailing  source  of  mirth. 


A  COMPOSITE  TKADT.  99 

Falstaff's  train  (if  lie  had  one)  could  not  have  "been 
more  picturesque.  Even  the  Missourians,  accustomed  as 
they  were  to  sorry  sights,  laughed  heartily  at  the  spec 
tacle  presented  by  Sigel's  transportation.  The  Seces 
sionists  made  several  wrong  deductions  from  the  sad 
appearance  of  that  train.  Some  of  them  predicted 
that  the  division  with  such  a  train  would  prove  to 
"be  of  little  value  in  Ibattle.  Never  were  men  more 
completely  deceived.  The  division  marched  rapidly, 
and,  on  a  subsequent  campaign,  evinced  its  ability  to 
fight. 

One  after  another,  the  divisions  of  Fremont's  army 
moved  in  chase  of  the  Rebels  ;  a  pursuit  in  which  the 
pursued  had  a  start  of  seventy-five  miles,  and  a  clear 
road  before  them.  Fremont  and  his  staff  left  Tipton, 
when  three  divisions  had  gone,  and  overtook  the  main 
column  at  Warsaw.  A  few  days  later,  Mr.  Richardson, 
of  the  Tribune^  and  myself  started  from  Syracuse  at 
one  o'clock,  one  pleasant  afternoon,  and,  with  a  single 
halt  of  an  hour's  duration,  reached  Warsaw,  forty-seven 
miles  distant,  at  ten  o'clock  at  night.  In  the  morning 
we  found  the  general' s  staff  comfortably  quartered  in 
the  village.  On  the  staff  there  were  several  gentlemen 
from  New  York  and  other  Eastern  cities,  who  were 
totally  unaccustomed  to  horseback  exercise.  One  of 
these  recounted  the  story  of  their  " dreadful"  journey 
of  fifty  miles  from  Tipton. 

"Only  think  of  it!"  said  he;  "we  came  through 
all  that  distance  in  less  than  three  days.  One  day 
the  general  made  us  come  twenty-four  miles." 


100  NEVER  SAW  A  BLACK  REPUBLICAN". 

"  That  was  very  severe,  indeed.  I  wonder  how  yon 
endured  it." 

"  It  was  severe,  and  nearly  Ibroke  some  of  us  down. 
By- the- way,  Mr.  K ,  how  did  you  come  over?" 

"Oh,"  said  I,  carelessly,  "Richardson  and  I  left 
Syracuse  at  noon  yesterday,  and  arrived  here  at  ten 
last  night." 

Before  that  campaign  was  ended,  General  Fremont's 
staff  acquired  some  knowledge  of  horsemanship. 

At  Warsaw  the  patty  of  journalists  passed  several 
waiting  days,  and  domiciled  themselves  in  the  house  of 
a  widow  who  had  one  pretty  daughter;  Our  natural 
Tbashfulness  was  our  great  hinderance,  so  that  it  was 
a  day  or  two  "before  we  made  the  acquaintance  of 
the  younger  of  the  women.  One  evening  she  invited 
a  young  lady  friend  to  visit  her,  and  obliged  us  with 
introductions.  The  ladies  persistently  turned  the  con 
versation  upon  the  Rebellion,  and  gave  us  the  benefit 
of  their  views.  Our  young  hostess,  desiring  to  say 
something  complimentary,  declared  she  did  not  dislike 
the  Yankees,  but  despised  the  Dutch  and  the  Black 
Republicans." 

"Do  you  dislike  the  Black  Republicans  very 
much?"  said  the  Tribune  correspondent. 

"Oh!    yes;    I  licde  them.     I  wish  they  were   all 
dead." 

"Well,"   was  the  quiet  response,    "we  are  Black 
Republicans.    I  am  the  blackest  of  them  all." 

The  fair  Secessionist  was  much  confused,   and  for 
fully  a  minute  remained  silent.    Then  she  said  — 


THE  INHABITANTS  OF  WAKSAW.  101 

"I  must  confess  I  did  not  fully  understand  what 
Black  Republicans  were.  I  never  saw  any  "before." 

During  the  evening  she  was  quite  courteous,  though 
persistent  in  declaring  her  sentiments.  Her  companion 
launched  the  most  "bitter  invective  at  every  thing  iden 
tified  with  the  Union  cause,  and  made  some  horrid 
wishes  about  General  Fremont  and  his  army.  A  more 
vituperative  female  Rebel  I  have  never  seen.  She  was 
as  pretty  as  she  was  disloyal,  and  was,  evidently,  fully 
aware  of  it. 

A  few  months  later,  I  learned  that  both  these 
young  ladies  had  become  the  wives  of  United  States 
officers,  and  were  complimenting,  in  high  terms,  the 
bravery  and  patriotism  of  the  soldiers  they  had  so 
recently  despised. 

The  majority  of  the  inhabitants  of  Warsaw  were  dis 
loyal,  and  had  little  hesitation  in  declaring  their  senti 
ments.  .  Most  of  the  young  men  were  in  the  Rebel  army 
or  preparing  to  go  there.  A  careful  search  of  several 
warehouses  revealed  extensives  stores  of  powder,  salt, 
shoes,  and  other  military  supplies.  Some  of  these  arti 
cles  were  found  in  a  cave  a  few  miles  from  Warsaw, 
their  locality  being  made  known  by  a  negro  who  was 
present  at  their  concealment. 

Warsaw  boasted  a  newspaper  establishment,  but  the 
proprietor  and  editor  of  the  weekly  sheet  had  joined 
his  fortunes  to  those  of  General  Price.  Two  years  be 
fore  the  time  of  our  visit,  this  editor  was  a  member  of 
the  State  Legislature,  and  made  an  earnest  effort  to  se 
cure  the  expulsion  of  the  reporter  of  Tlie  Missouri 


102  TAKING  REVENGE. 

Democrat,  on  account  of  the  radical  tone  of  that  paper. 
He  was  unsuccessful,  Tbut  the  aggrieved  individual  did 
not  forgive  him. 

When  our  army  entered  Warsaw  this  reporter  held 
a  position  on  the  staff  of  the  general  commanding.  ISTot 
finding  his  old  adversary,  he  contented  himself  with 
taking  possession  of  the  printing-office,  and  "  confisca 
ting"  whatever  was  needed  for  the  use  of  head-quarters. 

About  twenty  miles  from  Warsaw,  on  the  road  to 
Booneville,  there  was  a  German  settlement,  known  as 
Cole  Camp.  When  the  troubles  commenced  in  Mis 
souri,  a  company  of  Home  Guards  was  formed  at  Cole 
Camp.  A  few  days  after  its  formation  a  company  of 
Secessionists  from  Warsaw  made  a  night-march  and 
attacked  the  Home  Guards  at  daylight. 

Though  inflicting  severe  injury  upon  the  Home 
Guards,  the  Secessionists  mourned  the  loss  of  the  most 
prominent  citizens  of  Warsaw.  They  were  soon  after 
humiliated  by  the  presence  of  a  Union  army. 


MOVING  TOWARD  SPRINGFIELD.  103 


CHAPTER   IX. 

THE   SECOND   CAMPAIGN  TO   SPRINGFIELD. 

Detention  at  "Warsaw. — A  Bridge  over  the  Osage. — The  Body-Guard.— 
Manner  of  its  Organization. — The  Advance  to  Springfield. — Chargt 
of  the  Body-Guard. — A  Corporal's  Ruse. — Occupation  of  Springfield 
—The  Situation.— Wilson  Creek  Revisited.— Traces  of  the  Battle.— 
Rumored  Movements  of  the  Enemy. — Removal  of  General  Fremont. 
— Danger  of  Attack. — A  Night  of  Excitement. — The  Return  to  St. 
Louis. — Curiosities  of  the  Scouting  Service. — An  Arrest  by  Mistake. 

THE  army  was  detained  at  Warsaw,  to  wait  the  con 
struction  of  a  bridge  over  the  Osage  for  the  passage  of 
the  artillery  and  heavy  transportation.  Sigel's  Division 
was  given  the  advance,  and  crossed  before  the  bridge 
was  finished.  The  main  column  moved  as  soon  as  the 
bridge  permitted — the  rear  being  brought  up  by  Mc- 
Kinstry's  Division.  A  division  from  Kansas,  under 
General  Lane,  was  moving  at  the  same  time,  to  form  a 
junction  with  Fremont  near  Springfield,  and  a  brigade 
from  Kolla  was  advancing  with  the  same  object  in  view. 
General  Sturgis  was  in  motion  from  North  Missouri,  and 
there  was  a  prospect  that  an  army  nearly  forty  thousand 
strong  would  be  assembled  at  Springfield. 

While  General  Fremont  was  in  St.  Louis,  before  set 
ting  out  on  this  expedition,  he  organized  the  "  Fre 
mont  Body-Guard,"  which  afterward  became  famous. 
This  force  consisted  of  four  companies  of  cavalry,  and 


104  THE  FREMONT  BODY-GUARD. 

was  intended  to  form  a  full  regiment.  It  was  composed 
of  the  best  class  of  the  young  men  of  St.  Louis  and  Cin 
cinnati.  From  the  completeness  of  its  outfit,  it  was 
often  spoken  of  as  the  "  Kid-Gloved  Regiment."  Gen 
eral  Fremont  designed  it  as  a  special  body-guard  for  him 
self,  to  move  when  he  moved,  and  to  form  a  part  of  his 
head-quarter  establishment.  The  manner  of  its  organi 
zation  was  looked  upon  by  many  as  a  needless  outlay, 
at  a  time  when  the  finances  of  the  department  were  in 
a  disordered  condition.  The  officers  and  the  rank  and 
file  of  the  Body- Guard  felt  their  pride  touched  by  the 
comments  upon  them,  and  determined  to  take  the  first 
opportunity  to  vindicate  their  character  as  soldiers. 

When  we  were  within  fifty  miles  of  Springfield,  it 
was  ascertained  that  the  main  force  of  the  Rebels  had 
moved  southward,  leaving  behind  them  some  two  or 
three  thousand  men.  General  Fremont  ordered  a  cav 
alry  force,  including  the  Body-Guard,  to  advance  upon 
the  town.  On  reaching  Springfield  the  cavalry  made  a 
gallant  charge  upon  the  Rebel  camp,  which  was  situated 
in  a  large  field,  bordered  by  a  wood,  within  sight  of  the 
court-house. 

In  this  assault  the  loss  of  our  forces,  in  proportion  to 
the  number  engaged,  was  quite  severe,  but  the  enemy 
was  put  to  flight,  and  the  town  occupied  for  a  few  hours. 
We  gained  nothing  of  a  material  nature,  as  the  Rebels 
would  have  quietly  evacuated  Springfield  at  the  ap 
proach  of  our  main  army.  The  courage  of  the  Body- 
Guard,  which  no  sensible  man  had  doubted,  was  fully 
evinced  by  this  gallant  but  useless  charge.  When  the 


A  CORPOKAL'S  EUSE.  105 

figlit  was  over,  the  colonel  in  command  ordered  a  retreat 
of  twenty  miles,  to  meet  the  advance  of  the  army. 

A  corporal  with  a  dozen  men  "became  separated  from 
the  command  while  in  Springfield,  and  remained  there 
until  the  following  morning.  He  received  a  flag  of  truce 
from  the  Rebels,  asking  permission  to  send  a  party  to 
bury  the  dead.  He  told  the  bearer  to  wait  until  he 
could  consult  his  "general,"  who  was  supposed  to  be 
lying  down  in  the  back  office.  The  "  general"  replied 
that  his  "  division"  was  too  much  exasperated  to  ren 
der  it  prudent  for  a  delegation  from  the  enemy  to  enter 
town,  and  therefore  declined  to  grant  the  reqtfest.  At 
the  same  time  he  promised  to  send  out  strong  details 
to  attend  to  the  sad  duty.  At  sunrise  he  thought  it  best 
to  follow  the  movements  of  his  superior  officer,  lest  the 
Rebels  might  discover  his  ruse  and  effect  his  capture. 

Two  days  after  the  charge  of  the  Body- Guard,  the 
advance  of  the  infantry  entered  Springfield  without  the 
slightest  opposition.  The  army  gradually  came  up,  and 
the  occupation  of  the  key  of  Southwest  Missouri  was 
completed.  The  Rebel  army  fell  back  toward  the  Ar 
kansas  line,  to  meet  a  force  supposed  to  be  marching 
northward  from  Fayetteville.  There  was  little  expecta 
tion  that  the  Rebels  would  seek  to  engage  us.  The  only 
possible  prospect  of  their  assuming  the  offensive  was  in 
the  event  of  a  junction  between  Price  and  McCulloch, 
rendering  them  numerically  superior  to  ourselves. 

During  our  occupation  of  Springfield  I  paid  a  visit  to 
the  "Wilson  Creek  battle-ground.  It  was  eleven  weeks 
from  the  day  I  had  left  it.  Approaching  the  field,  I  was 


106  THE  OLD  BATTLE-GROUND. 

impressed  by  its  stillness,  so  different  from  the  tumult 
on  the  10th  of  the  previous  August.  It  was  difficult  to 
realize  that  the  spot,  now  so  quiet,  had  been  the  scene  of 
a  sanguinary  contest.  The  rippling  of  the  creek,  and 
the  occasional  chirp  of  a  bird,  were  the  only  noises  that 
came  to  our  ears.  There  was  no  motion  of  the  air,  not 
enough  to  disturb  the  leaves  freshly  fallen  from  the  nu 
merous  oak-trees  on  the  battle-field.  At  each  step  I 
could  but  contrast  the  cool,  calm,  Indian-summer  day, 
with  the  hot,  August  morning,  when  the  battle  took 
place. 

All  sounds  of  battle  were  gone,  but  the  traces  of  the 
encounter  had  not  disappeared.  As  we  followed  the 
route  leading  to  the  field,  I  turned  from  the  beaten  track 
and  rode  among  the  trees.  Ascending  a  slight  acclivity, 
I  found  my  horse  half- stumbling  over  some  object  be 
tween  his  feet.  Looking  down,  I  discovered  a  human 
skull,  partly  covered  by  the  luxuriant  grass.  At  a  little 
distance  lay  the  dismembered  skeleton  to  which  the  skull 
evidently  belonged.  It  was  doubtless  that  of  some  sol 
dier  who  had  crawled  there  while  wounded,  and  sunk 
exhausted  at  the  foot  of  a  tree.  The  bits  of  clothing  cov 
ering  the  ground  showed  that  either  birds  or  wild  ani 
mals  had  been  busy  with  the  remains.  Not  far  off  lay 
another  skeleton,  disturbed  and  dismembered  like  the 
other. 

Other  traces  of  the  conflict  were  visible,  as  I  moved 
slowly  over  the  field.  Here  were  scattered  graves,  each 
for  a  single  person ;  there  a  large  grave,  that  had  re 
ceived  a  dozen  bodies  of  the  slain.  Here  were  fragments 


MOVEMENTS  OF  THE  REBELS.  107 

of  clothing  and  equipments,  pieces  of  broken  weapons, 
the  shattered  wheel  of  a  caisson,  and  near  it  the  ex- 
ploded  shell  that  destroyed  it.  Skeletons  of  horses, 
graves  of  men,  scarred  trees,  trampled  graves,  the  ruins 
of  the  burned  wagons  of  the  Rebels,  all  formed  their 
portion  of  the  picture.  It  well  illustrated  the  desolation 
of  war. 

The  spot  where  General  Lyon  fell  was  marked  by 
a  rude  inscription  upon  the  nearest  tree.  The  skeleton 
of  the  general's  favorite  horse  lay  near  this  tree,  and 
had  been  partially  broken  up  by  relic-  seekers.  The 
long,  glossy  mane  was  cut  off  by  the  Rebel  soldiers 
on  the  day  after  the  battle,  and  worn  by  them  as  a 
badge  of  honor.  Subsequently  the  teeth  and  bones 
were  appropriated  by  both  Rebels  and  Unionists. 
Even  the  tree  that  designated  the  locality  was  partially 
stripped  of  its  limbs  to  furnish  souvenirs  of  Wilson 
Creek. 

During  the  first  few  days  of  our  stay  in  Springfield, 
there  were  vague  rumors  that  the  army  was  preparing 
for  a  long  march  into  the  enemy's  country.  The  Rebel 
army  was  reported  at  Cassville,  fifty-five  miles  distant, 
fortifying  in  a  strong  position.  General  Price  and  Gov 
ernor  Jackson  had  convened  the  remnant  of  the  Missouri 
Legislature,  and  caused  the  State  to  be  voted  out  of  the 
Union.  It  was  supposed  we  would  advance  and  expel 
the  Rebels  from  the  State. 

While  we  were  making  ready  to  move,  it  was  reported 
that  the  Rebel  army  at  Cassville  had  received  large  re- 
enforcements  from  Arkansas,  and  was  moving  in  our 


108  A  FALSE  ALAEM. 

direction.  Of  course,  all  were  anxious  for  a  "battle,  and 
hailed  this  intelligence  with  delight.  At  the  same  time 
there  were  rumors  of  trouble  from  another  direction- 
trouble  to  the  commander-in-chief.  The  vague  reports 
of  his  coming  decapitation  were  followed  by  the  arrival, 
on  the  3d  of  November,  of  the  unconditional  order  re 
moving  General  Fremont  from  command,  and  appointing 
General  Hunter  in  his  stead. 

Just  before  the  reception  of  this  order,  " positive" 
news  was  received  that  the  enemy  was  advancing  from 
Cassville  toward  Springfield,  and  would  either  attack  us 
in  the  town,  or  meet  us  on  the  ground  south  of  it.  Gen 
eral  Hunter  had  not  arrived,  and  therefore  General  Fre 
mont  formed  his  plan  of  battle,  and  determined  on 
marching  out  to  meet  the  enemy. 

On  the  morning  of  the  3d,  the  scouts  brought  intelli 
gence  that  the  entire  Rebel  army  was  in  camp  on  the  old 
Wilson  Creek  battle-ground,  and  would  fight  us  there. 
A  council  of  war  was  called,  and  it  was  decided  to  attack 
the  enemy  on  the  following  morning,  if  General  Hunter 
did  not  arrive  before  that  time.  Some  of  the  officers 
were  suspicious  that  the  Rebels  were  not  in  force  at 
Wilson  Creek,  but  when  Fremont  announced  it  officially 
there  could  be  little  room  for  doubt. 

Every  thing  was  put  in  readiness  for  battle.  Gen 
erals  of  division  were  ordered  to  be  ready  to  move  at  a 
moment's  notice.  The  pickets  were  doubled,  and  the 
grand  guards  increased  to  an  unusual  extent.  Four 
pieces  of  artillery  formed  a  portion  of  the  picket  force 
on  the  Fayetteville  road,  the  direct  route  to  Wilson 


GENERAL  FREMONT  RELIEVED.  109 

Creek.     If  an  enemy  had  approached  on  that  night  he 
would  have  met  a  warm  reception. 

About  seven  o'clock  in  the  evening,  a  staff  officer, 
who  kept  the  journalists  informed  of  the  progress  of 
affairs,  visited  General  Fremont's  head-quarters.  He 
soon  emerged  with  important  intelligence. 

"  It  is  all  settled.  The  army  is  ready  to  move  at  the 
instant.  Orders  will  "be  issued  at  two  o'clock,  and  we 
will  be  under  way  before  daylight.  Skirmishing  will 
begin  at  nine,  and  the  full  battle  will  be  drawn  on  at 
twelve." 

"  Is  the  plan  arranged  ?" 

"  Yes,  it ^s  all  arranged ;  but  I  did  not  ask  how." 

" Battle  sure  to  come  off— is  it?" 

"  Certainly,  unless  Hunter  comes  and  countermands 
the  order." 

Alas,  for  human  calculations !  General  Hunter  ar 
rived  before  midnight.  Two  o'clock  came,  but  no 
orders  to  break  camp.  Daylight,  and  no  orders  to 
march.  Breakfast-time,  and  not  a  hostile  shot  had  been 
heard.  Nine  o'clock,  and  no  skirmish.  Twelve  o'clock, 
and  no  battle. 

General  Fremont  and  staff  returned  to  St.  Louis. 
General  Hunter  made  a  reconnoissance  to  Wilson  Creek, 
and  ascertained  that  the  only  enemy  that  had  been  in 
the  vicinity  was  a  scouting  party  of  forty  or  fifty  men. 
At  the  time  we  were  to  march  out,  there  was  not  a  Rebel 
on  the  ground.  Their  whole  army  was  still  at  Cassville, 
fifty-five  miles  from  Springfield. 

On    the    9th    of  November    the    army    evacuated 


110  THE  SCOUTING  SERVICE. 

Springfield  and  returned  to  the  line  of  the  Pacific  Rail 
way. 

General  Fremont's  scouts  had  deceived  him.  Some 
of  these  individuals  were  exceedingly  credulous,  while 
others  were  liars  of  the  highest  grade  known  to  civiliza 
tion.  The  former  obtained  their  information  from  the 
frightened  inhabitants  ;  the  latter  manufactured  theirs 
with  the  aid  of  vivid  imaginations.  I  half  suspect  the 
fellows  were  like  the  showman  in  the  story,  and,  at 
length,  religiously  believed  what  they  first  designed  as  a 
hoax.  Between  the  two  classes  of  scouts  a  large  army 
of  Rebels  was  created. 

The  scouting  service  often  develops  characters  of  a 
peculiar  mould.  Nearly  every  man  engaged  in  it  has 
some  particular  branch  in  which  he  excels.  There  was 
one  young  man  accompanying  General  Fremont's  army, 
whose  equal,  as  a  special  forager,  I  have  never  seen 
elsewhere.  Whenever  we  entered  camp,  this  individual, 
whom  I  will  call  the  captain,  would  take  a  half-dozen 
companions  and  start  on  a  foraging  tour.  After  an  ab 
sence  of  from  four  to  six  hours,  he  would  return  well- 
laden  with  the  spoils  of  war.  On  one  occasion  he 
brought  to  camp  three  horses,  two  cows,  a  yoke  of 
oxen,  and  a  wagon.  In  the  latter  he  had  a  barrel  of 
sorghum  molasses,  a  firkin  of  butter,  two  sheep,  a  pair 
of  fox-hounds,  a  hoop-skirt,  a  corn-sheller,  a  baby's 
cradle,  a  lot  of  crockery,  half  a  dozen  padlocks,  two 
hoes,  and  a  rocking-chair.  On  the  next  night  he  re 
turned  with  a  family  carriage  drawn  by  a  horse  and  a 
mule.  In  the  carriage  he  had,  among  other  things,  a 


AN  ARREST  BY  MISTAKE.  Ill 

parrot-cage  which  contained  a  screaming  parrot,  several 
pairs  of  ladies'  shoes,  a  few  yards  of  calico,  the  stock  of 
an  old  musket,  part  of  a  spinning-wheel,  and  a  box  of 
garden  seeds.  In  what  way  these  things  would  con 
tribute  to  the  support  of  the  army,  it  was  difficult  to 
understand. 

On  one  occasion  the  captain  found  a  trunk  full  of 
clothing,  concealed  with  a  lot  of  salt  in  a  Rebel  ware 
house.  He  brought  the  trunk  to  camp,  and,  as  the 
quartermaster  refused  to  receive  it,  took  it  to  St.  Louis 
when  the  expedition  returned.  At  the  hotel  where  he 
was  stopping,  some  detectives  were  watching  a  sus 
pected  thief,  and,  by  mistake,  searched  the  captain's 
room.  They  found  a  trunk  containing  thirteen  coats  of 
all  sizes,  with  no  pants  or  vests.  Naturally  considering 
this  a  strange  wardrobe  for  a  gentleman,  they  took  the 
captain  into  custody.  He  protested  earnestly  that  he 
was  not,  and  had  never  been,  a  thief,  but  it  was  only  on 
the  testimony  of  the  quartermaster  that  he  was  released. 
I  believe  he  subsequently  acted  as  a  scoiit  under  Gen 
eral  Halleck,  during  the  siege  of  Corinth. 

After  the  withdrawal  of  our  army,  General  Price  re 
turned  to  Springfield  and  went  into  winter-quarters. 
McCulloch's  command  formed  a  cantonment  at  Cross 
Hollows,  Arkansas,  about  ninety  miles  southwest  of 
Springfield.  There  was  no  prospect  of  further  activity 
until  the  ensuing  spring.  Every  thing  betokened  rest. 

From  Springfield  I  returned  to  St.  Louis  by  way  of 
Holla,  designing  to  follow  the  example  of  the  army,  and 
seek  a  good  locality  for  hibernating.  On  my  way  to 


112  SOUTHWEST  MISSOURI  IN  WAR-TIME. 

Kolla  I  found  many  houses  deserted,  or  tenanted  only 
"by  women  and  children.  Frequently  the  crops  were 
standing,  ungathered,  in  the  field.  Fences  were  pros 
trated,  and  there  was  no  effort  to  restore  them.  The 
desolation  of  that  region  was  just  beginning. 


THE  KEBELS  IN  ST.  LOUIS.  113 


CHAPTER   X. 

TWO    MONTHS    OF    IDLENESS. 

A  Promise  Fulfilled.— Capture  of  a  Rebel  Camp  and  Train. — Rebel  Sym 
pathizers  in  St.  Louis. — General  Halleck  and  his  Policy. — Refugees 
from  Rebeldom. — Story  of  the  Sufferings  of  a  Union  Family. — Chiv 
alry  in  the  Nineteenth  Century. — The  Army  of  the  Southwest  in  Mo 
tion.— Gun-Boats  and  Transports. — Capture  of  Fort  Henry. — The 
Effect  in  St.  Louis. — Our  Flag  Advancing. 

EARLY  in  the  December  following  the  events  nar 
rated  in  the  last  chapter,  General  Pope  captured  a  camp 
in  the  interior  of  the  State,  where  recruits  were  being 
collected  for  Price's  army.  After  the  return  of  Fre 
mont's  army  from  Springfield,  the  Eebels  "boasted  they 
would  eat  their  Christmas  dinner  in  St.  Louis.  Many 
Secessionists  were  making  preparations  to  receive  Price 
and  his  army,  and  some  of  them  prophesied  the  time  of 
their  arrival.  It  was  known  that  a  goodly  number  of 
Rebel  flags  had  been  made  ready  to  hang  out  when  the 
conquerors  should  come.  Sympathizers  with  the  Rebel 
lion  became  bold,  and  often  displayed  badges,  rosettes, 
and  small  flags,  indicative  of  their  feelings.  Recruiting 
for  the  Rebel  army  went  on,  very  quietly,  of  course, 
within  a  hundred  yards  of  the  City  Hall.  At  a  fair  for 
the  benefit  of  the  Orphan  Asylum,  the  ladies  openly  dis 
played  Rebel  insignia,  but  carefully  excluded  the  Na 
tional  emblems. 

8 


114  CHANGES  OF  COMMANDERS. 

This  was  the  state  of  affairs  when  eight  hundred 
Rebels  arrived  in  St.  Louis.  They  redeemed  their 
promise  to  enjoy  a  Christmas  dinner  in  St.  Louis,  though 
they  had  counted  upon  more  freedom  than  they  were 
then  able  to  obtain.  In  order  that  they  might  carry  out, 
in  part,  their  original  intention,  their  kind-hearted  jailers 
permitted  the  friends  of  the  prisoners  to  send  a  dinner 
to  the  latter  on  Christmas  Day.  The  prisoners  partook 
of  the  repast  with  much  relish. 

The  capture  of  those  recruits  was  accompanied  by  the 
seizure  of  a  supply  train  on  its  way  to  Springfield.  Our 
success  served  to  diminish  the  Rebel  threats  to  capture 
St.  Louis,  or  perform  other  great  and  chivalric  deeds. 
The  inhabitants  of  that  city  continued  to  prophesy  its 
fall,  but  they  were  less  defiant  than  before. 

General  Fremont  commanded  the  Western  Depart 
ment  for  just  a  hundred  days.  General  Hunter,  his 
successor,  was  dressed  in  brief  authority  for  fifteen  days, 
and  yielded  to  General  Halleck.  The  latter  officer  en 
deavored  to  make  his  rule  as  unlike  that  of  General 
Fremont  as  could  well  be  done.  He  quietly  made  his 
head-quarters  at  the  Government  Buildings,in  the  center 
of  St.  Louis,  instead  of  occupying  a  "  palatial  mansion  " 
on  Chouteau  Avenue.  The  body-guard,  or  other  cumber 
some  escort,  was  abolished,  and  the  new  general  moved 
unattended  about  the  city.  Where  General  Fremont 
had  scattered  the  Government  funds  with  a  wasteful 
hand,  General  Halleck  studied  economy.  Where  Fre 
mont  had  declared  freedom  to  the  slaves  of  traitors,  Hal 
leck  issued  his  famous  "  Order  No.  3,"  forbidding  fugi- 


KEFUGEES  FROK  THE  SOUTHWEST.  115 

tive  slaves  to  enter  our  lines,  and  excluding  all  that 
were  then  in  the  military  camps.  Where  General  Fre 
mont  had  surrounded  his  head- quarters  with  so  great  a 
retinue  of  guards  that  access  was  almost  impossible, 
General  Halleck  made  it  easy  for  all  visitors  to  see  him. 
He  generally  gave  them  such  a  reception  that  few  gen 
tlemen  felt  inclined  to  make  a  second  call. 

The  policy  of  scattering  the  military  forces  in  the 
department  was  abandoned,  and  a  system  of  concentra 
tion  adopted.  The  construction  of  the  gun-boat  fleet, 
and  accompanying  mortar-rafts,  was  vigorously  pushed, 
and  preparations  for  military  work  in  the  ensuing  spring 
went  on  in  all  directions.  Our  armies  were  really  idle, 
and  we  were  doing  very  little  on  the  Mississippi  ;  but 
it  was  easy  to  see  that  we  were  making  ready  for  the 
most  vigorous  activity  in  the  future. 

In  the  latter  part  of  December  many  refugees  from 
the  Southwest  began  to  arrive  in  St.  Louis.  In  most 
cases  they  were  of  the  poorer  class  of  the  inhabitants  of 
Missouri  and  Northern  Arkansas,  and  had  been  driven 
from  their  homes  by  their  wealthier  and  disloyal  neigh 
bors.  Their  stories  varied  little  from  each  other.  Known 
or  suspected  to  be  loyal,  they  were  summarily  expelled, 
generally  with  the  loss  of  every  thing,  save  a  few  articles 
of  necessity.  There  were  many  women  and  children 
among  them,  whose  protectors  had  been  driven  into  the 
Rebel  ranks,  or  murdered  in  cold  blood.  Many  of  them 
died  soon  after  they  reached  our  lines,  and  there  were 
large  numbers  who  perished  on  their  way. 

Among  those  who  arrived  early  in  January,  1862, 


116  STOEY  OF  AST  EXILE. 

was  a  man  from  Northern  Arkansas.  Born  in  Pennsyl 
vania,  lie  emigrated  to  the  Southwest  in  1830,  and, 
after  a  few  years'  wandering,  settled  near  Fayetteville. 
When  the  war  broke  out,  he  had  a  small  farm  and  a  com 
fortable  house,  and  his  two  sons  were  married  and  liv 
ing  near  him. 

In  the  autumn  of  '61,  his  elder  son  was  impressed 
into  the  Kebel  service,  where  he  soon  died.  The 
younger  was  ordered  to  report  at  Fayetteville,  for 
duty.  Failing  to  do  so  on  the  day  specified,  he  was 
shot  down  in  his  own  house  on  the  following  night. 
His  body  fell  upon  one'  of  his  children  standing  near 
him,  and  his  blood  saturated  its  garments. 

The  day  following,  the  widow,  with  two  small 
children,  was  notified  to  leave  the  dwelling,  as  orders 
had  been  issued  for  its  destruction^  Giving  her  no 
time  to  remove  any  thing,  the  Eebel  soldiers,  claiming 
to  act  under  military  command,  fired  the  house.  In 
this  party  were  two  persons  who  had  been  well  ac 
quainted  with  the  murdered  man.  The  widow  sought 
shelter  with  her  husband's  parents. 

The  widow  of  the  elder  son  went  to  the  same  place 
of  refuge.  Thus  there  were  living,  under  one  roof, 
the  old  man,  his  wife,  a  daughter  of  seventeen,  and 
the  two  widows>  one  with  two,  and  the  other  with 
three,  children.  A  week  afterward,  all  were  commanded 
to  leave  the  country.  No  cause  was  assigned,  beyond 
the  fact  that  the  man  was  born  in  the  North,  and  had 
been  harboring  the  family  of  his  son,  who  refused  to 
serve  in  the  Eebel  ranks.  They  were  told  they  could 


KEBEL  CRUELTY.  117 

have  two  days  for  preparation,  but  within  ten  hours 
of  the  time  the  notice  was  served,  a  gang  of  Rebels 
appeared  at  the  door,  and  ordered  an  instant  de 
parture. 

They  made  a  rigid  search  of  the  persons  of  the 
refugees,  to  "be  sure  they  took  away  nothing  of  value. 
Only  a  single  wagon  was  allowed,  and  in  this  were 
placed  a  few  articles  of  necessity.  As  they  moved 
away,  the  Eebels  applied  the  torch  to  the  house  and 
its  outbuildings.  In  a  few  moments  all  were  in  flames. 
The  house  of  the  elder  son's  •widow  shared  the  same 
fate. 

They  were  followed  to  the  Missouri  line,  and  or 
dered  to  make  no  halt  under  penalty  of  death.  It 
was  more  than  two  hundred  miles  to  our  lines,  and 
winter  was  just  beginning.  One  after  another  fell  ill 
and  died,  or  was  left  with  Union  people  along  the 
way.  Only  four  of  the  party  reached  our  army  at 
Rolla.  Two  of  these  died  a  few  days  after  their  arrival, 
leaving  only  a  young  child  and  its  grandfather.  At 
St.  Louis  the  survivors  were  kindly  cared  for,  but 
the  grief  at  leaving  home,  the  hardships  of  the  winter 
journey,  and  their  destitution  among  strangers,  had  so 
worn  upon  them  that  they  soon  followed  the  other 
members  of  their  family. 

There  have  been  thousands  of  cases  nearly  parallel 
to  the  above.  The  Rebels  claimed  to  be  fighting  for 
political  freedom,  and  charged  the  National  Govern 
ment  with  the  most  unheard-of  "  tyranny."  We  can 
well  be  excused  for  not  countenancing  a  political  free- 


118  "CHIVALRY." 

dom  that  kills  men  at  their  firesides,  and  drives  women 
and  children  to  seek  protection  under  another  flag.  We 
have  heard  much,  in  the  past  twenty  years,  of  "  South 
ern  chivalry."  If  the  deeds  of  which  the  Rebels  were 
guilty  are  characteristic  of  chivalry,  who  would  wish 
to  be  a  son  of  the  Cavaliers  ?  The  insignia  worn  in  the 
Middle  Ages  are  set  aside,  to  make  room  for  the  torch 
and  the  knife.  The  chivalry  that  deliberately  starves 
its  prisoners,  to  render  them  unable  to  return  to  the 
field,  and  sends  blood-hounds  on  the  track  of  those 
who  attempt  an  escape  from  their  hands,  is  the  chivalry 
of  modern  days.  Winder  is  the  Coeur-de-Leon,  and 
Quantrel  the  Bayard,  of  the  nineteenth  century  ;  knights 
"  without  fear  and  without  reproach." 

Early  in  January,  the  Army  of  the  Southwest,  under 
General  Curtis,  was  put  in  condition  for  moving.  Orders 
were  issued  cutting  down  the  allowance  of  transportation, 
and  throwing  away  every  thing  superfluous.  Colonel 
Carr,  with  a  cavalry  division,  was  sent  to  the  line  of  the 
Gasconade,  to  watch  the  movements  of  the  enemy.  It 
was  the  preliminary  to  the  march  into  Arkansas,  which 
resulted  in  the  battle  of  Pea  Eidge  and  the  famous  cam 
paign  of  General  Curtis  from  Springfield  to  Helena. 

As  fast  as  possible,  the  gun-boat  fleet  was  pushed  to 
completion.  One  after  another,  as  the  iron-clads  were 
ready  to  move,  they  made  their  rendezvous  at  Cairo. 
Advertisements  of  the  quartermaster's  department,  call 
ing  for  a  large  number  of  transports,  showed  that  offen 
sive  movements  were  to  take  place.  In  February,  Fort 
Henry  fell,  after  an  hour's  shelling  from  Admiral  Foote's 


THE  FIRST  VICTORY.  119 

gun-boats.  This  opened  the  way  up  the  Tennessee  River 
to  a  position  on  the  flank  of  Columbus,  Kentucky,  and 
was  followed  by  the  evacuation  of  that  point. 

I  was  in  St.  Louis  on  the  day  the  news  of  the  fall 
of  Fort  Henry  was  received.  The  newspapers  issued 
"  extras,"  with  astonishing  head-lines.  It  was  the  first 
gratifying  intelligence  after  a  long  winter  of  inactivity, 
following  a  year  which  closed  with  general  reverses  to 
our  arms. 

In  walking  the  principal  streets  of  St.  Louis  on  that 
occasion,  I  could  easily  distinguish  the  loyal  men  of  my 
acquaintance  from  the  disloyal,  at  half  a  square's  dis 
tance.  The  former  were  excited  with  delight ;  the  latter 
were  downcast  with  sorrow.  The  Union  men  walked 
rapidly,  with  faces  " wreathed  in  smiles;"  the  Seces 
sionists  moved  with  alternate  slow  and  quick  steps, 
while  their  countenances  expressed  all  the  sad  emotions. 

The  newsboys  with  the  tidings  of  our  success  were 
patronized  by  the  one  and  repelled  by  the  other.  I  saw 
one  of  the  venders  of  intelligence  enter  the  store  of  a 
noted  Secessionist,  where  he  shouted  the  nature  of  the 
news  at  the  highest  note  of  his  voice.  A  moment  later 
he  emerged  from  the  door,  bringing  the  impress  of  a 
Secessionist' s  boot. 

The  day  and  the  night  witnessed  much  hilarity  in 
loyal  circles,  and  a  corresponding  gloom  in  quarters 
where  treason  ruled.  I  fear  there  were  many  men  in 
St.  Louis  whose  conduct  was  no  recommendation  to  the 
membership  of  a  temperance  society. 

All  felt  that  a  new  era  had  dawned  upon  us.    Soon 


120  MOVING  AGAINST  THE  ENEMY'S  WOKKS. 

after  came  the  tidings  of  a  general  advance  of  our  armies. 
We  moved  in  Virginia,  and  made  the  "beginning  of  the 
checkered  campaign  of  '62.  Along  the  Atlantic  coast 
we  moved,  and  Newbern  fell  into  our  hands.  Further 
down  the  Atlantic,  and  at  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi, 
we  kept  up  the  aggression.  Grant,  at  Donelson,  ' '  moved 
immediately  upon  Buckner's  works  ;"  and,  in  Kentucky, 
the  Army  of  the  Ohio  occupied  Bowling  Green  and  pre 
pared  to  move  upon  Nashville.  In  Missouri,  Curtis  had 
already  occupied  Lebanon,  and  was  making  ready  to 
assault  Price  at  Springfield.  Everywhere  our  flag  was 
going  forward. 


A  CAMPAIGNING  OUTFIT.  121 


CHAPTER   XI. 

ANOTHER   CAMPAIGN   IN   MISSOURI. 

From  St.  Louis  to  Holla. — A  Limited  Outfit. — Missouri  Roads  in  "Winter. 
— "Two  Solitary  Horsemen." — Restricted  Accommodations  in  a 
Slaveholder's  House. — An  Energetic  Quartermaster. — General  Sheri 
dan  before  he  became  Famous. — "  Bagging  Price." — A  Defect  in  the 
Bag. — Examining  the  Correspondence  of  a  Rebel  General. — What 
the  Rebels  left  at  their  Departure. 

ON  the  9th  of  February  I  left  St.  Louis  to  join 
General  Curtis'  s  army.  Arriving  at  Holla,  I  found  the 
inud  very  deep,  but  was  told  the  roads  were  in  better 
condition  a  few  miles  to  the  west.  With  an  attache  of 
the  Missouri  Democrat,  I  started,  on  the  morning  of 
the  10th,  to  overtake  the  army,  then  reported  at  Leba 
non,  sixty-five  miles  distant.  All  my  outfit  for  a  two  or 
three  months'  campaign,  was  strapped  behind  my  saddle, 
or  crowded  into  my  saddle-bags.  Traveling  with  a 
trunk  is  one  of  the  delights  unknown  to  army  corre 
spondents,  especially  to  those  in  the  Southwest.  My 
companion  carried  an  outfit  similar  to  mine,  with  the 
exception  of  the  saddle-bags  and  contents.  I  returned 
to  Holla  eight  weeks  afterward,  but  he  did  not  reach 
civilization  till  the  following  July. 

From  Eolla  to  Lebanon  the  roads  were  bad — 
muddy  in  the  valleys  of  the  streams,  and  on  the  higher 
ground  frozen  into  inequalities  like  a  gigantic  rasp. 


122  WINTER  TRAVEL. 

Over  this  route  our  army  of  sixteen  thousand  men  had 
slowly  made  its  way,  accomplishing  what  was  then 
thought  next  to  impossible.  I  found  the  country  had 
changed  much  in  appearance  since  I  passed  through  on 
my  way  to  join  General  Lyon.  Many  houses  had  been 
burned  and  others  deserted.  The  few  people  that  re 
mained  confessed  themselves  almost  destitute  of  food. 
Frequently  we  could  not  obtain  entertainment  for  our 
selves  and  horses,  particularly  the  latter.  The  natives 
were  suspicious  of  our  character,  as  there  was  nothing 
in  our  dress  indicating  to  which  side  we  belonged.  At 
such  times  the  cross-questioning  we  underwent  was  ex 
ceedingly  amusing,  though  coupled  with  the  knowledge 
that  our  lives  were  not  entirely  free  from  danger. 

From  Lebanon  we  pushed  on  to  Springfield,  through 
a  keen,  piercing  wind,  that  swept  from  the  northwest 
with  unremitting  steadiness.  The  night  between  those 
points  was  passed  in  a  log-house  with  a  single  room, 
where  ourselves  and  the  family  of  six  persons  were 
lodged.  In  the  bitter  cold  morning  that  followed,  it 
was  necessary  to  open  the  door  to  give  us  sufficient 
light  to  take  breakfast,  as  the  house  could  not  boast  of 
a  window.  The  owner  of  the  establishment  said  he  had 
lived  there  eighteen  years,  and  found  it  very  comfort 
able.  He  tilled  a  small  farm,  and  had  earned  sufficient 
money  to  purchase  three  slaves,  who  dwelt  in  a  similar 
cabin,  close  beside  his  own,  but  not  joining  it.  One  of 
these  slaves  was  cook  and  housemaid,  and  another 
found  the  care  of  four  children  enough  for  her  attention. 
The  third  was  a  man  upward  of  fifty  years  old,  who 


A  SLAVEHOLDER'S  HOME.  123 

acted  as  stable-keeper,  and  manager  of  the  out-door 
work  of  the  establishment. 

The  situation  of  this  landholder  struck  me  as  pecu 
liar,  though  his  case  was  not  a  solitary  one.  A  house 
of  one  room  and  with  no  window,  a  similar  house  for 
his  human  property,  and  a  stable  rudely  constructed  of 
small  poles,  with  its  sides  offering  as  little  protection 
against  the  wind  and  storms  as  an  ordinary  fence,  were 
the  only  buildings  he  possessed.  His  furniture  was  in 
keeping  with  the  buildings.  Beds  without  sheets,  a 
table  without  a  cloth,  some  of  the  plates  of  tin  and 
others  of  crockery — the  former  battered  and  the  latter 
cracked — a  less  number  of  knives  and  forks  than  there 
were  persons  to  be  supplied,  tin  cups  for  drinking 
coffee,  an  old  fruit-can  for  a  sugar-bowl,  and  two  tea 
spoons  for  the  use  of  a  large  family,  formed  the  most 
noticeable  features.  With  such  surroundings  he  had 
invested  three  thousand  dollars  in  negro  property,  and 
considered  himself  comfortably  situated. 

Reaching  Springfield,  I  found  the  army  had  passed 
on  in  pursuit  of  Price,  leaving  only  one  brigade  as  a 
garrison.  The  quartermaster  of  the  Army  of  the  South 
west  had  his  office  in  one  of  the  principal  buildings,  and 
was  busily  engaged  in  superintending  the  forwarding  of 
supplies  to  the  front.  Every  thing  under  his  charge 
received  his  personal  attention,  and  there  was  no  reason 
to  suppose  the  army  would  lack  for  subsistence,  so 
long  as  he  should  remain  to  supply  its  wants.  Present 
ing  him  a  letter  of  introduction,  I  received  a  most  cordial 
welcome.  I  found  him  a  modest  and  agreeable  gentle- 


124  "BAGGING"  PEICE. 

man,  whose  private  excellence  was  only  equaled  Tby 
his  energy  in  the  performance  of  his  official  duties. 

This  quartermaster  was  Captain  Philip  H.  Sheridan. 
The  double  bars  that  marked  his  rank  at  that  time,  have 
since  "been  exchanged  for  other  insignia.  The  reader  is 
doubtless  familiar  with  the  important  part  taken  by  this 
gallant  officer,  in  the  suppression  of  the  late  Rebellion. 

General  Curtis  had  attempted  to  surround  and  cap 
ture  Price  and  his  army,  before  they  could  escape  from 
Springfield.  Captain  Sheridan  told  me  that  General 
Curtis  surrounded  the  town  on  one  side,  leaving  two 
good  roads  at  the  other,  by  which  the  Rebels  marched 
out.  Our  advance  from  Lebanon  was  as  rapid  as  the 
circumstances  would  permit,  but  it  was  impossible  to 
keep  the  Rebels  in  ignorance  of  it,  or  detain  them 
against  their  will.  One  of  the  many  efforts  to  "bag" 
Price  had  resulted  like  all  the  others.  We  closed  with 
the  utmost  care  every  part  of  the  bag  except  the  mouth  ; 
out  of  this  he  walked  by  the  simple  use  of  his  pedals. 
Operations  like  those  of  Island  Number  Ten,  Vicksburg, 
and  Port  Hudson,  were  not  then  in  vogue. 

Price  was  in  full  retreat  toward  Arkansas,  and  our 
army  in  hot  pursuit.  General  Sigel,  with  two  full  di 
visions,  marched  by  a  road  parallel  to  the  line  of  Price's 
retreat,  and  attempted  to  get  in  his  front  at  a  point  forty 
miles  from  Springfield.  His  line  of  march  was  ten  miles 
longer  than  the  route  followed  by  the  Rebels,  and  he 
did  not  succeed  in  striking  the  main  road  until  Price 
had  passed. 

I  had  the  pleasure  of  going  through  General  Price's 


KEBEL  DOCUMENTS.  .     125 

head-quarters  only  two  days  after  that  officer  aban 
doned  them.  There  was  every  evidence  of  a  hasty  de 
parture.  I  found,  among  other  documents,  the  follow 
ing  order  for  the  evacuation  of  Springfield  : — 

HEAD-QUARTERS  MISSOURI  STATE  GUARD,  ) 
SPRINGFIELD,  February  13,  1862.      \ 

The  commanders  of  divisions  will  instanter,  and  without  the  least 
delay,  see  that  their  entire  commands  are  ready  for  movement  at  a 
moment's  notice. 

By  order  of  Major-General  S.  Price. 

H.  H.  BRAND,  A.  A.  G. 

There  was  much  of  General  Price's  private  corre 
spondence,  together  with  many  official  documents.  Some 
of  these  I  secured,  but  destroyed  them  three  weeks  later, 
at  a  moment  when  I  expected  to  fall  into  the  hands  of 
the  enemy.  One  letter,  which  revealed  the  treatment 
Union  men  were  receiving  in  Arkansas,  I  forwarded  to 
The  Herald.  I  reproduce  its  material  portions  :— 

DOVER,  POPE  Co.,  ARKANSAS,  } 
December  7,  1861.      f 
MAJOR-GENERAL  PRICE: 

I  wish  to  obtain  a  situation  as  surgeon  in  your  army.  *  *  *  Our 
men  over  the  Boston  Mountains  are  penning  and  hanging  the  mountain 
boys  who  oppose  Southern  men.  They  have  in  camp  thirty,  and  in  the 
Burro wville  jail  seventy-two,  and  have  sent  twenty-seven  to  Little 
Rock.  We  will  kill  all  we  get,  certain :  every  one  is  so  many  less.  I 
hope  you  will  soon  get  help  enough  to  clear  out  the  last  one  in  your 
State.  If  you  know  them,  they  ought  to  be  killed,  as  the  older  they 
grow  the  more  stubborn  they  get. 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

JAMES  L.  ADAMS. 

In  his  departure,  General  Price  had  taken  most  of  his 
personal  property  of  any  value.  He  left  a  very  good 
array  of  desks  and  other  appurtenances  of  his  adjutant- 


126  WHAT  THE  REBELS  ABANDONED. 

general's  office,  which  fell  into  General  Curtis' s  hands. 
These  articles  were  at  once  put  into  use  by  our  officers, 
and  remained  in  Springfield  as  trophies  of  our  success. 
There  was  some  war  materiel  at  the  founderies  and  tem 
porary  arsenals  which  the  Rebels  had  established.  One 
store  full  of  supplies  they  left  undisturbed.  It  was  soon 
appropriated  by  Captain  Sheridan. 

The  winter-quarters  for  the  soldiers  were  sufficiently 
commodious  to  contain  ten  thousand  men,  and  the  con 
dition  in  which  we  found  them  showed  how  hastily 
they  were  evacuated.  Yery  little  had  been  removed 
from  the  buildings,  except  those  articles  needed  for 
the  march.  We  found  cooking  utensils  containing 
the  remains  of  the  last  meal,  pans  with  freshly-mixed 
dough,  on  which  the  impression  of  the  maker' s  hand 
was  visible,  and  sheep  and  hogs  newly  killed  and  half 
dressed.  In  the  officers'  quarters  was  a  beggarly  array 
of  empty  bottles,  and  a  few  cases  that  had  contained 
cigars.  One  of  our  soldiers  was  fortunate  in  finding  a 
gold  watch  in  the  straw  of  a  bunk.  There  were  cribs 
of  corn,  stacks  of  forage,  and  a  considerable  quantity  of 
army  supplies.  Every  thing  evinced  a  hasty  departure. 


JOLLY  UNDER  REVERSES.  127 


CHAPTER   XII. 

THE  FLIGHT  AND  THE  PURSUIT. 

From  Springfield  to  Pea  Ridge.— Mark  Tapley  in  Missouri.— "The  Ar 
kansas  Traveler." — Encountering  the  Rebel  Army. — A  Wonderful 
Spring. — The  Cantonment  at  Cross  Hollows. — Game  Chickens. — 
Magruder  us.  Breckinridge. — Rebel  Generals  in  a  Controversy. — Its 
Result. — An  Expedition  to  Huntsville. — Curiosities  of  Rebel  Cur 
rency. — Important  Information. — A  Long  and  "Weary  March. — Dis 
position  of  Forces  before  the  Battle. — Changing  Front. — "What  the 
Rebels  lost  by  Ignorance. 

WHEN  it  "became  certain  the  army  would  continue 
its  march  into  Arkansas,  myself  and  the  Democrat's 
correspondent  pushed  forward  to  overtake  it.  Along 
the  road  we  learned  of  the  rapid  retreat  of  the  Rebels, 
and  the  equally  rapid  pursuit  "by  our  own  forces. 
About  twenty  miles  south  of  Springfield  one  of  the 
natives  came  to  his  door  to  greet  us.  Learning  to  which 
army  we  "belonged,  he  was  very  voluble  in  his  efforts 
to  explain  the  consternation  of  the  Rebels.  A  half- 
dozen  of  his  neighbors  were  by  his  side,  and  joined  in 
the  hilarity  of  the  occasion.  I  saw  that  something  more 
than  usual  was  the  cause  of  their  assembling,  and 
inquired  what  it  could  be. 

"My  wife  died  this  morning,  and  my  friends  have 
come  here  to  see  me,"  was  the  answer  I  received  from 
the  proprietor  of  the  house. 


128  CROSSING  THE  LIKE. 

Almost  at  the  instant  of  completing  the  sentence,  he 
"burst  into  a  laugh,  and  said, 

"It  would  have  done  you  good  to  see  how  your 
folks  captured  a  Ibig  drove  of  Price's  cattle.  The  Rebs 
were  driving  them  along  all  right,  and  your  cavalry  just 
came  up  and  took  them.  It  was  rich,  I  tell  you.  Ha ! 
ha!"  ' 

ISTot  knowing  what  condolence  to  offer  a  man  who 
could  "be  so  gay  after  the  death  of  his  wife,  I  bade  him 
good-morning,  and  pushed  on.  He  had  not,  as  far  as  I 
could  perceive,  the  single  excuse  of  being  intoxicated, 
and  his  display  of  vivacity  appeared  entirely  genuine. 
In  all  my  travels  I  have  never  met  his  equal. 

Up  to  the  time  of  this  campaign  none  of  our  armies 
had  been  into  Arkansas.  When  General  Curtis  ap 
proached  the  line,  the  head  of  the  column  was  halted, 
the  regiments  closed  up,  and  the  men  brought  their 
muskets  to  the  "right  shoulder  shift,"  instead  of  the  cus 
tomary  "at  will"  of  the  march.  Two  bands  were  sent  to 
the  front,  where  a  small  post  marked  the  boundary,  and 
were  stationed  by  the  roadside,  one  in  either  State. 
Close  by  them  the  National  flag  was  unfurled.  The 
bands  struck  up  "The  Arkansas  Traveler,"  the  order  to 
advance  was  given,  and,  with  many  cheers  in  honor  of 
the  event,  the  column  moved  onward.  For  several 
days  "The  Arkansas  Traveler"  was  exceedingly  popu 
lar  with  the  entire  command.  On  the  night  after  cross 
ing  the  line  the  news  of  the  fall  of  Fort  Donelson  was 
received. 

Soon  after  entering  Arkansas  on  his  retreat,  General 


A  SOUTHWESTERN  SPRING.  129 

Price  met  General  McCullocli  moving  northward  to 
join  him.  With  their  forces  united,  they  determined  on 
making  a  stand  against  General  Curtis,  and,  accordingly, 
halted  near  Sugar  Creek.  A  little  skirmish  ensued,  in 
which  the  Rebels  gave  way,  the  loss  on  either  side  "being 
trifling.  They  did  not  stop  until  they  reached  Fayette- 
ville.  Their  halt  at  that  point  was  very  brief. 

At  Cross  Hollows,  in  Benton  County,  Arkansas,  about 
two  miles  from  the  main  road,  there  is  one  of  the  finest 
springs  in  the  Southwest.  It  issues  from  the  base  of  a 
rocky  ledge,  where  the  ravine  is  about  three  hundred 
yards  wide,  and  forms  the  head  of  a  large  brook.  Two 
small  flouring  mills  are  run  during  the  entire  year  by 
the  water  from  this  spring.  The  water  is  at  all  times 
clear,  cold,  and  pure,  and  is  said  never  to  vary  in 
quantity. 

Along  the  stream  fed  by  this  spring,  the  Kebels  had 
established  a  cantonment  for  the  Army  of  Northern  Ar 
kansas,  and  erected  houses  capable  of  containing  ten  or 
twelve  thousand  men.  The  cantonment  was  laid  out 
with  the  regularity  of  a  Western  city.  The  houses  were 
constructed  of  sawed  lumber,  and  provided  with  sub 
stantial  brick  chimneys. 

Of  course,  this  establishment  was  abandoned  when 
the  Rebel  army  retreated.  The  buildings  were  set  on 
fire,  and  all  but  a  half-dozen  of  them  consumed.  When 
our  cavalry  reached  the  place,  the  rear-guard  of  the 
Rebels  had  been  gone  less  than  half  an  hour.  There 
were  about  two  hundred  chickens  running  loose  among 
the  burning  buildings.  Our  soldiers  commenced  killing 


130  GAME    CHICKENS. 

them,  and  had  slaughtered  two-thirds  of  the  lot  when 
one  of  the  officers  discovered  that  they  were  game-cocks. 
This  class  of  chickens  not  "being  considered  edible,  the 
killing  was  stopped  and  the  balance  of  the  flock  saved. 
Afterward,  while  we  lay  in  camp,  they  were  made  a 
source  of  much  amusement.  The  cock-fights  that  took 
place  in  General  Curtis'  s  army  would  have  done  honor 
to  Havana  or  Vera  Cruz.  Before  we  captured  them  the 
birds  were  the  property  of  the  officers  of  a  Louisiana 
regiment.  We  gave  them  the  names  of  the  Rebel  lead 
ers.  It  was  an  every-day  affair  for  Beauregard,  Yan 
Dorn,  and  Price  to  be  matched  against  Lee,  Johnston, 
and  Polk.  I  remember  losing  a  small  wager  on  Magru- 
der  against  Breckinridge.  I  should  have  won  if  Breck 
had  not  torn  the  feathers  from  Mac's  neck,  and  injured 
his  right  wing  by  a  foul  blow.  I  never  backed  Magru- 
der  after  that. 

From  Cross  Hollows,  General  Curtis  sent  a  division 
in  pursuit  of  Price's  army,  in  its  retreat  through  Fayette- 
ville,  twenty-two  miles  distant.  On  reaching  the  town 
they  found  the  Rebels  had  left  in  the  direction  of  Fort 
Smith.  The  pursuit  terminated  at  this  point.  It  had 
been  continued  for  a  hundred  and  ten  miles — a  large 
portion  of  the  distance  our  advance  being  within  a  mile 
or  two  of  the  Rebel  rear. 

In  retreating  from  Fayetteville,  the  Rebels  were 
obliged  to  abandon  much  of  the  supplies  for  their  army. 
A  serious  quarrel  is  reported  to  have  taken  place  be 
tween  Price  and  McCulloch,  concerning  the  disposition 
to  be  made  of  these  supplies.  The  former  was  in  favor 


THE  REBELS  IN  RETREAT.  131 

of  leaving  the  large  amount  of  stores,  of  which  "bacon 
was  the  chief  article,  that  it  might  fall  into  our  hands. 
He  argued  that  we  had  occupied  the  country,  and  would 
stay  there  until  driven  out.  Our  army  would  "be  sub 
sisted  at  all  hazards.  If  we  found  this  large  quantity  of 
"bacon,  it  would  obviate  the  necessity  of  our  foraging 
upon  the  country  and  impoverishing  the  inhabitants. 

General  McCulloch  opposed  this  policy,  and  accused 
Price  of  a  desire  to  play  into  the  enemy' s  hands.  The 
quarrel  became  warm,  and  resulted  in  the  discomfiture  of 
the  latter.  All  the  Rebel  warehouses  were  set  on  fire. 
When  our  troops  entered  Fayetteville  the  conflagration 
was  at  its  height.  It  resulted  as  Price  had  predicted. 
The  inhabitants  were  compelled,  in  great  measure,  to- 
support  our  army. 

The  Rebels  retreated  across  the  Boston  Mountains  to 
Fort  Smith,  and  commenced  a  reorganization  of  their 
army.  Our  army  remained  at  Cross  Hollows  as  its  cen 
tral  point,  but  threw  out  its  wings  so  as  to  form  a  front 
nearly  five  miles  in  extent.  Small  expeditions  were  sent 
in  various  directions  to  break  up  Rebel  camps  and  re 
cruiting  stations.  In  this  way  two  weeks  passed  with 
little  activity  beyond  a  careful  observation  of  the  ene 
my' s  movements.  There  were  several  flouring  mills  in 
the  vicinity  of  our  camp,  which  were  kept  in  constant 
activity  for  the  benefit  of  the  army. 

I  accompanied  an  expedition,  commanded  by  Colonel 
Yandever,  of  the  Ninth  Iowa,  to  the  town  of  Huntsville, 
thirty-five  miles  distant.  Our  march  occupied  two  days, 
and  resulted  in  the  occupation  of  the  town  and  the  dis- 


132  VALUABLE  CURRENCY. 

persal  of  a  small  camp  of  Rebels.  We  had  no  fighting, 
scarcely  a  shot  being  fired  in  anger.  The  inhabitants 
did  not  greet  us  very  cordially,  though  some  of  them 
professed  Union  sentiments. 

In  this  town  of  Huntsville,  the  best  friend  of  the 
Union  was  the  keeper  of  a  whisky- shop.  This  man  de 
sired  to  look  at  some  of  our  money,  but  declined  to  take 
it.  An  officer  procured  a  canteen  of  whisky  and  ten 
dered  a  Treasury  note  in  payment.  The  note  was  re 
fused,  with  a  request  for  either  gold  or  Rebel  paper. 

The  officer  then  exhibited  a  large  sheet  of  "  promises 
to  pay,"  which  he  had  procured  in  Fayetteyille  a  few 
days  before,  and  asked  how  they  would  answer. 

"  That  is  just  what  I  want,"  said  the  whisky  vender. 

The  officer  called  his  attention  to  the  fact  that  the 
notes  had  no  signatures. 

"That  don't  make  any  difference,"  was  the  reply; 
"  nobody  will  know  whether  they  are  signed  or  not, 
and  they  are  just  as  good,  anyhow." 

I  was  a  listener  to  the  conversation,  and  at  this  junc 
ture  proffered  a  pair  of  scissors  to  assist  in  dividing  the 
notes.  It  took  but  a  short  time  to  cut  off  enough 
" money"  to  pay  for  twenty  canteens  of  the  worst 
whisky  I  ever  saw. 

At  Huntsville  we  made  a  few  prisoners,  who  said 
they  were  on  their  way  from  Price's  army  to  Forsyth, 
Missouri.  They  gave  us  the  important  information  that 
the  Rebel  army,  thirty  thousand  strong,  was  on  the 
Boston  Mountains  the  day  previous ;  and  on  the  very 
day  of  our  arrival  at  Huntsville,  it  was  to  begin  its  ad- 


A  FORCED  MARCH.  133 

vance  toward  our  front.  These  men,  and  some  others, 
had  been  sent  away  because  they  had  no  weapons  with 
which  to  enter  the  fight. 

Immediately  on  learning  this,  Colonel  Vandever  dis 
patched  a  courier  to  General  Curtis,  and  prepared  to 
set  out  on  his  return  to  the  main  army.  We  marched 
six  miles  before  nightfall,  and  at  midnight,  while  we 
were  endeavoring  to  sleep,  a  courier  joined  us  from  the 
commander-in-chief.  He  brought  orders  for  us  to  make 
our  way  back  with  all  possible  speed,  as  the  Rebel 
army  was  advancing  in  full  force. 

At  two  o'clock  we  broke  camp,  and,  with  only  one 
halt  of  an  hour,  made  a  forced  march  of  forty-one  miles, 
joining  the  main  column  at  ten  o'clock  at  night.  I 
doubt  if  there  were  many  occasions  during  the  war 
where  better  marching  was  done  by  infantry  than  on 
that  day.  Of  course,  the  soldiers  were  much  fatigued, 
but  were  ready,  on  the  following  day,  to  take  active 
part  in  the  battle. 

On  the  5th  of  March,  as  soon  as  General  Curtis 
learned  of  the  Rebel  advance,  he  ordered  General  Sigel, 
who  was  in  camp  at  Bentonville,  to  fall  back  to  Pea 
Ridge,  on  the  north  bank  of  Sugar  Creek.  At  the  same 
time  he  withdrew  Colonel  Jeff.  C.  Davis' s  Division  to 
the  same  locality.  This  placed  the  army  in  a  strong, 
defensible  position,  with  the  creek  in  its  front.  On  the 
ridge  above  the  stream  our  artillery  and  infantry  were 
posted. 

The  Rebel  armies  under  Price  and  McCulloch  had 
been  united  and  strongly  re-enforced,  the  whole  being 


134  COMMENCEMENT  OF  THE  FIGHT. 

under  the  command  of  General  Yan  Dorn.  Their 
strength  was  upward  of  twenty  thousand  men,  and 
they  were  confident  of  their  ability  to  overpower  us. 
Knowing  our  strong  front  line,  General  Van  Dorn  de 
cided  upon  a  bold  movement,  and  threw  himself  around 
our  right  flank  to  a  position  between  us  and  our  base  at 
Springfield. 

In  moving  to  our  right  and  rear,  the  Eebels  encoun 
tered  General  Sigel'  s  Division  before  it  had  left  Benton- 
ville,  and  kept  up  a  running  fight  during  the  afternoon 
of  the  6th.  Several  times  the  Rebels,  in  small  force, 
secured  positions  in  Sigel's  front,  but  that  officer  suc 
ceeded  in  cutting  his  way  through  and  reaching  the 
main  force,  with  a  loss  of  less  than  a  hundred  men. 

The  position  of  the  enemy  at  Bentonville  showed  us 
his  intentions,  and  we  made  our  best  preparations  to 
oppose  him.  Our  first  step  was  to  obstruct  the  road 
from  Bentonville  to  our  rear,  so  as  to  retard  the  enemy' s 
movements.  Colonel  Dodge,  of  the  Fourth  Iowa  (after 
ward  a  major-general),  rose  from  a  sick-bed  to  perform 
this  work.  The  impediments  which  he  placed  in  the 
way  of  the  Rebels  prevented  their  reaching  the  road  in 
our  rear  until  nine  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  7th. 

Our  next  movement  was  to  reverse  our  position. 
We  had  been  facing  south — it  was  now  necessary  to 
face  to  the  north.  The  line  that  had  been  our  rear  be 
came  our  front.  A  change  of  front  implied  that  our 
artillery  train  should  take  the  place  of  the  supply  train, 
and  vice  versa.  "Elkhorn  Tavern"  had  been  the 
quartermaster's  depot.  We  made  all  haste  to  substitute 


DESICCATED  MEAT.  135 

artillery  for  baggage-wagons,  and  boxes  of  ammunition 
for  boxes  of  hard  bread.  This  transfer  was  not  accom 
plished  before  the  battle  began,  and  as  our  troops  were 
pressed  steadily  back  on. our  new  front,  Elkhorn  Tav 
ern  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Eebels. 

The  sugar,  salt,  and  bread  which  they  captured, 
happily  not  of  large  quantity,  were  very  acceptable, 
and  speedily  disappeared.  Among  the  quartermaster's 
stores  was  a  wagon-load  of  desiccated  vegetables,  a  very 
valuable  article  for  an  army  in  the  field.  All  expected 
it  would  be  made  into  soup  and  eaten  by  the  Rebels. 
What  was  our  astonishment  to  find,  two  days  later,  that 
they  had  opened  and  examined  a  single  case,  and,  after 
scattering  its  contents  on  the  ground,  left  the  balance 
undisturbed ! 

Elkhorn  Tavern  was  designated  by  a  pair  of  elk- 
horns,  which  occupied  a  conspicuous  position  above 
the  door.  After  the  battle  these  horns  were  removed 
by  Colonel  Carr,  and  sent  to  his  home  in  Illinois,  as 
trophies  of  the  victory. 

A  family  occupied  the  building  at  the  time  of  the 
battle,  and  remained  there  during  the  whole  contest. 
When  the  battle  raged  most  fiercely  the  cellar  proved  a 
place  of  refuge.  Shells  tore  through  the  house,  some 
times  from  the  National  batteries,  and  sometimes  from 
Rebel  guns.  One  shell  exploded  in  a  room  where  three 
women  were  sitting.  Though  their  clothes  were  torn 
by  the  flying  fragments,  they  escaped  without  personal 
injury.  They  announced  their  determination  not  to 
leave  home  so  long  as  the  house  remained  standing. 


136  WALLETS  WITHOUT  MONEY. 

Among  other  tilings  captured  at  Elkhorn  Tavern  "by 
the  Rebels,  was  a  sutler's  wagon,  which  had  just  ar 
rived  from  St.  Louis.  In  the  division  of  the  spoils,  a 
large  box,  filled  with  wallets,  fell  to  the  lot  of  McDon 
ald's  Battery.  For  several  weeks  the  officers  and  pri 
vates  of  this  battery  could  boast  of  a  dozen  wallets  each, 
while  very  few  had  any  money  to  carry.  The  Rebel 
soldiers  complained  that  the  visits  of  the  paymaster 
were  like  those  of  angels. 


THE  BATTLE  BEGINNING.  137 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

THE  BATTLE  OF  PEA  RIDGE. 

The  Rebels  make  their  Attack. — Albert  Pike  and  his  Indians. — Scalping 
'  Wounded  Men. — Death  of  General  McCulloch. — The  Fighting  at  Elk- 
horn  Tavern. — Close  of  a  Gloomy  Day. — An  Unpleasant  Night. — 
Vocal  Sounds  from  a  Mule's  Throat. — Sleeping  under  Disadvan 
tages. — A  Favorable  Morning. — The  Opposing  Lines  of  Battle.— A 
Severe  Cannonade. — The  Forest  on  Fire. — Wounded  Men  in  the 
Flames. — The  Rebels  in  Retreat. — Movements  of  our  Army. — A 
Journey  to  St.  Louis. 

ABOUT  nine  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  7th,  the 
Rebels  made  a  simultaneous  attack  on  our  left  and  front, 
formerly  our  right  and  rear.  General  Price  commanded 
the  force  on  our  front,  and  General  McCulloch  that  on 
our  left ;  the  former  having  the  old  Army  of  Missouri, 
re-enforced  by  several  Arkansas  regiments,  and  the  lat 
ter  having  a  corps  made  up  of  Arkansas,  Texas,  an<J 
Louisiana  troops.  They  brought  into  the  fight  upward 
of  twenty  thousand  men,  while  we  had  not  over  twelve 
thousand  with  which  to  oppose  them. 

The  attack  on  our  left  was  met  by  General  Sigel  and 
Colonel  Davis.  That  on  our  front  was  met  by  Colonel 
Carr's  Division  and  the  division  of  General  Asboth. 
On  our  left  it  was  severe,  though  not  long  main 
tained,  the  position  we  held  being  too  strong  for  the 
enemy  to  carry. 


138  ALBERT  PIKE  AND  HIS  INDIANS. 

It  was  on  this  part  of  the  line  that  the  famous  Albert 
Pike,  the  lawyer-poet  of  Arkansas,  "brought  his  newly- 
formed  brigades  of  Indians  into  use.  Pjike  was  unfor 
tunate  with  his  Indians.  While  he  was  arranging  them 
in  line,  in  a  locality  where  the  bushes  were  about  eight 
feet  in  height-,  the  Indians  made  so  much  noise  as  to 
reveal  their  exact  position.  One  of  our  batteries  was 
quietly  placed  within  point-blank  range  of  the  Indians, 
and  suddenly  opened  upon  them  with  grape  and  canis 
ter.  They  gave  a  single  yell,  and  scattered  without 
waiting  for  orders. 

The  Indians  were  not,  as  a  body,  again  brought 
together  during  the  battle.  In  a  charge  which  our 
cavalry  made  upon  a  Rebel  brigade  we  were  repulsed, 
leaving  several  killed  and  wounded  upon  the  ground. 
Some  of  Pike's  Indians,  after  their  dispersal,  came 
upon  these,  and  scalped  the  dead  and  living  without 
distinction.  A  Rebel  officer  subsequently  informed  me 
that  the  same  Indians  scalped  several  of  their  own  slain, 
and  barbarously  murdered  some  who  had  been  only 
slightly  injured. 

On  this  part  of  the  field  we  were  fortunate,  early  in 
the  day,  in  killing  General  McCulloch  and  his  best 
lieutenant,  General  Mclntosh.  To  this  misfortune  the 
Rebels  have  since  ascribed  their  easy  defeat.  At  the 
time  of  this  reverse  to  the  enemy,  General  Yan  Dorn  was 
with  Price  in  our  front.  After  their  repulse  and  the 
death  of  their  leader,  the  discomfited  Rebels  joined  their 
comrades  in  the  front,  who  had  been  more  successful. 
It  was  nightfall  before  the  two  forces  were  united. 


A  NIGHT  IN  CAMP  139 

In  our  front.  Colonel  Carr's  Division  fought  steadily 
and  earnestly  during  the  entire  day,  "but  was  pressed 
back  fully  two-thirds  of  a  mile.  General  Curtis  gave 
it  what  re-enforcements  he  could,  but  there  were  very 
few  to  be  spared.  When  it  was  fully  ascertained  that 
the  Rebels  on  our  left  had  gone  to  our  front,  we  pre 
pared  to  unite  against  them.  Our  left  was  drawn  in 
to  re-enforce  Colonel  Carr,  but  the  movement  was  not 
completed  until  long  after  dark. 

Thus  night  came.  The  rebels  were  in  full  possession 
of  our  communications.  We  had  repulsed  them  on 
the  left,  but  lost  ground,  guns,  and  men  on  our  front. 
The  Re'bels  were  holding  Elkhorn  Tavern,  which  we 
had  made  great  effort  to  defend.  Colonel  Carr  had  re 
peatedly  wished  for  either  night  or  re- enforcements. 
He  obtained  both. 

The  commanding  officers  visited  General  Curtis's 
head- quarters,  and  received  their  orders  for  the  morrow. 
Our  whole  force  was  to  be  concentrated  on  our  front. 
If  the  enemy  did  not  attack  us  at  daylight,  we  would 
attack  him  as  soon  thereafter  as  practicable. 

Viewed  in  its  best  light,  the  situation  was  somewhat 
gloomy.  Mr.  Fay  el,  of  the  Democrat,  and  myself  were 
the  only  journalists  with  the  army,  and  the  cessation  of 
the  day's  fighting  found  us  deliberating  on  our  best 
course  in  case  of  a  disastrous  result.  We  destroyed  all 
documents  that  could  give  information  to  the  enemy, 
retaining  only  our  note-books,  and  such  papers  as  per 
tained  to  our  profession.  With  patience  and  resigna 
tion  we  awaited  the  events  of  the  morrow. 


140  SLEEPING  UNDER  DISADVANTAGES 

I  do  'not  know  that  any  of  our  officers  expected  we 
should  "be  overpowered,  "but  there  were  many  who 
thought  such  an  occurrence  probable.  The  enemy  was 
nearly  twice  as  strong  as  we,  and  lay  directly  between 
us  and  our  base.  If  he  could  hold  out  till  our  ammuni 
tion  was  exhausted,  we  should  be  compelled  to  lay 
down  our  arms.  There  was  no  retreat  for  us.  We 
must  be  victorious  or  we  must  surrender. 

In  camp,  on  that  night,  every  thing  was  confusion. 
The  troops  that  had  been  on  the  left  during  the  day  were 
being  transferred  to  the  front.  The  quartermaster  was 
endeavoring  to  get  his  train  in  the  least  dangerous  place. 
The  opposing  lines  were  so  near  each  other  that  our  men 
could  easily  hear  the  conversation  of  the  Rebels.  The 
night  was  not  severely  cold  ;  but  the  men,  who  were  on 
the  front,  after  a  day's  fighting,  found  it  quite  uncom 
fortable.  Only  in  the  rear  was  it  thought  prudent  to 
build  fires. 

The  soldiers  of  German  birth  were  musical.  Through 
out  the  night  I  repeatedly  heard  their  songs.  The  sol 
diers  of  American  parentage  were  generally  profane,  and 
the  few  words  I  heard  them  utter  were  the  reverse  of 
musical.  Those  of  Irish  origin  combined  the  peculiari 
ties  of  both  Germans  and  Americans,  with  their  tenden 
cies  in  favor  of  the  latter. 

I  sought  a  quiet  spot  within  the  limits  of  the  camp, 
but  could  not  find  it.  Lying  down  in  the  best  place 
available,  I  had  just  fallen  asleep  when  a  mounted  or 
derly  rode  his  horse  directly  over  me.  I  made  a  mild 
remonstrance,  but  the  man  was  out  of  hearing  before  I 


MUSIO  OF  THE  CAMP.  141 

spoke.  Soon  after,  some  one  lighted  a  pipe  and  threw 
a  coal  upon  my  hand.  This  drew  from  me  a  gentle  re 
quest  for  a  discontinuance  of  that  experiment.  I  believe 
it  was  not  repeated.  During  the  night  Mr.  Fay  el's 
beard  took  fire,  and  I  was  roused  to  assist  in  staying  the 
conflagration. 

The  vocal  music  around  me  was  not  calculated  to 
encourage  drowsiness.  Close  at  hand  was  the  quarter 
master'  s  train,  with  the  mules  ready  harnessed  for  mov 
ing  in  any  direction.  These  mules  had  not  been  fed 
for  two  whole  days,  and  it  was  more  than  thirty-six 
hours  since  they  had  taken  water.  These  facts  were 
made  known  in  the  best  language  the  creatures  pos 
sessed.  The  bray  of  a  mule  is  never  melodious,  even 
when  the  animal's  throat  is  well  moistened.  When  it 
is  parched  and  dusty  the  sound  becomes  unusually 
hoarse.  Each  hour  added  to  the  noise  as  the  thirst  of 
the  musicians  increased.  Mr.  Fay  el  provoked  a  discus 
sion  concerning  .the  doctrine  of  the  transmigration  of 
souls ;  and  thought,  in  the  event  of  its  truth,  that  the 
wretch  was  to  be  pitied  who  should  pass  into  a  mule  in 
time  of  war. 

With  the  dawn  of  day  every  one  was  astir.  At  sun 
rise  I  found  our  line  was  not  quite  ready,  though  it  was 
nearly  so.  General  Curtis  was  confident  all  would  re 
sult  successfully,  and  completed  the  few  arrangements 
then  requiring  attention.  We  had  expected  the  Rebels 
would  open  the  attack  ;  but  they  waited  for  us  to  do  so. 
They  deserved  many  thanks  for  their  courtesy.  The 
smoke  of  the  previous  day's  fight  stillhung  over  the 


142  THE  LAST  DAT  OF  THE  BATTLE. 

camp,  and  the  sun  rose  through  it,  as  through  a  cloud. 
A  gentle  wind  soon  dissipated  this  smoke,  and  showed 
us  a  clear  sky  overhead.  The  direction  of  the  wind 
was  in  our  favor. 

The  ground  selected  for  deciding  the  fate  of  that  day 
was  a  huge  cornfield,  somewhat  exceeding  two  miles  in 
length  and  about  half  a  mile  in  width.  The  western  ex 
tremity  of  this  field  rested  upon  the  ridge  which  gave 
name  to  the  "battle-ground.  The  great  road  from  Spring 
field  to  Fayetteville  crossed  this  field  albout  midway 
from  the  eastern  to  the  western  end. 

It  was  on  this  road  that  the  two  armies  took  their 
positions.  The  lines  were  in  the  edge  of  the  woods 
on  opposite  sides  of  the  field — the  wings  of  the  armies 
extending  to  either  end.  On  the  northern  side  were 
the  Rebels,  on  the  southern  was  the  National  army. 
Thus  each  army,  sheltered  by  the  forest,  had  a  cleared 
space  in  its  front,  affording  a  full  view  of  the  enemy. 

By  half-past  seven  o'clock  our  line  was  formed  and 
ready  for  action.  A  little  before  eight  o'clock  the  can 
nonade  was  opened.  Our  forces  were  regularly  drawn 
up  in  order  of  battle.  Our  batteries  were  placed  be 
tween  the  regiments  as  they  stood  in  line.  In  the  tim 
ber,  behind  these  regiments  and  batteries,  were  the 
brigades  in  reserve,  ready  to  be  brought  forward  in 
case  of  need.  At  the  ends  of  the  line  were  battalions 
of  cavalry,  stretching  off  to  cover  the  wings,  and  give 
notice  of  any  attempt  by  the  Rebels  to  move  on  our 
flanks.  Every  five  minutes  the  bugle  of  the  extreme 
battalion  would  sound  the  signal  "  All's  well."  The 


A  CANNONADE.  143 

\ 

signal  would  "be  taken  by  the  "bugler  of  the  next  bat 
talion,  and  in  this  way  carried  down  the  line  to  the  cen 
ter.  If  the  Rebels  had  made  any  attempt  to  outflank 
us,  we  could  hardly  have  failed  to  discover  it  at  once. 

Our  batteries  opened ;  the  Rebel  batteries  responded. 
Our  gunners  proved  the  best,  and  our  shot  had  the 
greatest  effect.  We  had  better  ammunition  than  that  of 
our  enemies,  and  thus  reduced  the  disparity  caused  by 
their  excess  of  guns.  Our  cannonade  was  slow  and 
careful ;  theirs  was  rapid,  and  was  made  at  random.  At 
the  end  of  two  hours  of  steady,  earnest  work,  we  could 
see  that  the  Rebel  line  was  growing  weaker,  while  our 
own  was  still  unshaken.  The  work  of  the  artillery  was 
winning  us  the  victory. 

In  the  center  of  the  Rebel  line  was  a  rocky  hill, 
eighty  or  a  hundred  feet  in  height.  The  side  which 
faced  us  was  almost  perpendicular,  but  the  slope  to  the 
rear  was  easy  of  ascent.  On  this  hill  the  Rebels  had 
stationed  two  regiments  of  infantry  and  a  battery  of 
artillery.  The  balance  of  their  artillery  lay  at  its  base. 
General  Curtis  ordered  that  the  fire  of  all  our  batteries 
should  be  concentrated  on  this  hill  at  a  given  signal, 
and  continued  there  for  ten  minutes.  This  was  done. 
At  the  same  time  our  infantry  went  forward  in  a  charge 
on  the  Rebel  infantry  and  batteries  that  stood  in  the 
edge  of  the  forest.  The  cleared  field  afforded  fine 
opportunity  for  the  movement. 

The  charge  was  successful.  The  Rebels  fell  back  in 
disorder,  leaving  three  guns  in  our  hands,  and  their 
dead  and  wounded  scattered  on  the  ground.  This  was 


144  THE  WOODS  OX  FIRE. 

the  end  of  the  "battle.  We  had  won  the  victory  at  Pea 
Ridge. 

I  followed  our  advancing  forces,  and  ascended  to  the 
summit  of  the  elevation  on  which  our  last  fire  was  con 
centrated.  Wounded  men  were  gathered  in  little  groups, 
and  the  dead  were  lying  thick  about  them.  The  range 
of  our  artillery  had  "been  excellent.  Hocks,  trees, 
and  earth  attested  the  severity  of  our  fire.  This  can 
nonade  was  the  decisive  work  of  the  day.  It  was 
the  final  effort  of  our  "batteries,  and  was  terrible  while  it 
lasted. 

The  shells,  bursting  among  the  dry  leaves,  had  set 
the  woods  on  fire,  and  the  flames  were  slowly  traversing 
the  ground  where  the  battle  had  raged.  We  made  every 
effort  to  remove  the  wounded  to  places  of  safety,  before 
the  fire  should  reach  them.  At  that  time  we  thought 
we  had  succeeded.  Late  in  the  afternoon  I  found 
several  wounded  men  lying  in  secluded  places,  where 
they  had  been  terribly  burned,  though  they  were  still 
alive.  Very  few  of  them  survived. 

Our  loss  in  this  battle  was  a  tenth  of  our  whole  force. 
The  enemy  lost  more  than  we  in  numbers,  though  less 
in  proportion  to  his  strength.  His  position,  directly  in 
our  rear,  would  have  been  fatal  to  a  defeated  army  in 
many  other  localities.  There  were  numerous  small  roads, 
intersecting  the  great  road  at  right  angles.  On  these 
roads  the  Rebels  made  their  lines  of  retreat.  Had  we 
sent  cavalry  in  pursuit,  the  Rebels  would  have  lost 
heavily  in  artillery  and  in  their  supply  train.  As  it 
was,  they  escaped  without  material  loss,  but  they 


AEMY  MOVEMENTS.  145 

suffered  a  defeat  which  ultimately  resulted  in  our  posses 
sion  of  all  Northern  Arkansas. 

The  Rebels  retreated  across  the  Boston  Mountains  to 
Yan  Buren  and  Fort  Smith,  and  were  soon  ordered 
thence  to  join  Beauregard  at  Corinth.  Our  army  moved 
to  Key tsville,  Missouri,  several  miles  north  of  the  battle 
ground,  where  the  country  was  better  adapted  to  for 
aging,  and  more  favorable  to  recuperating  from  the  effects 
of  the  conflict. 

From  Keytsville  it  moved  to  Forsyth,  a  small  town 
in  Taney  County,  Missouri,  fifty  miles  from  Springfield. 
Extending  over  a  considerable  area,  the  army  consumed 
whatever  could  be  found  in  the  vicinity.  It  gave  much 
annoyance  to  the  Rebels  by  destroying  the  saltpeter 
works  on  the  upper  portion  of  White  River. 

The  saltpeter  manufactories  along  the  banks  of  this 
stream  were  of  great  importance  to  the  Rebels  in  the 
Southwest,  and  their  destruction  seriously  reduced  the 
supplies  of  gunpowder  in  the  armies  of  Arkansas  and 
Louisiana.  Large  quantities  of  the  crude  material  were 
shipped  to  Memphis  and  other  points,  in  the  early  days 
of  the  war.  At  certain  seasons  White  River  is  naviga 
ble  to  Forsyth.  The  Rebels  made  every  possible  use 
of  their  opportunities,  as  long  as  the  stream  remained  in 
their  possession. 

Half  sick  in  consequence  of  the  hardships  of  the 
campaign,  and  satisfied  there  would  be  no  more  fighting 
of  importance  during  the  summer,  I  determined  to  go 
back  to  civilization.  I  returned  to  St.  Louis  by  way 

of  Springfield  and  Rolla.     A  wounded  officer,  Lieu- 
10 


146  MY  PwETUKN  FBOM  THE  SOUTHWEST. 

tenant-Colonel  Herron  (who  afterward  wore  tlie  stars 
of  a  major-general),  was  my  traveling  companion.  Six 
days  of  weary  toil  over  rough  and  muddy  roads  "brought 
us  to  the  railway,  within  twelve  hours  of  St.  Louis.  It 
was  my  last  campaign  in  that  region.  From  that  date 
the  war  in  the  Southwest  had  its  chief  interest  in  the 
country  east  of  the  Great  Eiver. 


THE  NEW   SITUATION.  147 


CHAPTER   XIV. 

UP  THE  TENNESSEE  AND  AT  PITTSBURG  LANDING. 

At  St.  Louis. — Progress  of  our  Arms  in  the  Great  Valley. — Cairo. — Its 
Peculiarities  and  Attractions. — Its  Commercial,  Geographical,  and 
Sanitary  Advantages. — Up  the  Tennessee. — Movements  Preliminary 
to  the  Great  Battle. — The  Kebels  and  their  Plans. — Postponement 
of  the  Attack. — Disadvantages  of  our  Position. — The  Beginning  of 
the  Battle, — Results  of  the  First  Day. — Re-enforcements. — Disputes 
between  Officers  of  our  two  Armies. — Beauregard's  "Watering-Place. 

ON  reaching  St.  Louis,  three  weeks  after  the  Tbattle 
of  Pea  Ridge,  I  found  that  public  attention  was  centered 
upon  the  Tennessee  River.  Fort  Henry,  Fort  Donel- 
son,  Columbus,  and  Nashville  had  fallen,  and  our  armies 
were  pushing  forward  toward  the  Gulf,  by  the  line  of 
the  Tennessee.  General  Pope  was  laying  siege  to  Island 
Number  Ten,  having  already  occupied  New  Madrid, 
and  placed  his  gun-boats  in  front  of  that  point.  General 
Grant's  army  was  at  Pittsburg  Landing,  and  General 
BuelPs  army  was  moving  from  Nashville  toward  Savan 
nah,  Tennessee.  The  two  armies  were  to  be  united  at 
Pittsburg  Landing,  for  a  further  advance  into  the  South 
ern  States.  General  Beauregard  was  at  Corinth,  where 
he  had  been  joined  by  Price  and  Van  Dora  from  Arkan 
sas,  and  by  Albert  Sidney  Johnston  from  Kentucky. 
There  was  a  promise  of  active  hostilities  in  that  quarter. 
I  left  St.  Louis,  after  a  few  days'  rest,  for  the  new  scene 
of  action. 


148  A  CHANGE. 

Cairo  lay  in  my  route.  I  found  it  greatly  changed 
from  the  Cairo  of  the  previous  autumn.  Six  months 
before,  it  had  been  the  rendezvous  of  the  forces  watch 
ing  the  Lower  Mississippi.  The  basin  in  which  the 
town  stood,  was  a  vast  military  encampment.  Officers 
of  all  rank  thronged  the  hotels,  and  made  themselves  as 
comfortable  as  men  could  be  in  Cairo.  All  the  leading 
journals  of  the  country  were  represented,  and  the  dis 
patches  from  Cairo  were  everywhere  perused  with  in 
terest,  though  they  were  not  always  entirely  accurate. 

March  and  April  witnessed  a  material  change.  Where 
there  had  been  twenty  thousand  soldiers  in  December, 
there  were  less  than  one  thousand  in  April.  Where  a 
fleet  of  gun-boats,  mortar-rafts,  and  transports  had  been 
tied  to  the  levees  during  the  winter  months,  the  opening 
spring  showed  but  a  half-dozen  steamers  of  all  classes. 
The  transports  and  the  soldiers  were  up  the  Tennessee, 
the  mortars  were  bombarding  Island  Number  Ten,  and 
the  gun-boats  were  on  duty  where  their  services  were 
most  needed.  The  journalists  had  become  war  corre 
spondents  in  earnest,  and  were  scattered  to  the  points 
of  greatest  interest. 

Cairo  had  become  a  vast  depot  of  supplies  for  the 
armies  operating  on  the  Mississippi  and  its  tributa 
ries.  The  commander  of  the  post  was  more  a  forward 
ing  agent  than  a  military  officer.  The  only  steamers  at 
the  levee  were  loading  for  the  armies.  Cairo  was  a  map 
of  busy,  muddy  life. 

The  opening  year  found  Cairo  exulting  in  its  deep 
and  all-pervading  mud.  There  was  mud  everywhere. 


THE  BEAUTIES  OF  CAIRO.  149 

Levee,  sidewalks,  floors,  windows,  tables,  bed-clothing, 
all  were  covered  witli  it.  On  the  levee  it  varied  from 
six  to  thirty  inches  in  depth.  The  luckless  individual 
whose  duties  obliged  him  to  make  frequent  journeys 
from  the  steamboat  landing  to  the  principal  hotel,  be 
came  intimately  acquainted  with  its  character. 

Sad,  unfortunate,  derided  Cairo !  Your  visitors  de 
part  with  unpleasant  memories.  Only  your  inhabitants, 
who  hold  titles  to  corner  lots,  speak  loudly  in  your 
praise.  When  it  rains,  and  sometimes  when  it  does  not, 
your  levee  is  unpleasant  to  walk  upon.  Your  side 
walks  are  dangerous,  and  your  streets  are  unclean. 
John  Phenix  declared  you  destitute  of  honesty.  Dick 
ens  asserted  that  your  physical  and  moral  foundations 
were  insecurely  laid.  Russell  did  not  praise  you,  and 
Trollope  uttered  much  to  your  discredit.  Your  mus- 
quitos  are  large,  numerous,  and  hungry.  Your  atmos 
phere  does  not  resemble  the  spicy  breezes  that  blow 
soft  o'er  Ceylon's  isle.  Your  energy  and  enterprise  are 
commendable,  and  your  geographical  location  is  excel 
lent,  but  you  can  never  become  a  rival  to  Saratoga  or 
Newport. 

Cairo  is  built  in  a  basin  formed  by  constructing  a 
levee  to  inclose  the  peninsula  at  the  junction  of  the 
Ohio  and  Mississippi  Rivers.  Before  the  erection  of  the 
levee,  this  peninsula  was  overflowed  by  the  rise  of 
either  river.  Sometimes,  in  unusual  floods,  the  waters 
reach  the  top  of  the  embankment,  and  manage  to  nil  the 
basin.  At  the  time  of  my  visit,  the  Ohio  was  rising 
rapidly.  The  inhabitants  were  alarmed,  as  the  water 


150  TO  PITTSBUEG  LANDING. 

was  gradually  gaining  upon  them.  After  a  time  it  took 
possession  of  the  Ibasin,  enabling  people  to  navigate  the 
streets  and  front  yards  in  skiffs,  and  exchange  saluta 
tions  from  house-tops  or  upper  windows.  Many  were 
driven  from  their  houses  "by  the  flood,  and  forced  to  seek 
shelter  elsewhere.  In  due  time  the  waters  receded  and 
the  city  remained  unharmed.  It  is  not  true  that  a 
steamer  was  lost  in  consequence  of  running  against  a 
chimney  of  the  St.  Charles  Hotel. 

Cairo  has  prospered  during  the  war,  and  is  now 
making  an  effort  to  fill  her  streets  above  the  high- water 
level,  and  insure  a  dry  foundation  at  all  seasons  of  the 
year.  This  once  accomplished,  Cairo  will  become  a  city 
of  no  little  importance. 

Proceeding  up  the  Tennessee,  I  reached  Pittsburg 
Landing  three  days  after  the  great  battle  which  has  made 
that  locality  famous. 

The  history  of  that  battle  has  been  many  times  writ 
ten.  Official  reports  have  given  the  dry  details, — the 
movements  of  division,  brigade,  regiment,  and  battery, 
all  being  fully  portrayed.  A  few  journalists  who  wit 
nessed  it  gave  the  accounts  which  were  circulated  every 
where  by  the  Press.  The  earliest  of  these  was  published 
by  The  Herald.  The  most  complete  and  graphic  was  that 
of  Mr.  Reid,  of  The  Cincinnati  Gazette.  Officers,  soldiers, 
civilians,  all  with  greater  or  less  experience,  wrote  what 
they  had  heard  and  seen.  So  diverse  have  been  the 
statements,  that  a  general  officer  who  was  prominent  in 
the  battle,  says  he  sometimes  doubts  if  he  was  present. 

In  the  official  accounts  there  have  been  inharmonious 


THE  SITUATION  AT  COEINTH.  151 

deductions,  and  many  statements  of  a  contradictory 
character.  Some  of  the  participants  have  criticised  un 
favorably  the  conduct  of  others,  and  a  bitterness  con 
tinuing  through  and  after  the  war  has  been  the  result. 

In  February  of  1862,  the  Rebels  commenced  assem 
bling  an  army  at  Corinth.  General  Beauregard  was 
placed  in  command.  Early  in  March,  Price  and  Van 
Dorn  were  ordered  to  take  their  commands  to  Corinth, 
as  their  defeat  at  Pea  Ridge  had  placed  them  on  the  de 
fensive  against  General  Curtis.  General  A.  S.  Johnston 
had  moved  thither,  after  the  evacuation  of  Bowling 
Green,  Kentucky,  and  from  all  quarters  the  Rebels  were 
assembling  a  vast  army.  General  Johnston  became  com- 
mander-in-chief  on  his  arrival. 

General  Halleck,  who  then  commanded  the  Western 
Department,  ordered  General  Grant,  after  the  capture  of 
Forts  Henry  and  Donelson,  to  move  to  Pittsburg  Land 
ing,  and  seize  that  point  as  a  base  against  Corinth.  Gen 
eral  Buell,  with  the  Army  of  the  Ohio,  was  ordered  to 
join  him  from  Nashville,  and  with  other  re-enforcements 
we  would  be  ready  to  take  the  offensive. 

Owing  to  the  condition  of  the  roads,  General  Buell 
moved  very  slowly,  so  that  General  Grant  was  in  posi 
tion  at  Pittsburg  Landing  several  days  before  the  former 
came  up.  This  was  the  situation  at  the  beginning  of 
April ;  Grant  encamped  on  the  bank  of  the  Tennessee 
nearest  the  enemy,  and  Buell  slowly  approaching  the 
opposite  bank.  It  was  evidently  the  enemy' s  opportu 
nity  to  strike  his  blow  before  our  two  armies  should  be 
united. 


152  THE  REBEL  PLANS. 

On  the  4th  of  April,  the  Rebels  prepared  to  move 
from  Corinth  to  attack  General  Grant's  camp,  "but,  on 
account  of  rain,  they  delayed  their  advance  till -the 
morning  of  the  6th.  At  daylight  of  the  6th  our  pickets 
were  driven  in,  and  were  followed  "by  the  advance  of  the 
Rebel  army. 

The  division  whose  camp  was  nearest  to  Corinth,  and 
therefore  the  first  to  receive  the  onset  of  the  enemy,  was 
composed  of  the  newest  troops  in  the  army.  Some  of 
the  regiments  had  received  their  arms  less  than  two 
weeks  "before.  The  outposts  were  not  sufficiently  far 
from  camp  to  allow  much  time  for  getting  tinder  arms 
after  the  first  encounter.  A  portion  of  this  division  was 
attacked  before  it  could  form,  but  its  commander,  Gen 
eral  Prentiss,  promptly  rallied  his  men,  and  made  a  vig 
orous  fight.  He  succeeded,  for  a  time,  in  staying  the 
progress  of  the  enemy,  but  the  odds  against  him  were 
too  great.  When  his  division  was  surrounded  and 
fighting  was  no  longer  of  use,  he  surrendered  his  com 
mand.  At  the  time  of  surrender  he  had  little  more  than 
a  thousand  men  remaining  out  of  a  division  six  thousand 
strong.  Five  thousand  were  killed,  wounded,  or  had 
fled  to  the  rear. 

General  Grant  had  taken  no  precautions  against  at 
tack.  The  vedettes  were  but  a  few  hundred  yards  from 
our  front,  and  we  had  no  breast- works  of  any  kind  be 
hind  which  to  fight.  The  newest  and  least  reliable  sol 
diers  were  at  the  point  where  the  enemy  would  make 
his  first  appearance.  The  positions  of  the  various  bri 
gades  and  divisions  were  taken,  more  with  reference  to 


THE  FIRST  DAY'S  FIGHTING.  153 

securing  a  good  camping-ground,  than  for  purposes  of 
strategy.  General  Grant  showed  himself  a  soldier  in  the 
management  of  the  army  after  the  "battle  began,  and  he 
has  since  achieved  a  reputation  as  the  greatest  warrior 
of  the  age.  Like  the  oculist  who  spoiled  a  hatful  of 
eyes  in  learning  to  operate  for  the  cataract,  he  improved 
his  military  knowledge  "by  his  experience  at  Shiloh. 
Never  afterward  did  he  place  an  army  in  the  enemy's 
country  without  making  careful  provision  against  as 
sault. 

One  division,  under  General  Wallace,  was  at  Crump's 
Landing,  six  miles  below  the  battle-ground,  and  did  not 
take  part  in  the  action  till  the  following  day.  The  other 
divisions  were  in  line  to  meet  the  enemy  soon  after  the 
lighting  commenced  on  General  Prentiss's  front,  and 
made  a  stubborn  resistance  to  the  Rebel  advance. 

The  Rebels  well  knew  they  would  have  no  child's 
play  in  that  battle.  They  came  prepared  for  hot,  terri 
ble  work,  in  which  thousands  of  men  were  to  fall.  The 
field  attests  our  determined  resistance ;  it  attests  their 
daring  advance.  A  day' s  fighting  pushed  us  slowly,  but 
steadily,  toward  the  Tennessee.  Our  last  line  was  formed 
less  than  a  half  mile  from  its  bank.  Sixty  pieces  of  ar 
tillery  composed  a  grand  battery,  against  which  the  en 
emy  rushed.  General  Grant's  officers  claim  that  the 
enemy  received  a  final  check  when  he  attacked  that 
line.  The  Rebels  claim  that  another  hour  of  daylight, 
had  we  received  no  re-enforcements,  would  have  seen 
our  utter  defeat.  Darkness  and  a  fresh  division  came  to 
our  aid. 


154  ARRIVAL  OF  BUELL'S  ARMY. 

General  Buell  was  to  arrive  at  Savannah,  ten  miles 
."below  Pittsburg,  and  on  the  opposite  bank  of  the  river, 
on  the  morning  of  the  6th.  On  the  evening  of  the  5th, 
General  Grant  proceeded  to  Savannah1  to  meet  him,  and 
was  there  when  the  battle  began  on  the  following  morn 
ing.  His  boat  was  immediately  headed  for  Pittsbnrg, 
and  by  nine  o'clock  the  General  was  on  the  battle-field. 
From  that  time,  the  engagement  received  his  personal 
attention.  When  he  started  from  Savannah,  some  of 
General  Buell' s  forces  were  within  two  miles  of  the 
town.  They  were  hurried  forward  as  rapidly  as  possi 
ble,  and  arrived  at  Pittsburg,  some  by  land  and  others 
by  water,  in  season  to  take  position  on  our  left,  just  as 
the  day  was  closing.  Others  came  up  in  the  night,  and 
formed  a  part  of  the  line  on  the  morning  of  the  7th. 

General  Nelson's  Division  was  the  first  to  cross  the 
river  and  form  on  the  left  of  Grant's  shattered  army. 
As  he  landed,  Nelson  rode  among  the  stragglers  by  the 
bank  and  endeavored  to  rally  them.  Hailing  a  captain 
of  infantry,  he  told  him  to  get  his  men  together  and 
fall  into  line.  The  captain's  face  displayed  the  utmost 
terror.  "My  regiment  is  cut  to  pieces,"  was  the  rejoin 
der  ;  ' '  every  man  of  my  company  is  killed. ' ' 

"Then  why  ain't  you  killed,  too,  you  d — d  coward  ?" 
thundered  Nelson.  "Gather  some  of  these  stragglers 
and  go  back  into  the  battle." 

The  man  obeyed  the  order. 

General  Nelson  reported  to  General  Grant  with  his 
division,  received  his  orders,  and  then  dashed  about  the 
field,  wherever  his  presence  was  needed.  The  division 


THE  EEBELS  IN  OUR  CAMP.  155 

was  only  slightly  engaged  "before  night  came  on  and  sus 
pended  the  "battle. 

At  dawn  on  the  second  day  the  enemy  lay  in  the  po 
sition  it  held  when  darkness  ended  the  fight.  The 
gun-boats  had  shelled  the  woods  during  the  night,  and 
prevented  the  Rebels  from  reaching  the  river  on  our  left. 
A  creek  and  ravine  prevented  their  reaching  it  on 
the  right.  None  of  the  Rebels  stood  on  the  bank  of 
the  Tennessee  River  on  that  occasion,  except  as  prison 
ers  of  war. 

As  they  had  commenced  the  attack  on  the  6th,  it  was 
our  turn  to  begin  it  on  the  7th.  A  little  past  daylight 
we  opened  fire,  and  the  fresh  troops  on  the  left,  under 
General  Buell,  were  put  in  motion.  The  Rebels  had 
driven  us  on  the  6th,  so  we  drove  them  on  the  7th.  By 
noon  of  that  day  we  held  the  ground  lost  on  the  day 
previous. 

The  camps  which  the  enemy  occupied  during  the 
night  were  comparatively  uninjured,  so  confident  were 
the  Rebels  that  our  defeat  was  assured. 

It  was  the  arrival  of  General  Buell' s  army  that  saved 
us.  The  history  of  that  battle,  as  the  Rebels  have  given 
it,  shows  that  they  expected  to  overpower  General  Grant 
before  General  Buell  could  come  up.  They  would  then 
cross  the  Tennessee,  meet  and  defeat  Buell,  and  re 
capture  Nashville.  The  defeat  of  these  two  armies 
would  have  placed  the  Valley  of  the  Ohio  at  the  com 
mand  of  the  Rebels.  Louisville  was  to  have  been  the 
next  point  of  attack. 

The  dispute  between  the  officers  of  the  Army  of  the 


156  OFFICIAL  DISPUTES. 

Tennessee  and  those  of  the  Army  of  the  Ohio  is 
not  likely  to  be  terminated  until  this  generation  has 
passed  away.  The  former  contend  that  the  Rebels 
were  repulsed  on  the  evening  of  the  6th  of  April,  be 
fore  the  Army  of  the  Ohio  took  part  in  the  battle. 
The  latter  are  equally  earnest  in  declaring  that  the 
Army  of  the  Tennessee  would  have  been  defeated 
had  not  the  other  army  arrived.  Both  parties  sus 
tain  their  arguments  by  statements  in  proof,  and  by 
positive  assertions.  I  believe  it  is  the  general  opinion 
of  impartial  observers,  that  the  salvation  of  General 
Grant's  army  is  due  to  the  arrival  of  the  army  of  General 
Buell.  With  the  last  attack  on  the  evening  of  the  6th, 
in  which  our  batteries  repulsed  the  Rebels,  the  enemy 
did  not  retreat.  Night  came  as  the  fighting  ceased. 
Beauregard'  s  army  slept  where  it  had  fought,  and  gave 
all  possible  indication  of  a  readiness  to  renew  the  battle 
on  the  following  day.  So  near  was  it  to  the  river  that 
our  gun-boats  threw  shells  during  the  night  to  prevent 
our  left  wing  being  flanked. 

Beauregard  is  said  to  have  sworn  to  water  his  horse 
in  the  Tennessee,  or  in  Hell,  on  that  night.  It  is  certain 
that  the  animal  did  not  quench  his  thirst  in  the  terres 
trial  stream.  If  he  drank  from  springs  beyond  the  Styx, 
I  am  not  informed. 


THE  ERROR  OF  THE  REBELS.        157 


CHAPTER    XV. 

SHILOH    AND    THE    SIEGE    OP    CORINTH. 

The  Error  of  the  Rebels.— ;Story  of  a  Surgeon. — Experience  of  a  Rebel 
Regiment. — Injury  to  the  Rebel  Army. — The  Effect .  in  our  own 
Lines. — Daring  of  a  Color-Bearer. — A  Brave  Soldier. — A  Drummer- 
Boy's  Experience. — Gallantry  of  an  Artillery  Surgeon. — A  Regiment 
Commanded  by  a  Lieutenant. — Friend  Meeting  Friend  and  Brother 
Meeting  Brother  in  the  Opposing  Lines. — The  Scene  of  the  Battle. — 
Fearful  Traces  of  Musketry-Fire. — The  "Wounded. — The  Labor  of 
the  Sanitary  Commission. — Humanity  a  Yankee  Trick. — Besieging 
Corinth.— A  Cold- Water  Battery.— Halleck  and  the  Journalists.— 
Occupation  of  Corinth. 

THE  fatal  error  of  the  Rebels,  was  their  neglect  to  at 
tack  on  the  4th,  as  originally  intended.  They  were  in 
formed  by  their  scouts  that  Buell  could  not  reach  Sa 
vannah  before  the  9th  or  10th  ;  and  therefore  a  delay  of 
two  days  would  not  change  the  situation.  Buell  was 
nearer  than  they  supposed. 

The  surgeon  of  the  Sixth  Iowa  Infantry  fell  into  the 
enemy's  hands  early  on  the  morning  of  the  first  day  of 
the  battle,  and  established  a  hospital  in  our  abandoned 
camp.  His  position  was  at  a  small  log-house  close  by 
the  principal  road.  Soon  after  he  took  possession,  the 
enemy's  columns  began  to  file  past  him,  as  they  pressed 
our  army.  The  surgeon  says  he  noticed  a  Louisiana 
regiment  that  moved  into  battle  eight  hundred  strong,  its 
banners  flying  and  the  men  elated  at  the  prospect  of  sue- 


158  A  FEARFUL  LOSS. 

/ 

cess.  About  five  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  this  regiment 
was  "withdrawn,  and  went  into  bivouac  a  short  distance 
from  the  surgeon's  hospital.  It  was  then  less  than  four 
hundred  strong,  but  the  spirit  of  the  men  was  still  the 
same.  On  the  morning  of  the  7th,  it  once  more  went  into 
battle.  About  noon  it  came  out,  less  than  a  hundred 
strong,  pressing  in  retreat  toward  Corinth.  The  men 
still  clung  to  their  flag,  and  declared  their  determination 
to  be  avenged. 

The  story  of  this  regiment  was  the  story  of  many 
others.  Shattered  and  disorganized,  their  retreat  to 
Corinth  had  but  little  order.  Only  the  splendid  rear 
guard,  commanded  by  General  Bragg,  saved  them  from 
utter  confusion.  The  Rebels  admitted  that  many  of  their 
regiments  were  unable  to  produce  a  fifth  of  their  original 
numbers,  until  a  week  or  more  after  the  battle.  The 
stragglers  came  in  slowly  from  the  surrounding  country, 
and  at  length  enabled  the  Rebels  to  estimate  their  loss. 
There  were  many  who  never  returned  to  answer  at  roll- 
call. 

In  our  army,  the  disorder  was  far  from  small.  Large 
numbers  of  soldiers  wandered  for  days  about  the  camps, 
before  they  could  ascertain  their  proper  locations.  It 
was  fully  a  week,  before  all  were  correctly  assigned. 
We  refused  to  allow  burying  parties  from  the  Rebels 
to  come  within  our  lines,  preferring  that  they  should 
not  see  the  condition  of  our  camp.  Time  was  required 
to  enable  us  to  recuperate.  I  presume  the  enemy  was 
as  much  in  need  of  time  as  ourselves. 

A  volume  could  be  filled  with  the  stories  of  personal 


AN  INCIDENT  OF  BATTLE.  159 

valor  during  that  battle.  General  Lew  Wallace  says 
his  division  was,  at  a  certain  time,  forming  on  one  side  of 
a  field,  while  the  Rebels  were  on  the  opposite  side.  The 
color-bearer  of  a  Rebel  regiment  stepped  in  front  of  his 
own  line,  and  waved  his  flag  as  a  challenge  to  the  color- 
bearer  that  faced  him.  Several  of  our  soldiers  wished 
to  meet  the  challenge,  but  their  officers  forbade  it. 
Again  the  Rebel  stepped  forward,  and  planted  his  flag 
staff  in  the  ground.  There  was  no  response,  and  again 
and  again  he  advanced,  until  he  had  passed  more  than 
half  the  distance  between  the  opposing  lines.  Our  fire1 
was. reserved  in  admiration  of  the  man's  daring,  as  he 
stood  full  in  view,  defiantly^  waving  his  banner.  At 
last,  when  the  struggle  between  the  divisions  com 
menced,  it  was  impossible  to  save  him,  and  he  fell  dead 
by  the  side  of  his  colors. 

On  the  morning  of  the  second  day's  fighting,  the 
officers  of  one  of  our  gun-boats  saw  a  soldier  on  the  river- 
bank  on  our  extreme  left,  assisting  another  soldier  who 
was  severely  wounded.  A  yawl  was  sent  to  bring 
away  the  wounded  man  and  his  companion.  As  it 
touched  the  side  of  the  gun-boat  on  its  return,  the  unin 
jured  soldier  asked  to  be  sent  back  to  land,  that  he 
might  have  further  part  in  the  battle.  "  I  have,"  said 
he,  "been  taking  care  of  this  man,  who  is  my  neighbor 
at  home.  He  was  wounded  yesterday  morning,  and  I 
have  been  by  his  side  ever  since.  Neither  of  us  has 
eaten  any  thing  for  thirty  hours,  but,  if  you  will  take 
good  care  of  him,  I  will  not  stop  now  for  myself.  I 
want  to  get  into  the  battle  again  at  once."  The  man's 


160  AN"  UNFOKTUNATE  WOUND. 

request  was  complied  with.  I  regret  my  inability  to 
give  Ms  name. 

A  drummer-boy  of  the  Fifteenth  Iowa  Infantry  was 
wounded  five  times  during  the  first  day's  battle,  but  in 
sisted  upon  going  out  on  the  second  day.  He  had 
hardly  started  before  he  fainted  from  loss  of  blood,  and 
was  left  to  recover  and  crawl  back  to  the  camp. 

Colonel  Sweeney,  of  the  Fifty- second  Illinois  Infan 
try,  who  lost  an  arm  in  Mexico  and  was  wounded  in  the 
leg  at  Wilson  Creek,  received  a  wound  in  his  arm  on 
*the  first  day  of  the  battle.  He  kept  his  saddle,  though 
he  was  unable  to  use  Ms  arm,  and  went  to  the  hospital 
after  the  battle  was  over.  When  I  saw  him  he  was 
venting  his  indignation  at  the  Rebels,  because  they  had 
not  wounded  Mm  in  the  stump  of  Ms  amputated  arm, 
instead  of  the  locality  which  gave  him  so  much  incon 
venience.  It  was  this  officer's  fortune  to  be  wounded 
on  nearly  every  occasion  when  he  went  into  battle. 

During  the  battle,  Dr.  Cornyn,  surgeon  of  Major 
Cavender's  battalion  of  Missouri  Artillery,  saw  a  section 
of  a  battery  whose  commander  had  been  killed.  The 
doctor  at  once  removed  the  surgeon's  badge  from  his 
hat  and  the  sash  from  Ms  waist,  and  took  command  of 
the  guns.  He  placed  them  in  position,  and  for  several 
hours  managed  them  with  good  effect.  He  was  twice 
wounded,  though  not  severely.  "I  was  determined 
they  should  not  kill  or  capture  me  as  a  surgeon  when  I 
had  charge  of  that  artillery,"  said  the  doctor  afterward, 
"  and  so  removed  every  thing  that  marked  my  rank." 

The    Eebels  made    some   very   desperate    charges 


ARRIVAL  OF  GENERAL  HALLECK  161 

against  our  artillery,  and  lost  heavily  in  each  attack. 
Once  they  actually  laid  their  hands  on  the  muzzles  of 
two  guns  in  Captain  Stone's  "battery,  but  were  unable 
to  capture  them. 

General  Hurlbut  stated  that  his  division  fought  all 
day  on  Sunday  with  heavy  loss,  but  only  one  regiment 
broke.  When  he  entered  the  battle  on  Monday  morn 
ing,  the  Third  Iowa  Infantry  was  commanded  by  a  first- 
lieutenant,  all  the  field  officers  and  captains  having  been 
disabled  or  captured.  Several  regiments  were  com 
manded  by  captains. 

Colonel  McHenry,  of  the  Seventeenth  Kentucky, 
said  his  regiment  fought  a  Kentucky  regiment  which 
was  raised  in  the  county  where  his  own  was  organized. 
The  fight  was  very  fierce.  The  men  frequently  called 
out  from  one  to  another,  using  taunting  epithets.  Two 
brothers  recognized  each  other  at  the  same  moment,  and 
came  to  a  tree  midway  between  the  lines,  where  they 
conversed  for  several  minutes. 

The  color-bearer  of  the  Fifty- second  Illinois  was 
wounded  early  in  the  battle.  A  man  who  was  under 
arrest  for  misdemeanor  asked  the  privilege  of  carrying 
the  colors.  It  was  granted,  and  he  behaved  so  admira 
bly  that  he  was  released  from  arrest  as  soon  as  the 
battle  was  ended. 

General  Halleck  arrived  a  week  after  the  battle,  and 
commenced  a  reorganization  of  the  army.  He  found 
much  confusion  consequent  upon  the  battle.  In  a  short 
time  the  army  was  ready  to  take  the  offensive.  We 

then  commenced  the  advance  upon  Corinth,  in  which 
11 


162  THE  BATTLE-FIELD. 

we  were  six  weeks  moving  twenty-five  miles.  When 
our  army  first  took  position  at  Pittsburg  Landing,  and 
"before  the  Rebels  had  effected  their  concentration,  Gen 
eral  Grant  asked  permission  to  capture  Corinth.  He 
felt  confident  of  success,  but  was  ordered  not  to  bring 
on  an  engagement  under  any  circumstances.  Had  the 
desired  permission  been  given,  there  is  little  doubt  he 
would  have  succeeded,  and  thus  avoided  the  necessity 
of  the  battle  of  Shiloh. 

The  day  following  my  arrival  at  Pittsburg  Landing 
I  rode  over  the  battle-field.  The  ground  was  mostly 
wooded,  the  forest  being  one  in  which  artillery  could  be 
well  employed,  but  where  cavalry  was  comparatively 
useless.  The  ascent  from  the  river  was  up  a  steep  bluff 
that  led  to  a  broken  table-ground,  in  which  there  were 
many  ravines,  generally  at  right  angles  to  the  river.  On 
this  table-ground  our  camps  were  located,  and  it  was 
there  the  battle  took  place. 

Everywhere  the  trees  were  scarred  and  shattered, 
telling,  as  plainly  as  by  words,  of  the  shower  of  shot, 
shell,  and  bullets,  that  had  fallen  upon  them.  Within 
rifle  range  of  the  river,  stood  a  tree  maked  by  a  cannon- 
shot,  showing  how  much  we  were  pressed  back  on 
the  afternoon  of  the  6th.  From  the  moment  the  crest  of 
the  bluff  was  gained,  the  traces  of  battle  were  apparent. 

In  front  of  the  line  where  General  Prentiss's  Division 
fought,  there  was  a  spot  of  level  ground  covered  with  a 
dense  growth  of  small  trees.  The  tops  of  these  trees 
were  from  twelve  to  fifteen  feet  high,  and  had  been 
almost  mowed  off  by  the  shower  of  bullets  which  passed 


RIDING  OVER  THE  GROUND.  163 

through  them.  I  saw  no  place  where  there  was  greater 
evidence  of  severe  work.  There  was  everywhere  full 
proof  that  the  battle  was  a  determined  one.  Assailant 
and  defendant  had  done  their  best. 

It  was  a  ride  of  five  miles  among  scarred  trees,  over 
ground  cut  by  the  wheels  of  guns  and  caissons,  among 
shattered  muskets,  disabled  cannon,  broken  wagons,  and 
all  the  heavier  debris  of  battle.  Everywhere  could  be 
seen  torn  garments,  haversacks,  and  other  personal 
equipments  of  soldiers.  There  were  tents  where  the 
wounded  had  been  gathered,  and  where  those  who 
could  not  easily  bear  movement  to  the  transports  were 
still  remaining.  In  every  direction  I  moved,  there  were 
the  graves  of  the  slain,  the  National  and  the  Rebel 
soldiers  being  buried  side  by  side.  Few  of  the  graves 
were  marked,  as  the  hurry  of  interment  had  been  great. 
I  fear  that  many  of  those  graves,  undesignated  and  un- 
fenced,  have  long  since  been  leveled.  A  single  year, 
with  its  rain  and  its  rank  vegetation,  would  leave  but  a 
small  trace  of  those  mounds. 

All  through  that  forest  the  camps  of  our  army  were 
scattered.  During  the  first  few  days  after  the  battle  they 
showed  much  irregularity,  but  gradually  took  a  more 
systematic  shape.  When  the  wounded  had  been  sent  to 
the  transports,  the  regiments  compacted,  the  camps 
cleared  of  superfluous  baggage  and  .materiel,  and  the 
weather  became  more  propitious,  the  army  assumed  an 
attractive  appearance. 

When  the  news  of  the  battle  reached  the  principal 
cities  of  the  West,  the  Sanitary  Commission  prepared  to 


164  CARE  OF  THE  WOUNDED. 

send  relief.  Within  twenty -four  hours,  "boats  were  dis 
patched  from  St.  Louis  and  Cincinnati,  and  hurried  to 
Pittsburg  Landing  with  the  utmost  rapidity.  The  battle 
had  not  been  altogether  unexpected,  but  it  found  us 
without  the  proper  preparation.  Whatever  we  had  was 
pushed  forward  without  delay,  and  the  sufferings  of  the 
wounded  were  alleviated  as  much  as  possible. 

As  fast  as  the  boats  arrived  they  were  loaded  with 
wounded,  and  sent  to  St.  Louis  and  other  points  along 
the  Mississippi,  or  to  Cincinnati  #nd  places  in  its  vicinity. 
Chicago,  St.  Louis,  and  Cincinnati  were  the  principal 
points  represented  in  this  work  of  humanity.  Many 
prominent  ladies  of  those  cities  passed  week  after  week 
in  the  hospitals  or  on  the  transports,  doing  every  thing 
in  their  power,  and  giving  their  attention  to  friend  and 
foe  alike. 

In  all  cases  the  Rebels  were  treated  with  the  same 
kindness  that  our  own  men  received.  Not  only  on  the 
boats,  but  in  the  hospitals  where  the  wounded  were 
distributed,  and  until  they  were  fully  recovered,  our 
suffering  prisoners  were  faithfully  nursed.  The  Rebel 
papers  afterward  admitted  this  kind  treatment,  but 
declared  it  was  a  Yankee  trick  to  win  the  sympathies 
of  our  prisoners,  and  cause  them  to  abandon  the  insur 
gent  cause.  The  men  who  systematically  starved  their 
prisoners,  and  deprived  them  of  shelter  and  clothing, 
could  readily  suspect  the,  humanity  of  others.  They 
were  careful  never  to  attempt  to  kill  by  kindness, 
those  who  were  so  unfortunate  as  to  fall  into*  their 
hands. 


ADVANCING.  165 

It  was  three  weeks  after  the  battle  "before  all  the 
wounded  were  sent  away,  and  the  army  was  ready  for 
offensive  work.  When  we  were  once  more  in  fighting 
trim,  our  lines  were  slowly  pushed  forward.  General 
Pope  had  been  called  from  the  vicinity  of  Fort  Pillow, 
after  his  capture  of  Island  Number  Ten,  and  his  army 
was  placed  in  position  on  the  left  of  the  line  already 
formed.  When  our  advance  began,  we  mustered  a 
hundred  and  ten  thousand  men.  Exclusive  of  those 
who  do  not  take  part  in  a  battle,  we  could  have  easily 
brought  eighty  thousand  men  into  action.  We  began 
the  siege  of  Corinth  with  every  confidence  in  our  ability 
to  succeed. 

In  this  advance,  we  first  learned  how  an  army  should 
intrench  itself.  Every  time  we  took  a  new  position,  we 
proceeded  to  throw  up  earth- works.  Before  the  siege 
was  ended,  our  men  had  perfected  themselves  in  the  art 
of  intrenching.  The  defenses  we  erected  will  long  re 
main  as  monuments .  of  the  war  in  Western  Tennessee. 
•Since  General  Halleck,  no  other  commander  has  shown 
such  ability  to  fortify  in  an  open  field  against  an  ene 
my  that  was  acting  on  the  defensive. 

It  was  generally  proclaimed  that  we  were  to  capture 
Corinth  with  all  its  garrison  of  sixty  or  seventy  thousand 
men.  The  civilian  observers  could  not  understand  how 
this  was  to  be  accomplished,  as  the  Rebels  had  two  lines 
of  railway  open  for  a  safe  retreat.  It  was  like  the  old 
story  of  "  bagging  Price  "  rh  Missouri.  Every  part  of 
the  bag,  except  the  top  and  one  side,  was  carefully  closed 
and  closely  watched.  Unmilitary  men  were  skeptical, 


166  AN  ADVOCATE  OF  TEMPERANCE. 

but  the  military  heads  assured  them  it  was  a  piece  of 
grand  strategy,  which  the  public  must  not  be  allowed 
to  understand. 

During  the  siege,  there  was  very  little  for  a  journalist 
to  record.  One  day  was  much  like  another.  Occasion 
ally  there  would  be  a  collision  with  the  enemy's  pick 
ets,  or  a  short  struggle  for  a  certain  position,  usually 
ending  in  our  possession  of  the  disputed  point.  The 
battle  of  Farmington,  on  the  left  of  our  line,  was  the 
only  engagement  worthy  the  name,  and  this  was  of  com 
paratively  short  duration.  Twenty-four  hours  after 
it  transpired  we  ceased  to  talk  about  it,  and  made 
only  occasional  reference  to  the  event.  There  were  four 
weeks  of  monotony.  An  advance  of  a  half  mile  daily 
was  not  calculated  to  excite  the  nerves. 

The  chaplains  and  the  surgeons  busied  themselves  in 
looking  after  the  general  health  of  the  army.  One  day, 
a  chaplain,  noted  for  his  advocacy  of  total  abstinence, 
passed  the  camp  of  the  First  Michigan  Battery.  This 
company  was  raised  in  Cold  water,  Michigan,  and  the* 
camp-chests,  caissons,  and  other  property  were  marked 
"Loomis's  Cold  water  Battery."  The  chaplain  at  once 
sought  Captain  Loomis,  and  paid  a  high  compliment  to 
his  moral  courage  in  taking  a  firm  and  noble  stand  in 
favor  of  temperance.  After  the  termination  of  the  inter 
view,  the  captain  and  several  friends  drank  to  the  long 
life  of  the  chaplain  and  the  success  of  the  "  Coldwater 
Battery." 

Toward  the  end  of  the  siege,  General  Halleck  gave 
the  journalists  a  sensation,  by  expelling  them  from  his 


HALLEOK  AND  THE  PRESS.  167 

lines.  The  representatives  of  the  Press  held  a  meeting, 
and  waited  upon  that  officer,  after  the  appearance  of  the 
order  requiring  their  departure.  They  offered  a  protest, 
which  was  insolently  rejected.  We  could  not  ascertain 
General  Halleck's  purpose  in  excluding  us  just  as  the 
campaign  was  closing,  "but  concluded  he  desired  we 
should  not  witness  the  end  of  the  siege  in  which  so 
much  had  been  promised  and  so  little  accomplished.  A 
week  after  our  departure,  General  Beauregard  evacu 
ated  Corinth,  and  our  army  took  possession.  The  fruits 
of  the  victory  were  an  empty  village,  a  few  hundred 
stragglers,  and  a  small  quantity  of  war  materiel. 

From  Corinth  the  Rebels  retreated  to  Tupelo,  Missis 
sippi,  where  they  threw  up  defensive  works.  The  Rebel 
Government  censured  General  Beauregard  for  abandon 
ing  Corinth.  The  evacuation  of  that  point  uncovered 
Memphis,  and  allowed  it  to  fall  into  our  hands. 

Beauregard  was  removed  from  command.  General 
Joseph  E.  Johnston  was  assigned  to  duty  in  his  stead. 
This  officer  proceeded  to  reorganize  his  army,  with  a 
view  to  offensive  operations  against  our  lines.  He  made 
no  demonstrations  of  importance  until  the  summer 
months  had  passed  away. 

The  capture  of  Corinth  terminated  the  offensive  por 
tion  of  the  campaign.  Our  army  occupied  the  line  of 
the  Memphis  and  Charleston  Railway  from  Corinth  to 
Memphis,  and  made  a  visit  to  Holly  Springs  without 
encountering  the  enemy.  A  few  cavalry  expeditions 
were  made  into  Mississippi,  but  they  accomplished 
nothing  of  importance.  The  Army  of  the  Tennessee 


168  END  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN. 

went  into  summer-quarters.  The  Army  of  the  Ohio, 
under  General  Buell,  returned  to  its  proper  department, 
to  confront  the  Kelbel  armies  then  assembling  in  Eastern 
Tennessee.  General  Halleck  was  summoned  to  Wash 
ington  as  commander-in-chief  of  the  armies  of  the  United 
States. 


ISLAND  NUMBER  TEN.  169 


CHAPTER   XVI. 

CAPTURE  OF  FORT  PILLOW  AND  BATTLE  OF  MEMPHIS. 

The  Siege  of  Fort  Pillow. — General  Pope. — His  Reputation  for  Verac 
ity.— Capture  of  the  "  Ten  Thousand."— Naval  Battle  above  Fort 
Pillow. — The  John  H.  Dickey. — Occupation  of  the  Fort. — General 
Forrest. — Strength  of  the  Fortifications. — Their  Location. — Ran 
dolph,  Tennessee. — Memphis  and  her  Last  Ditch. — Opening  of  the 
Naval  Combat.— Gallant  Action  of  Colonel  Ellet. — Fate  of  the 
Rebel  Fleet.— The  People  Viewing  the  Battle. — Their  Conduct. 

WHILE  I  was  tarrying  at  Cairo,  after  the  exodus  of 
the  journalists  from  the  army  "before  Corinth,  the  situa 
tion  on  the  Mississippi  Ibecame  interesting.  After  the 
capture  of  Island  Number  Ten,  General  Pope  was 
ordered  to  Pittsburg  Landing  with  his  command.  When 
called  away,  he  was  preparing  to  lay  siege  to  Fort  Pil 
low,  in  order  to  open  the  river  to  Memphis.  His  suc 
cess  at  Island  Number  Ten  had  won  him  much  credit, * 
and  he  was  anxious  to  gain  more  of  the  same  article. 
Had  he  taken  Fort  Pillow,  he  would  have  held  the 
honor  of  being  the  captor  of  Memphis,  as  that  city  must 
have  fallen  with  the  strong  fortifications  which  served 
as  its  protection. 

The  capture  of  Island  Number  Ten  was  marked  by 
the  only  instance  of  a  successful  canal  from  one  bend  of 
the  Mississippi  to  another.  As  soon  as  the  channel  was 
completed,  General  Pope  took  his  transports  below  the 


170  GENERAL  POPE'S  VERACITY. 

island,  ready  for  moving  his  men.  Admiral  Foote  tried 
the  first  experiment  of  running  Ms  gun-boats  past  the 
Rebel  "batteries,  and  was  completely  successful.  The 
Rebel  transports  could  not  escape,  neither  could  trans 
ports  or  gun-boats  come  up  from  Memphis  to  remove  the 
Rebel  army.  There  was  a  lake  in  the  rear  of  the  Rebels 
which  prevented  their  retreat.  The  whole  force,  some 
twenty-eight  hundred,  was  surrendered,  with  all  its 
arms  and  munitions  of  war.  General  Pope  reported  his 
captures  somewhat  larger  than  they  really  were,  and 
received  much  applause  for  his  success. 

The  reputation  of  this  officer,  on  the  score  of  veracity, 
has  not  been  of  the  highest  character.  After  he  assumed 
command  in  Virginia,  his  ' '  Order  Number  Five ' '  drew 
upon  him  much  ridicule.  Probably  the  story  of  the 
capture  of  ten  thousand  prisoners,  after  the  occupation 
of  Corinth,  has  injured  him  more  than  all  other  exagger 
ations  combined.  The  paternity  of  that  choice  bit  of 
romance  belongs  to  General  Halleck,  instead  of  General 
Pope.  Colonel  Elliott,  who  commanded  the  cavalry 
expedition,  which  General  Pope  sent  out  when  Corinth 
was  occupied,  forwarded  a  dispatch  to  Pope,  something 
like  the  following : — 

"I  am  still  pursuing  the  enemy.  The  woods  are  full  of  stragglers. 
Some  of  my  officers  estimate  their  number  as  high  as  ten  thousand. 
Many  have  already  come  into  my  lines." 

Pope  sent  this  dispatch,  without  alteration,  to  Gen 
eral  Halleck.  From  the  latter  it  went  to  the  country 
that  ''General  Pope  reported  ten  thousand  prisoners 
captured  below  Corinth."  It  served  to  cover  up  the 


BATTLE  NEAR  FOET  PILLOW.  171 

barrenness  of  the  Corintli  occupation,  and  put  the  pub 
lic  in  good -humor.  General  Halleck  received  credit  for 
the  success  of  his  plans.  When  it  came  out  that  no 
prisoners  of  consequence  had  been  taken,  the  real  author 
of  the  story  escaped  unharmed. 

At  the  time  of  his  departure  to  re-enforce  the  army 
before  Corinth,  General  Pope  left  but  a  single  brigade 
of  infantry,  to  act  in  conjunction  with  our  naval  forces 
in  the  siege  of  Fort  Pillow.  This  brigade  was  encamped 
on  the  Arkansas  shore  opposite  Fort  Pillow,  and  did 
some  very  effective  fighting  against  the  musquitos, 
which  that  country  produces  in  the  greatest  profusion. 
An  attack  on  the  fort,  with  such  a  small  force,  was  out 
of  the  question,  and  the  principal  aggressive  work  was 
done  by  the  navy  at  long  range. 

On  the  10th  of  May,  the  Rebel  fleet  made  an  attack 
upon  our  navy,  in  which  they  sunk  two  of  our  gun 
boats,  the  Mound  City  and  the  Cincinnati,  and  returned 
to  the  protection  of  Fort  Pillow  with  one  of  their  own 
boats  disabled,  and  two  others  somewhat  damaged.  Our 
sunken  gun-boats  were  fortunately  in  shoal  water,  where 
they  were  speedily  raised  and  repaired.  Neither  fleet 
had  much  to  boast  of  as  the  result  of  that  engagement. 

The  journalists  who  were  watching  Fort  Pillow,  had 
their  head-quarters  on  board  the  steamer  John  II.  DicJcey, 
which  was  anchored  in  midstream.  At  the  time  of  the 
approach  of  the  Rebel  gun- boats,  the  DicJcey  was  lying 
without  sufficient  steam  to  move  her  wheels,  and  the 
prospect  was  good  that  she  might  be  captured  or  de 
stroyed.  Her  commander,  Captain  Mussleman,  declared 


172  CAPTURE  OF  THE  FORT. 

lie  was  not  in  that  place  to  stop  cannon-shot,  and  made 
every  exertion  to  get  his  boat  in  condition  to  move.  His 
efforts  were  fully  appreciated  by  the  journalists,  particu 
larly  as  they  were  successful.  The  Dickey,  under  the 
same  captain,  afterward  ran  a  battery  near  Randolph, 
Tennessee,  and  though  pierced  in  every  part  by  cannon- 
shot  and  musket-balls,  she  escaped  without  any  loss  of 
life. 

As  soon  as  the  news  of  the  evacuation  of  Corinth 
was  received  at  Cairo,  we  looked  for  the  speedy  capture 
of  Fort  Pillow.  Accordingly,  on  the  4th  of  June,  I  pro 
ceeded  down  the  river,  arriving  off  Fort  Pillow  on  the 
morning  of  the  5th.  The  Rebels  had  left,  as  we  ex 
pected,  after  spiking  their  guns  and  destroying  most  of 
their  ammunition.  The  first  boat  to  reach  the  abandoned 
fort  was  the  Hetty  Gilmore,  one  of  the  smallest  transports 
in  the  fleet.  She  landed  a  little  party,  which  took  pos 
session,  hoisted  the  flag,  and  declared  the  fort,  and  all 
it  contained,  the  property  of  the  United  States.  The 
Rebels  were,  by  this  time,  several  miles  distant,  in  full 
retreat  to  a  safer  location. 

It  was  at  this  same  fort,  two  years  later,  that  the 
Rebel  General  Forrest  ordered  the  massacre  of  a  garrison 
that  had  surrendered  after  a  prolonged  defense.  His 
only  plea  for  this  cold-blooded  slaughter,  was  that  some 
of  his  men  had  been  fired  upon  after  the  white  flag  was 
raised.  The  testimony  in  proof  of  this  barbarity  was 
fully  conclusive,  and  gave  General  Forrest  and  his  men 
a  reputation  that  no  honorable  soldier  could  desire. 

In  walking  through  the  fort  after  its  capture,  I  was 


OCCUPATION  OF  EANDOLPH.  173 

struck  by  its  strength  and  extent.  It  occupied  the  base 
of  a  bluff  near  the  water's  edge.  On  the  summit  of  the 
bluff  there  were  breast- works  running  in  a  zigzag  course 
for  five  or  six  miles,  and  inclosing  a  large  area.  The 
works  along  the  river  were  very  strong,  and  could 
easily  hold  a  powerful  fleet  at  bay. 

From  Fort  Pillow  to  Randolph,  ten  miles  lower 
down,  was  less  than  an  hour's  steaming.  Randolph 
was  a  small,  worthless  village,  partly  at  the  base  of  a 
bluff,  and  partly  on  its  summit.  Here  the  Rebels  had 
erected  a  powerful  fort,  which  they  abandoned  when 
they  abandoned  Fort  Pillow.  The  inhabitants  expressed 
much  agreeable  astonishment  on  finding  that  we  did  not 
verify  all  the  statements  of  the  Rebels,  concerning  the 
barbarity  of  the  Yankees  wherever  they  set  foot  on 
Southern  soil.  The  town  was  most  bitterly  disloyal. 
It  was  afterward  burned,  in  punishment  for  decoying  a 
steamboat  to  the  landing,  and  then  attempting  her  cap 
ture  and  destruction.  A  series  of  blackened  chimneys 
now  marks  the  site  of  Randolph. 

Our  capture  of  these  points  occurred  a  short  time 
after  the  Rebels  issued  the  famous  "cotton-burning 
order,"  commanding  all  planters  to  burn  their  cotton, 
rather  than  allow  it  to  fall  into  our  hands.  The  people 
showed  no  particular  desire  to  comply  with  the  order, 
except  in  a  few  instances.  Detachments  of  Rebel  cav 
alry  were  sent  to  enforce  obedience.  They  enforced  it 
by  setting  fire  to  the  cotton  in  presence  of  its  owners. 
On  both  banks  of  the  river,  as  we  moved  from  Ran 
dolph  to  Memphis,  we  could  see  the  smoke  arising  from 


174  THE  LAST  DITCH. 

plantations,  or  from  secluded  spots  in  the  forest  where 
cotton  had  been  concealed.  In  many  cases  the  bales 
were  broken  open  and  rolled  into  the  river,  dotting 
the  stream  with  floating  cotton.  Had  it  then  possessed 
the  value  that  attached  to  it  two  years  later,  I  fear  there 
would  have  been  many  attempts  to  save  it  for  transfer 
to  a  Northern  market. 

On  the  day  before  the  evacuation  of  Fort  Pillow, 
Memphis  determined  she  would  never  surrender.  In 
conjunction  with  other  cities,  she  fitted  up  several 
gun-boats,  that  were  expected  to  annihilate  the  Yankee 
fleet.  In  the  event  of  the  failure  of  this  means  of  de 
fense,  the  inhabitants  were  pledged  to  do  many  dread 
ful  things  before  submitting  to  the  invaders.  Had  we 
placed  any  confidence  in  the  resolutions  passed  by  the 
Memphians,  we  should  have  expected  all  the  denizens 
of  the  Bluff  City  to  commit  hari-kari,  after  first  setting 
fire  to  their  dwellings. 

On  the  morning  of  the  6th  of  June,  the  Rebel  gun 
boats,  eight  in  number,  took  their  position  just  above 
Memphis,  and  prepared  for  the  advance  of  our  fleet. 
The  Rebel  boats  were  the  Van  Dorn  (flag-ship),  Gen 
eral  Price,  General  Bragg,  General  Lovell,  Little  Rebel, 
Jeff.  Thompson,  Sumter,  and  General  Beauregard. 
The  General  Bragg  was  the  New  Orleans  and  Galves- 
ton  steamer  Mexico  in  former  days,  and  had  been 
strengthened,  plated,  and,  in  other  ways  made  as 
effective  as  possible  for  warlike  purposes.  The  balance 
of  the  fleet  consisted  of  tow-boats  from  the  Lower  Mis 
sissippi,  fitted  upas  rams  and  gun-boats.  They  were 


THE  BATTLE  BEFORE  MEMPHIS.  175 

supplied  with  very  powerful  engines,  and  were  able  to 
choose  their  positions  in  the  "battle.  The  Rebel  fleet 
was  commanded  by  Commodore  Montgomery,  who  was 
well  known  to  many  persons  on  our  own  boats. 

The  National  boats  were  the  iron-clads  Benton,  Ca- 
rondelet,  St.  Louis,  Louisville,  and  Cairo.  There  was 
also  the  ram  fleet,  commanded  by  Colonel  El  let.  It  com 
prised  the  Monarch,  Queen  of  the  West,  Lioness,  Switz 
erland,  Mingo,  Lancaster  No.  3,  Fulton,  Homer,  and 
Samson.  The  Monarch  and  Queen  of  the  West  were 
the  only  boats  of  the  ram  fleet  that  took  part  in  the 
action.  Our  forces  were  commanded  by  Flag-officer 
Charles  H.  Davis,  who  succeeded  Admiral  Foote  at  the 
time  of  the  illness  of  the  latter. 

The  land  forces,  acting  in  conjunction  with  our  fleet, 
consisted  of  a  single  brigade  of  infantry,  that  was  still 
at  Fort  Pillow.  It  did  not  arrive  in  the  vicinity  of 
Memphis  until  after  the  battle  was  over. 

Early  in  the  morning  the  battle  began.  It  was  open 
ed  by  the  gun-boats  on  the  Rebel  side,  and  for  some 
minutes  consisted  of  a  cannonade  at  long  range,  in 
which  very  little  was  effected.  Gradually  the  boats 
drew  nearer  to  each  other,  and  made  better  use  of  their 
guns. 

Before  they  arrived  at  close  quarters  the  rams 
MonarcJi  and  Queen  of  the  West  steamed  forward  and 
engaged  in  the  fight.  Their  participation  was  most 
effective.  The  Queen  of  the  West  struck  and  disabled 
one  of  the  Rebel  gun-boats,  and  was  herself  disabled  by 
the  force  of  the  blow.  The  Monarch  steered  straight 


176  COMBAT  OF  THE  BOATS. 

for  the  General  Lovell,  and  dealt  her  a  tremendous 
"blow,  fah*y  in  the  side,  just  aft  the  wheel.  The  sides 
of  the  Lovell  were  crushed  as  if  they  had  "been  made  of 
paper,  and  the  boat  sank  in  less  than  three  minutes,  in  a 
spot  where  the  plummet  shows  a  depth  of  ninety  feet. 

Grappling  with  the  Beauregard,  the  Monarch  opened 
upon  her  with  a  stream  of  hot  water  and  a  shower  of 
rifle-balls,  which  effectually  prevented  the  latter  from 
using  a  gun.  In  a  few  moments  she  cast  off  and 
drifted  a  short  distance  down  the  river.  Coming  up 
on  the  other  side,  the  Monarch  dealt  her  antagonist  a 
blow  that  left  her  in  a  sinking  condition.  Herself  com 
paratively  uninjured,  she  paused  to  allow  the  gun-boats 
to  take  a  part.  Those  insignificant  and  unwieldy  rams 
had  placed  three  of  the  enemy's  gun-boats  Jiors  de  com 
bat  in  less  than  a  quarter  of  an  hour's  time. 

Our  gun-boats  ceased  firing  as  the  rams  entered  the 
fight ;  but  they  now  reopened.  With  shot  and  shell 
the  guns  were  rapidly  served.  The  effect  was  soon  ap 
parent.  One  Rebel  boat  was  disabled  and  abandoned, 
after  grounding  opposite  Memphis.  A  second  was 
grounded  and  blown  up,  and  two  others  were  disabled, 
abandoned,  and  captured. 

It  was  a  good  morning's  work.  The  first  gun  was 
fired  at  forty  minutes  past  five  o'clock,  and  the  last  at 
forty-three  minutes  past  six.  The  Rebels  boasted  they 
would  whip  us  before  breakfast.  We  had  taken  no 
breakfast  when  the  fight  began.  After  the  battle  was 
over  we  enjoyed  our  morning  meal  with  a  relish  that 
does  not  usually  accompany  defeat. 


THE  EESULT.  177 

The  following  shows  the  condition  of  the  two  fleets 
after  the  battle  :  — 

THE  REBEL  FLEET. 

General  Beauregard,  sunk. 
General  Lovell,  sunk. 
General  Price,  injured  and  captured. 
Little  Rebel,          "        "  " 

Sumter,  "        "  " 

General  Bragg,      "        "  " 

Jeff.  Thompson,  burned. 
General  Van  Dorn,  escaped. 

THE   NATIONAL  FLEET. 

Benton,   unhurt. 

Carondelet,  " 

St.  Louis,      " 

Louisville,     " 

Cairo,  " 

Monarch  (ram),  unhurt.     '  . 

of  the  West  (ram),  disabled. 


The  captured  vessels  were  refitted,  and,  without  al 
teration  of  names,  attached  to  the  National  fleet.  The 
Sumter  was  lost  a  few  months  later,  in  consequence  of 
running  aground  near  the  Kebel  batteries  in  the  vicinity 
of  Bayou  Sara.  The  Bragg  was  one  of  the  best  boats 
in  the  service  in  point  of  speed,  and  proved  of  much 
value  as  a  dispatch-  steamer  on  the  lower  portion  of  the 
river. 

The  people  of  Memphis  rose  at  an  early  hour  to  wit 
ness  the  naval  combat.  It  had  been  generally  known 
during  the  previous  night  that  the  battle  would  begin 
about  sunrise.  The  first  gun  brought  a  large  crowd  to 

the  bluff  overlooking  the  river,  whence  a  full  view  of 
12 


178  SPECTATOES  OF  THE  BATTLE. 

i 

the  fight  was  obtained.  Some  of  the  spectators  were 
loyal,  and  wished  success  to  the  National  fleet,  but  the 
great  majority  were  animated  "by  a  strong  hope  and  ex 
pectation  of  our  defeat. 

A  gentleman,  who  was  of  the  lookers-on,  subse 
quently  told  me  of  the  conduct  of  the  populace.  As 
a  matter  of  course,  the  disloyalists  had  all  the  conversa 
tion  their  own  way.  While  they  expressed  their  wishes 
in  the  loudest  tones,  no  one  uttered  a  word  in  opposition. 
Many  offered  wagers  on  the  success  of  their  fleet,  and  ex 
pressed  a  readiness  to  give  large  odds.  No  one  dared 
accept  these  offers,  as  their  acceptance  would  have  "been 
an  evidence  of  sympathy  for  the  Yankees.  Americans 
generally,  but  particularly  in  the  South,  make  their 
wagers  as  they  hope  or  wish.  In  the  present  instance 
no  man  was  allowed  to  "  copper"  on  the  Kebel  flotilla. 


JEFF  THOMPSON  LOOKING  ON.  179 


CHAPTER    XVII. 

IN  MEMPHIS  AND  UNDER  THE  FLAG-. 

Jeff.  Thompson  and  his  Predictions.  —  A  Cry  of  Indignation.  —  Memphis 
Humiliated.  —  The  Journalists  in  the  Battle*  —  The  Surrender.  —  A 
Fine  Point  of  Law  and  Honor.  —  Going  on  Shore.  —  An  Enraged 
Secessionist.  —  A  Dangerous  Enterprise.  —  Memphis  and  her  Antece 
dents.  —  Her  Loyalty.  —  An  Amusing  Incident.  —  How  the  Natives 
learned  of  the  Capture  of  Fort  Donelson.  —  The  Last  Ditch.  —  A 
Farmer-Abolitionist.  —  Disloyalty  among  the  "Women.  —  "Blessings 
in  Disguise."  —  An  American  Mark  Tapley. 

THE  somewhat  widely  (though  not  favorably)  known 
Rebel  chieftain,  Jeff-  Thompson,  was  in  Memphis  on 
the  day  of  the  Ibattle,  and  "boasted  of  the  easy  victory 
the  Rebels  would  have  over  the  National  fleet. 

"We  will  chaw  them  up  in  just  an  hour,"  said 
Jeff.,  as  the  battle  began. 

"  Are  you  sure  of  that  ?"  asked  a  friend. 

"  Certainly  I  am  ;  there  is  no  doubt  of  it."  Turning 
to  a  servant,  he  sent  for  his  horse,  in  order,  as  he  said, 
to  be  able  to  move  about  rapidly  to  the  best  points  for 
witnessing  the  engagement. 

In  an  hour  and  three  minutes  the  battle  was  over. 
Jeff,  turned  in  his  saddle,  and  bade  his  friend  farewell, 
saying  he  had  a  note  falling  due  that  day  at  Holly 
Springs,  and  was  going  out  to  pay  it.  The  "  chawing 
up  '  '  of  our  fleet  was  not  referred  to  again. 

As  the  Monarch  struck  the  Lovell,  sinking  the  latter 


180  DISAPPOINTMENT. 

in  deep  water,  the  crowd  stood  breathless.  As  the  crew 
of  the  sunken  "boat  were  floating  helplessly  in  the  strong 
current,  anS.  our  own  skiffs  were  putting  off  to  aid  them, 
there  was  hardly  a  word  uttered  through  all  that  multi 
tude.  As  the  Rebel  boats,  one  after  another,  were  sunk 
or  captured,  the  sympathies  of  the  spectators  found  vent 
in  words.  When,  at  length,  the  last  of  the  Rebel  fleet 
disappeared,  and  the  Union  flotilla  spread  its  flags  in 
triumph,  there  went  tip  an  almost  universal  yell  of 
indignation  from  that  vast  crowd.  Women  tore  their 
bonnets  from  their  heads,  and  trampled  them  on  the 
ground ;  men  stamped  and  swore  as  only  infuriated 
Rebels  can,  and  called  for  all  known  misfortunes  to 
settle  upon  the  heads  of  their  invaders.  The  profanity 
was  not  entirely  monopolized  by  the  men. 

This  scene  of  confusion  lasted  for  some  time,  and 
ended  in  anxiety  to  know  what  we  would  do  next. 
Some  of-  the  spectators  turned  away,  and  went,  in 
sullen  silence,  to  their  homes.  Others  remained,  out 
of  curiosity,  to  witness  the  end  of  the  day's  work.  A 
few  were  secretly  rejoicing  at  the  result,  but  the  time 
had  not  come  when  they  could  display  their  sympathies. 
The  crowd  eagerly  watched  our  fleet,  and  noted  every 
motion  of  the  various  boats. 

The  press  correspondents  occupied  various  positions 
during  the  engagement.  Mr.  Coffin,  of  the  Boston  Jour 
nal,  was  on  the  tug  belonging  to  the  flag-ship,  and  had 
a  fine  view  of  the  whole  affair.  One  of  The  Herald 
correspondents  was  in  the  pilot-house  of  the  gun-boat 
Cairo,  while  Mr.  Colburn,  of  The  World,  was  on  the 


OFFICIAL  CORRESPONDENCE.  181 

captured  steamer  Sovereign.  < '  Junius, "  of  The  Tribune, 
and  Mr.  Vizitelly,  of  tlie  London  Illustrated  News,  with 
several  others,  were  on  the  transport  Dickey,  the  gener 
al  rendezvous  of  the  journalists.  The  representative  of 
the  St.  Louis  Republican  and  myself  were  on  the  Platte 
Valley,  in  rear  of  the  line  of  battle.  The  Plalte  Valley 
was  the  first  private  "boat  that  touched  the  Memphis 
landing  after  the  capture  of  the  city. 

.  The  battle  being  over,  we  were  anxious  to  get  on 
shore  and  look  at  the  people  and  city  of  Memphis. 
Shortly  after  the  fighting  ceased,  Colonel  Ellet  sent  the 
ram  Lioness,  under  a  flag- of- truce,  to  demand  the  sur 
render  of  the  city.  To  this  demand  no  response  was 
given.  A  little  later,  Flag-Officer  Davis  sent  the  follow 
ing  note  to  the  Mayor,  at  the  hands  of  one  of  the  officers 
of  the  gun-boat  Benton : — 

UNITED  STATES  FLAG-STEAMER  BENTON,  ) 
OFF  MEMPHIS,  June  6,  1862.  j 

SIR  : — I  have  respectfully  to  request  that  you  will  surrender  the  city 
of  Memphis  to  the  authority  of  the  United  States,  which  I  have  the 
honor  to  represent. 

I  am,  Mr.  Mayor,  with  high  respect,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

C.  H.  DAVIS, 
Flag-  Officer  Commanding. 
To  his  Honor,  the  Mayor  df  Memphis. 

To  this  note  the  following  reply  was  received : — 

MAYOR'S  OFFICE,  MEMPHIS,  June  6,  1862. 
0.  H.  DAVIS,  Flag-Officer  Commanding: 

SIR  : — Your  note  of  this  date  is  received  and  contents  noted. 
In  reply  I  have  only  to  say  that,  as  the  civil  authorities  have  no 
means  of  defense,  by  the  force  of  circumstances  the  city  is  in  your 
hands.  Respectfully, 

JOHN  PARK,  Mayor  of  Memphis. 


182  GOING  ON  SHORE. 

At  the  meeting,  four  days  "before,  the  citizens  of 
Memphis  had  solemnly  pledged  themselves  never  to 
surrender.  There  was  a  vague  understanding  that 
somebody  was  to  do  a  large  amount  of  fighting,  when 
ever  Memphis  was  attacked.  If  this  fighting  proved 
useless,  the  city  was  to  "be  fired  in  every  house,  and 
only  abandoned  after  its  complete  destruction.  It  will 
"be  seen  that  the  note  of  the  mayor,  in  response  to  a  de 
mand  for  surrender,  vindicates  the  honor  of  Memphis. 
It  merely  informs  the  United  States  officer  that  the  city 
has  fallen  "by  the  force  of  circumstances."  Since  that 
day  I  have  frequently  heard  its  citizens  boast  that  the 
place  was  not  surrendered.  "  You  came  in,"  say  they, 
'  ( and  took  possession,  but  we  did  not  give  up  to  you. 
We  declared  we  would  never  surrender,  and  we  kept 
our  word." 

About  eleven  o'clock  in  the  forenoon,  the  transports 
arrived  with  our  infantry,  and  attempted  to  make  a 
landing.  As  their  mooring-lines  were  thrown  on  shore 
they  were  seized  by  dozens  of  persons  in  the  crowd,  and 
the  crews  were  saved  the  trouble  of  making  fast.  This 
was  an  evidence  that  the  laboring  class,  the  men  with 
blue  shirts  and  shabby  hats,  were  not  disloyal.  We 
had  abundant  evidence  of  this  when  our  occupation  be 
came  a  fixed  fact.  It  was  generally  the  wealthy  who 
adhered  to  the  Kebel  cause. 

As  a  file  of  soldiers  moved  into  the  city,  the  people 
stood  at  a  respectful  distance,  occasionally  giving  forth 
wordy  expression  of  their  anger.  When  I  reached  the 
office  of  The  Avalanche,  one  of  the  leading  journals  of 


A  FLAG  NAILED  TO  THE  MAST.  183 

Memphis,  and,  of  course,  strongly  disloyal,  I  found  the 
soldiers  removing  a  Rebel  flag  from  the  roof  of  the  build 
ing.  The  owner  of  the  banner  made  a  very  vehement 
objection  to  the  proceeding.  His  indignation  was  so 
great  that  his  friends  were  obliged  to  hold  him,  to  pre 
vent  his  throwing  himself  on  the  bayonet  of  the  nearest 
soldier.  I  saw  him  several  days  later,  when  his  anger 
had  somewhat  cooled.  He  found  relief  from  his  troubles, 
before  the  end  of  June,  by  joining  the  Rebel  army  at 
Hol]y  Springs. 

On  the  bluff  above  the  levee  was  a  tall  flag- staff.  The 
Rebels  had  endeavored  to  make  sure  of  their  courage  by 
nailing  a  flag  to  the  top  of  this  staff.  A  sailor  from  one 
of  the  gun-boats  volunteered  to  ascend  the  staff  and  bring 
down  the  banner.  When  he  had  ascended  about  twenty 
feet,  he  saw  two  rifles  bearing  upon  him  from  the  win 
dow  of  a  neighboring  building.  The  sailor  concluded  it 
was  best  to  go  no  further,  and  descended  at  once.  The 
staff  was  cut  down  and  the  obnoxious  flag  secured. 

With  the  city  in  our  possession,  we  had  leisure  to 
look  about  us.  Memphis  had  been  in  the  West  what 
Charleston  was  in  the  East :  an  active  worker  in  the  se 
cession  cause.  Her  newspapers  had  teemed  with  abuse 
of  every  thing  which  opposed  their  heresy,  and  advo 
cated  the  most  summary  measures.  Lynching  had  been 
frequent  and  never  rebuked,  impressments  were  of  daily 
and  nightly  occurrence,  every  foundery  and  manufac 
tory  had  been  constantly  employed  by  the  Rebel  author 
ities,  and  every  citizen  had,  in  some  manner,  contributed 
to  the  insurrection.  It  was  gratifying  in  the  extreme  to 


184  NATIVE  LOYALTY. 

see  the  Memphis,  of  which  we  at  Cairo  and  St.  Louis 
had  heard  so  much,  "brought  under  our  control.  The 
picture  of  five  United  States  gun-lboats  lying  in  line  be 
fore  the  city,  their  ports  open  and  their  guns  shotted, 
was  pleasing  in  the  eyes  of  loyal  men. 

Outside  of  the  poorer  classes  there  were  some  loyal 
persons,  "but  their  number  was  not  large.  There  were 
many  professing  loyalty,  who  possessed  very  little 
of  the  article,  and  whose  record  had  been  exceedingly 
doubtful.  Prominent  among  these  were  the  politicians, 
than  whom  none  had  been  more  self-sacrificing,  if  their 
own  words  could  be  believed. 

There  were  many  men  of  this  class  ready,  no  doubt, 
to  swear  allegiance  to  the  victorious  side,  who  joined 
our  standard  because  they  considered  the  Kebel  cause  a 
losing  one.  They  may  have  become  loyal  since  that  time, 
but  it  has  been  only  through  the  force  of  circumstances. 
In  many  cases  our  Government  accepted  their  words 
as  proof  of  loyalty,  and  granted  these  persons  many  ex 
clusive  privileges.  It  was  a  matter  of  comment  that 
a  newly  converted  loyalist  could  obtain  favors  at  the 
hands  of  Government  officials,  that  would  be  refused  to 
men  from  the  North.  The  acceptance  of  office  under  the 
Kebels,  and  the  earnest  advocacy  he  had  shown  for  se 
cession,  were  generally  alleged  to  have  taken  place  un 
der  compulsion,  or  in  the  interest  of  the  really  loyal  men. 

A  Memphis  gentleman  gave  me  an  amusing  account 
of  the  reception  of  the  news  of  the  fall  of  Fort  Donelson. 
Many  boasts  had  been  made  of  the  terrible  punishment 
that  was  in  store  for  our  army,  if  it  ventured  an  attack 


HOW  BAD  NEWS  WAS  KECEIVED.  185 

upon  Fort  Donelson.  No  one  would  "be  allowed  to 
escape  to  tell  the  tale.  All  were  to  be  slaughtered,  or 
lodged  in  Rebel  prisons.  Memphis  was  consequently 
waiting  for  the  best  tidings  from  the  Cumberland,  and 
did  not  think  it  possible  a  reverse  could  come  to  the 
Rebel  cause. 

One  Sunday  morning,  the  telegraph,  without  any 
previous  announcement,  flashed  the  intelligence  that 
Fort  Donelson,  with  twelve  thousand  men,  had  surren 
dered,  and  a  portion  of  General  Grant's  army  was  mov 
ing  on  Nashville,  with  every  prospect  of  capturing  that 
city.  Memphis  was  in  consternation.  No  one  could  tell 
how  long  the  Yankee  army  would  stop  at  Nashville  be 
fore  moving  elsewhere,  and  it  was  certain  that  Memphis 
was  uncovered  by  the  fall  of  Fort  Donelson. 

My  informant  first  learned  the  important  tidings  in 
the  rotunda  of  the  Gayoso  House.  Seeing  a  group  of  his 
acquaintances  with  faces  depicting  the  utmost  gloom,  he 
asked  what  was  the  matter. 

"Bad  enough,"  said  one.  "Fort  Donelson  has  sur 
rendered  with  nearly  all  its  garrison." 

"That  is  terrible,"  said  my  friend,  assuming  a  look 
of  agony,  though  he  was  inwardly  elated. 

"Yes,  and  the  enemy  are  moving  on  Nashville." 

"  Horrible  news,"  was  the  response ;  "  but  let  us  not 
be  too  despondent.  Our  men  are  good  for  them,  one 
against  three,  and  they  will  never  get  out  of  Nashville 
alive,  if  they  should  happen  to  take  it." 

With  another  expression  of  deep  sorrow  at  the  mis 
fortune  which  had  befallen  the  Rebel  army,  this  gentle- 


186  .         A  PERPLEXING  QUESTION". 

man  hastened  to  convey  the  glad  news  to  his  friends. 
"I  reached  home,"  said  he,  "locked  my  front  door, 
called  my  wife  and  sister  into  the  parlor,  and  instantly 
jumped  over  the  center- table.  They  both  cried  for  joy 
when  I  told  them  the  old  flag  floated  over  Donelson." 

The  Secessionists  in  Memphis,  like  their  brethren 
elsewhere,  insisted  that  all  the  points  we  had  captured 
were  given  up  because  they  had  no  further  use  for  them. 
The  evacuation  of  Columbus,  Fort  Pillow,  Fort  Henry, 
and  Bowling  Green,  with  the  surrender  of  Donelson, 
were  parts  of  the  grand  strategy  of  the  Eebel  leaders, 
and  served  to  lure  us  on  to  our  destruction.  They 
would  never  admit  a  defeat,  but  contended  we  had 
invariably  suffered. 

An  uneducated  farmer,  on  the  route  followed  by  one 
of  our  armies  in  Tennessee,  told  our  officers  that  a  Eebel 
general  and  his  staff  had  taken  dinner  with  him  during 
the  retreat  from  Nashville.  The  farmer  was  anxious  to 
learn  something  about  the  military  situation,  and  asked 
a  Rebel  major  how  the  Confederate  cause  was  progress 
ing. 

"Splendidly,"  answered  the  major.  "We  have 
whipped  the  Yankees  in  every  battle,  and  our  inde 
pendence  will  soon  be  recognized." 

The  farmer  was  thoughtful  for  a  minute  or  two,  and 
then  deliberately  said : 

"I  don't  know  much  about  war,  but  if  we  are  always 
whipping  the  Yankees,  how  is  it  they  keep  coming  down 
into  our  country  after  every  battle  ?" 

The  major  grew  red  in  the  face,  and  told  the  farmer 


THE  SOUTH  ALWAYS  VICTORIOUS.  187 

that  any  man  who  asked  such  an  absurd  question  was 
an  Abolitionist,  and  deserved  hanging  to  the  nearest 
tree.  The  farmer  was  silenced,  but  not  satisfied. 

I  had  a  fine  illustration  of  the  infatuation  of  the  Rebel 
sympathizers,  a  few  days  after  Memphis  was  captured. 
One  evening,  while  making  a  visit  at  the  house  of  an 
acquaintance,  the  hostess  introduced  me  to  a  young  lady 
of  the  strongest  secession  proclivities.  Of  course,  I  en 
deavored  to  avoid  the  topics  on  which  we  were  certain 
to  differ,  but  my  new  acquaintance  was  determined  to 
provoke  a  discussion.  With  a  few  preliminaries,  she 
threw  out  the  question  : 

"Now,  don't  you  think  the  Southern  soldiers  have 
shown  themselves  the  bravest  people  that  ever  lived, 
while  the  Yankees  have  proved  the  greatest  cowards?" 

"I  can  hardly  agree  with  you,"  I  replied.  "Your 
people  have  certainly  established  a  reputation  on  the 
score  of  bravery,  but  we  can  claim  quite  as  much." 

"But  we  have  whipped  you  in  every  battle.  We 
whipped  you  at  Manassas  and  Ball's  Bluff,  and  we 
whipped  General  Grant  at  Belmont." 

"  That  is  very  true  ;  but  how  was  it  at  Shiloh?" 

"  At  Shiloh  we  whipped  you ;  we  drove  you  to  your 
gun-boats,  which  was  all  we  wanted  to  do." 

"Ah,  I  beg  your  pardon ;  but  what  is  your  impres 
sion  of  Fort  Donelson  ?" 

"Fort  Donelson!"— and  my  lady's  cheek  flushed 
with  either  pride  or  indignation — "Fort  Donelson  was 
an  unquestioned  victory  for  the  South.  -We  stopped 
your  army — all  we  wanted  to ;  and  then  General  For- 


188  BLESSINGS  IN  DISGUISE. 

rest,  General  Floyd,  and  all  the  troops  we  wished  to 
bring  off,  came  away.  We  only  left  General  Buckner 
and  three  thousand  men  for  you  to  capture." 

"It  seems,  then,  we  labored  under  a  delusion  at  the 
North.  We  thought  we  had  something  to  rejoice  over 
when  Fort  Donelson  fell.  But,  pray,  what  do  you  con 
sider  the  capture  of  Island  Number  Ten  and  the  naval 
battle  here «" 

At  Island  Ten  we  defeated  you"  (how  this  was  done 
she  did  not  say),  "and  we  were  victorious  here.  You 
wanted  to  capture  all  our  boats ;  but  you  only  got  four 
of  them,  and  those  were  damaged." 

"In  your  view  of  the  case,"  I  replied,  "I  admit  the 
South  to  have  been  always  victorious.  Without  wish 
ing  to  be  considered  disloyal  to  the  Nation,  I  can  heartily 
wish  you  many  similar  victories." 

In  the  tour  which  Dickens  records,  Mark  Tapley 
did  not  visit  the  Southern  country,  but  the  salient  points 
of  his  character  are  possessed  by  the  sons  of  the  cava 
liers.  "Jolly"  under  the  greatest  misfortunes,  and  ex 
tracting  comfort  and  happiness  from  all  calamities,  your 
true  Rebel  could  never  know  adversity.  The  fire  which 
consumes  his  dwelling  is  a  personal  boon,  as  he  can 
readily  explain.  So  is  a  devastating  flood,  or  a  wide 
spread  pestilence.  The  events  which  narrow-minded 
mudsills  are  apt  to  look  upon  as  calamitous,  are  only 
"blessings  in  disguise"  to  every  supporter  and  friend 
of  the  late  "Confederacy." 


THE  EEBEL  PKESS.  189 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

SUPERVISING  A  REBEL  JOURNAL. 

The  Press  of  Memphis.— Flight  of  The  Appeal.— A  False  Prediction.— 
The  Argus  becomes  Loyal. — Order  from  General  "Wallace. — Installed 
in  Office.— Lecturing  the  Rebels.— "  Trade  follows  the  Flag."— 
Abuses  of  Traffic. — Supplying  the  Rebels. — A  Perilous  Adventure. — 
Passing  the  Rebel  Lines. — Eluding  Watchful  Eyes. 

ON  the  morning  of  the  6th  of  June,  the  newspaper 
publishers,  like  most  other  gentlemen  of  Memphis,  were 
greatly  alarmed.  The  Avalanche  and  Tlie  Argus  an 
nounced  that  it  was  impossible  for  the  Yankee  fleet  to 
cope  successfully  with  the  Rebels,  and  that  victory  was 
certain  to  perch  upon  the  banners  of  the  latter.  The 
sheets  were  not  dry  before  the  Rebel  fleet  was  a  thing 
of  the  past.  The  Appeal  had  not  been  as  hopeful  as 
its  contemporaries,  and  thought  it  the  wisest  course  to 
abandon  the  city.  It  moved  to  Grenada,  Mississippi,  a 
hundred  miles  distant,  and  resumed  publication.  It 
became  a  migratory  sheet,  and  was  at  last  captured  by 
General  Wilson  at  Columbus,  Georgia.  In  ability  it 
ranked  among  the  best  of  the  Rebel  journals, 

The  Avalanche  and  The  Argus  continued  publication, 
with  a  strong  leaning  to  the  Rebel  side.  The  former 
was  interfered  with  by  our  authorities ;  and,  under  the 
name  of  The  Bulletin,  with  new  editorial  management, 
was  allowed  to  reappear.  Tlie  Argus  maintained  its 


190  SUPERVISING  THE  ARGUS. 

Rebel  ground,  though  with  moderation,  until  the  mili 
tary  hand  fell  upon  it.  Memphis,  in  the  early  days  of 
our  occupation,  changed  its  commander  nearly  every 
week.  One  of  these  changes  "brought  Major- General 
Wallace  into  the  city.  This  officer  thought  it  proper  to 
issue  the  following  order  : — 

HEAD-QUARTERS  THIRD  DIVISION,  RESERVED  CORPS,  ) 
ARMY  OF  TENNESSEE,  MEMPHIS,  June  17, 1862.      ) 
EDITORS  DAILY  ARGUS  : — As  the  closing  of  your  office  might  be  in 
jurious  to  you  pecuniarily,  I  send  two  gentlemen — Messrs.  A.  D.  Rich 
ardson  and  Thos.  W.  Knox,  both  of  ample  experience— to  take  charge 
of  the  editorial  department  of  your  paper.     The  business  management 
of  your  office  will  be  left  to  you. 

Very  respectfully, 

LEWIS  WALLACE, 
General  Third  Division,  Reserved  Corps. 

The  publishers  of  The  Argus  printed  this  order  at  the 
head  of  their  columns.  Below  it  they  .announced  that 
they  were  not  responsible  for  any  thing  which  should 
appear  editorially,  as  long  as  the  order  was  in  force. 
The  business  management  and  the  general  miscellane 
ous  and  news  matter  were  not  interfered  with. 

Mr.  Richardson  and  myself  entered  upon  our  new 
duties  immediately.  We  had  crossed  the  Plains  to 
gether,  had  published  a  paper  in  the  Rocky  Mountains, 
had  been  through  many  adventures  and  perils  side  by 
side  ;  but  we  had  never  before  managed  a  newspaper  in 
an  insurrectionary  district.  The  publishers  of  The  Argus 
greeted  us  cordially,  and  our  whole  intercourse  with 
them  was  harmonious.  They  did  not  relish  the  intru 
sion  of  Northern  men  into  their  office,  to  compel  the  inser 
tion  of  Union  editorials,  but  they  bore  the  inconvenience 


LOYALTY  FOR  DISLOYALISTS.  191 

with  an  excellent  grace.  The  foreman  of  the  establish 
ment  displayed  more  mortification  at  the  change,  than 
any  other  person  whom  we  met.  • 

The  editorials  we  published  were  of  a  positive  char 
acter.  We  plainly  announced  the  determination  of  the 
Government  to  assert  itself  and  put  down  and  punish 
treason.  We  told  the  Memphis  people  that  the  scheme 
of  partisan  warfare,  which  was  then  in  its  inception, 
would  work  more  harm  than  good  to  the  districts  where 
guerrilla  companies  were  organized.  We  insisted  that 
the  Union  armies  had  entered  Memphis  and  other  parts 
of  the  South,  to  stay  there,  and  that  resistance  to  their 
power  was  useless.  We  credited  the  Rebels  with  much 
bravery  and  devotion  to  their  cause,  but  asserted  always 
that  we  had  the  right  and  the  strong  arm  in  our  favor. 

It  is  possible  we  did  not  make  many  conversions 
among  the  disloyal  readers  of  The  Argus,  but  we  had 
the  satisfaction  of  saying  what  we  thought  it  necessary 
they  should  hear.  The  publishers  said  their  subscribers 
were  rapidly  falling  off,  on  account  of  the  change  of  edi 
torial  tone.  Like  newspaper  readers  everywhere,  they 
disliked  to  peruse  what  their  consciences  did  not  ap. 
prove.  We  received  letters,  generally  from  women,  de 
nying  our  right  to  control  the  columns  of  the  paper  for 
our  "base  purposes."  Some  of  these  letters  were  not 
written  after  the  style  of  Chesterfield,  but  the  majority 
of  them  were  courteous. 

There  were  many  jests  in  Memphis,  and  throughout 
the  country  generally,  concerning  the  appointment  of 
representatives  of  The  Herald  and  The  Tribune  to  a  po- 


192  JOURNALISTIC  HAKMONY. 

sition  where  they  must  work  together.  The  Herald  and 
The  Tribune  have  not  been  famous,  in  the  past  twenty 
years,  for  an  excess  of  good-nature  toward  each  other. 
Mr.  Bennett  and  Mr.  Grreeley  are  not  supposed  to  par 
take  habitually  of  the  same  dinners  and  wine,  or  to  join 
in  frequent  games  of  billiards  and  poker.  The  compli 
ments  which  the  two  great  dailies  occasionally  exchange, 
are  not  calculated  to  promote  an  intimate  friendship  be 
tween  the  venerable  gentlemen  whose  names  are  so  well 
known  to  the  public.  No  one  expects  these  veteran 
editors  to  emulate  the  example  of  Damon  and  Pythias. 

At  the  time  Mr.  Richardson  and  myself  took  charge 
of  TJie  Argus,  The  Tribune  and  The  Herald  were  in 
dulging  in  one  of  their  well-known  disputes.  It  was 
much  like  the . Hibernian' s  debate,  "with  sticks,"  and 
attracted  some  attention,  though  it  was  generally  voted 
a  nuisance.  Many,  who  did  not  know  us,  imagined  that 
the  new  editors  of  The  Argus  would  follow  the  tenden 
cies  of  the  offices  from  which  they  bore  credentials. 
Several  Northern  journals  came  to  hand,  in  which  this 
belief  was  expressed.  A  Chicago  paper  published  two 
articles  supposed  to  be  in  the  same  issue  of  The  Argus, 
differing  totally  in  every  line  of  argument  or  statement 
of  fact.  One  editor  argued  that  the  harmonious  occu 
pancy  of  contiguous  desks  by  the  representatives  of 
The  Herald  and  The  Tribune,  betokened  the  approach 
of  the  millennium. 

When  he  issued  the  order  placing  us  in  charge  of 
The  Argus,  General  Wallace  assured  its  proprietors  that 
he  should  remove  the  editorial  supervision  as  soon  as  a 


"TRADE  FOLLOWS  THE  FLAG."  193 

Union  paper  was  established  in  Memphis.  This  event 
occurred  in  a  short  time,  and  The  Argus  was  restored  to 
its  original  management,  according  to  promise. 

As  soon  as  the  capture  of  Memphis  was  known  at 
the  North,  there  was  an  eager  scramble  to  secure  the 
trade  of  the  long-blockaded  port.  Several  boat-loads 
of  goods  were  shipped  from  St.  Louis  and  Cincinnati, 
and  Memphis  was  so  rapidly  filled  that  the  supply  was 
far  greater  than  the  demand. 

Army  and  Treasury  regulations  were  soon  established, 
and  many  restrictions  placed  upon  traffic.  The  restric 
tions  did  not  materially  diminish  the  quantity  of  goods, 
but  they  served  to  throw  the  trade  into  a  few  hands,  and 
thus  open  the  way  for  much  favoritism.  Those  who  ob 
tained  permits,  thought  the  system  an  excellent  one. 
Those  who  were  kept  "out  in  the  cold,"  viewed  the 
matter  in  a  different  light.  A  thousand  stories  of  dis 
honesty,  official  and  unofficial,  were  in  constant  circula 
tion,  and  I  fear  that  many  of  them  came  very  near  the 
truth. 

In  our  occupation  of  cities  along  the  Mississippi,  the 
Rebels  found  a  ready  supply  from  our  markets.  Thfs 
was  especially  the  case  at  Memphis.  Boots  and  shoes 
passed  through  the  lines  in  great  numbers,  either  by 
stealth  or  by  open  permit,  and  were  taken  at  once  to  the 
Rebel  army.  Cloth,  clothing,  percussion- caps,  and  simi 
lar  articles  went  in  the  same  direction.  General  Grant 
and  other  prominent  officers  made  a  strong  opposition  to 
our  policy,  and  advised  the  suppression  of  the  Rebellion 
prior  to  the  opening  of  trade,  but  their  protestations 

13 


194  A  DANGEROUS  JOUKNEY. 

were  of  no  avail.  We  chastised  the  Rebels  with  one 
hand,  while  we  fed  and  clothed  them  with  the  other. 

After  the  capture  of  Memphis,  Colonel  Charles  R. 
Ellet,  with  two  "boats  of  the  ram  fleet,  proceeded  to 
explgre  the  river  "between  Memphis  and  Vicksburg. 
It  was  not  known  what  defenses  the  Rebels  might  have 
constructed  along  this  distance  of  four  hundred  miles. 
Colonel  Ellet  found  no  hinderance  to  his  progress,  except 
a  small  field  battery  near  Napoleon,  Arkansas.  When 
a  few  miles  above  Yicksburg,  he  ascertained  that  a 
portion  of  Admiral  Farragut's  fleet  was  below  that 
point,  preparing  to  attack  the  city.  He  at  once  determ 
ined  to  open  communication  with  the  lower  fleet. 

Opposite  Yicksburg  there  is  a  long  and  narrow 
peninsula,  around  which  the  Mississippi  makes  a  bend. 
It  is  a  mile  and  a  quarter  across  the  neck  of  this  penin 
sula,  while  it  is  sixteen  miles  around  by  the  course  of 
the  river.  It  was  impossible  to  pass  around  by  the 
Mississippi,  on  account  of  the  batteries  at  Vicksburg. 
The  Rebels  were  holding  the  peninsula  with  a  small 
force  of  infantry  and  cavalry,  to  prevent  our  effecting  a 
landing.  By  careful  management  it  was  possible  to 
elude  the  sentinels,  and  cross  from  one  side  of  the 
peninsula  to  the  other. 

Colonel  Ellet  armed  himself  to  make  the  attempt. 
He  took  only  a  few  documents  to  prove  his  identity  as 
soon  as  he  reached  Admiral  Farragut.  A  little  before 
daylight,  one  morning,  he  started  on  his  perilous  jour 
ney.  He  waded  through  swamps,  toiled  among  the 
thick  undergrowth  in  a  portion  of  the  forest,  was  fired 


HOW  TO  CONCEAL  DISPATCHES.  195 

upon  "by  a  Kelbel  picket,  and  narrowly  escaped  drown 
ing  in  crossing  a  "bayou.  He  was  compelled  to  make  a 
wide  detour,  to  avoid  capture,  and  thus  extended  Ms 
journey  to  nearly  a  half-dozen  miles. 

On  reaching  the  bank  opposite  one  of  our  gun-boats, 
he  found  a  yawl  near  the  shore,  "by  which  he  was 
promptly  taken  on  board.  The  officers  of  this  gun-boat 
suspected  him  of  being  a  spy,  and  placed  him  under 
guard.  It  was  not  until  the  arrival  of  Admiral  Farragut 
that  his  true  character  became  known. 

After  a  long  interview  with  that  officer  he  prepared 
to  return.  He  concealed  dispatches  for  the  Navy  De 
partment  and  for  Flag-Officer  Davis  in  the  lining  of  his 
boots  and  in  the  wristbands  of  his  shirt.  A  file  of 
marines  escorted  him  as  far  as  they  could  safely  ven 
ture,  and  then  bade  him  farewell.  Near  the  place 
where  he  had  left  his  own  boat,  Colonel  Ellet  found  a 
small  party  of  Rebels,  carefully  watching  from  a  spot 
where  they  could  not  be  easily  discovered.  It  was  a 
matter  of  some  difficulty  to  elude  these  men,  but  he  did 
it  successfully,  and  reached  his  boat  in  safety.  He  pro 
ceeded  at  once  to  Memphis  with  his  dispatches.  Flag- 
Officer  Davis  immediately  decided  to  co-operate  with 
Admiral  Farragut,  in  the  attempt  to  capture  Vicks- 
burg. 

Shortly  after  the  capture  of  New  Orleans,  Admiral 
Farragut  ascended  the  Mississippi  as  far  as  Vicksburg. 
At  that  time  the  defensive  force  was  very  small,  and 
there  were  but  few  batteries  erected.  The  Admiral  felt 
confident  of  his  ability  to  silence  the  Rebel  guns,  but  he 


196  ERECTING  DEFENSES  AT  VICKSBURG. 

was  unaccompanied  by  a  land  force  to  occupy  the  city 
after  its  capture.  He  was  reluctantly  compelled  to  re 
turn  to  New  Orleans,  and  wait  until  troops  could  "be 
spared  from  General  Butler's  command.  The  Rebels 
improved  their  opportunities,  and  concentrated  a  large 
force  to  put  Yicksburg  in  condition  for  defense.  Heavy 
guns  were  brought  from  various  points,  earth-works 
were  thrown  up  on  all  sides,  and  the  town  became  a 
vast  fortification.  When  the  fleet  returned  at  the  end 
of  June,  the  Rebels  were  ready  to  receive  it.  Their 
strongest  works  were  on  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi. 
They  had  no  dread  of  an  attack  from  the  direction  ol 
Jackson,  until  long  afterward. 

Yicksburg  was  the  key  to  the  possession  of  the  Mis 
sissippi.  The  Rebel  authorities  at  Richmond  ordered  it 
defended  as  long  as  defense  was  possible. 


DOWX  THE  RIVER.  197 


CHAPTER    XIX. 

THE  FIRST  SIEGE  OF  VICKSBURa. 

From  Memphis  to  Vicksburg.  —  Running  the  Batteries.  —  Our  Inability 
to  take  Vicksburg  by  Assault.  —  Digging  a  Canal.  —  A  Conversation 
with  Resident  Secessionists.  —  Their  Arguments  pro  and  con,  and  the 
Answers  they  Received.  —  A  Curiosity  of  Legislation.  —  An  Expedi 
tion  up  the  Yazoo.  —  Destruction  of  the  Rebel  Fleet.  —  The  Arkansas 
Running  the  Gauntlet.  —  A  Spirited  Encounter.  —  A  Gallant  Attempt. 
—  Raising  the  Siege.  —  Fate  of  the  Arkansas. 


the  1st  of  July,  Heft  Memphis  with  the  Missis 
sippi  flotilla,  and  arrived  above  Yickslburg  late  on  the 
following  day.  Admiral  Farragut's  fleet  attempted  the 
passage  of  the  "batteries  on  the  28th  of  June.  A  portion 
of  the  fleet  succeeded  in  the  attempt,  under  a  heavy  fire, 
and  gained  a  position  above  the  peninsula.  Among  the 
first  to  effect  a  passage  was  the  flag-  ship  Hartford,  with 
the  "  gallant  old  salamander"  on  "board.  The  Ricli- 
mond,  Iroquois,  and  Oneida  were  the  sloops-  of-  war  that 
accompanied  the  Hartford.  The  Brooklyn  and  other 
heavy  vessels  remained  "below. 

The  history  of  that  first  siege  of  Vicksburg  can  be 
briefly  told.  Twenty  -five  hundred  infantry,  under  Gen 
eral  Williams,  accompanied  the  fleet  from  New  Or 
leans,  with  the  design  of  occupying  Vicksburg  after  the 
batteries  had  been  silenced  by  our  artillery.  Most  of 
the  Rebel  guns  were  located  at  such  a  height  that  it  was 
found  impossible  to  elevate  our  own  guns  so  as  to  reach 


198  MAKING  A  CANAL. 

them.  Thus  the  occupation  by  infantry  was  found 
impracticable.  The  passage  of  the  batteries  was  fol 
lowed  by  the  bombardment,  from  the  mortar-schooners 
of  Admiral  Farragufs  fleet  and  the  mortar-rafts  which 
Flag-Officer  Davis  had  brought  down.  This  continued 
steadily  for  several  days,  but  Vicksburg  did  not  fall. 

A  canal  across  the  peninsula  was  proposed  and  com 
menced.  The  water  fell  as  fast  as  the  digging  pro 
gressed,  and  the  plan  of  leaving  Vicksburg  inland  was 
abandoned  for  that  time.  Even  had  there  been  a 
flood  in  the  river,  the  entrance  to  the  canal  was  so 
located  that  success  was  impossible.  The  old  steam 
boat-men  laughed  at  the  efforts  of  the  Massachusetts 
engineer,  to  create  a  current  in  his  canal  by  commenc 
ing  it  in  an  eddy. 

Just  as  the  canal  project  was  agreed  upon,  I  was 
present  at  a  conversation  between  General  Williams  and 
several  residents  of  the  vicinity.  The  latter,  fearing  the 
channel  of  the  river  would  be  changed,  visited  the 
general  to  protest  against  the  carrying  out  of  his  plan. 

The  citizens  were  six  in  number.  They  had  selected 
no  one  to  act  as  their  leader.  Each  joined  in  the  con 
versation  as  he  saw  fit.  After  a  little  preliminary  talk, 
one  of  them  said : 

"  Are  you  aware,  general,  there  is  no  law  of  the  State 
allowing  you  to  make  a  cut-off,  here  ?" 

"lam  sorry  to  say,"  replied  General  Williams,  "I 
am  not  familiar  with  the  laws  of  Louisiana.  Even  if  I 
were,  I  should  not  heed  them.  I  believe  Louisiana 
passed  an  act  of  secession.  According  to  your  own 


A  PEOTEST  AND  ITS  ANSWER.  199 

showing  you  have  no  claims  on  the  Government 
now." 

This  disposed  of  that  objection.  There  was  some 
hesitation,  evidently  embarrassing  to  the  delegation,  "but 
not  to  General  Williams.  Citizen  number  one  was 
silenced.  Number  two  advanced  an  idea. 

"  You  may  remember,  General,  that  you  will  subject 
the  parish  of  Madison  to  an  expenditure  of  ninety  thou 
sand  dollars  for  new  levees." 

This  argument  disturbed  General  Williams  no  more 
than  the  first  one.  He  promptly  replied : 

"The  parish  of  Madison  gave  a  large  majority  in 
favor  of  secession  ;  did  it  not  8" 

"I  believe  it  did,"  was  the  faltering  response. 

"Then  you  can  learn  that  treason  costs  something. 
It  will  cost  you  far  more  before  the  war  is  over." 

Citizen  number  two  said  nothing  more.  It  was  the 
opportunity  for  number  three  to  speak. 

"If  this  cut-off  is  made,  it  will  ruin  the  trade  of 
Yicksburg.  It  has  been  a  fine  city  for  business,  but  this 
will  spoil  it.  Boats  will  not  be  able  to  reach  the  town, 
but  will  find  all  the  current  through  the  short  route." 

"That  is  just  what  we  want,"  said  the  General. 
"We  are  digging  the  canal  for  the  very  purpose  of 
navigating  the  river  without  passing  near  Vicksburg." 

Number  three  went  to  the  rear.  Number  four  came 
forward. 

"If  you  make  this  cut-off,  all  these  plantations  will 
be  carried  away.  You  will  ruin  the  property  of  many 
loyal  men." 


200  VALUE  OF  A  EAILWAY  CHAETEE. 

He  was  answered  that  loyal  men  would  be  paid  for 
all  property  taken  or  destroyed,  as  soon  as  their  loyalty 
was  proved. 

The  fifth  and  last  point  in  the  protest  was  next  ad 
vanced.  It  came  from  an  individual  who  professed  to 
practice  law  in  De  Soto  township,  and  was  as  follows : 

"  The  charter  of  the  Vicksburg  and  Shreveport  Rail 
road  is  perpetual,  and  so  declared  "by  act  of  the  Lou 
isiana  Legislature.  ~No  one  has  any  right  to  cut  through 
the  embankment." 

" That  is  true,"  was  the  quiet  answer.  "The  Con 
stitution  of  the  United  States  is  also  a  perpetual  charter, 
which  it  was  treason  to  violate.  When  you  and  your 
leaders  have  no  hesitation  at  breaking  national  faith,  it 
is  absurd  to  claim  rights  under  the  laws  of  a  State  which 
you  deny  to  be  in  the  Union." 

This  was  the  end  of  the  delegation.  Its  members  re 
tired  without  having  gained  a  single  point  in  their  case. 
They  were,  doubtless,  easier  in  mind  when  they  ascer 
tained,  two  weeks  later,  that  the  canal  enterprise  was  a 
failure. 

The  last  argument  put  forth  on  that  occasion,  to  pre 
vent  the  carrying  out  of  our  plans,  is  one  of  the  curiosi 
ties  of  legislation.  For  a  long  time  there  were  many 
parties  in  Louisiana  who  wished  the  channel  of  the  Mis 
sissippi  turned  across  the  neck  of  the  peninsula  opposite 
Vicksburg,  thus  shortening  the  river  fifteen  miles,  at 
least,  and  rendering  the  plantations  above,  less  liable  to 
overflow.  As  Vicksburg  lay  in  another  State,  her  inter 
ests  were  not  regarded.  She  spent  much  money  in  the 


EXPEDITION  OF  COLONEL  ELLET.  201 

corrupt  Legislature  of  Louisiana  to  defeat  the  scheme. 
As  a  last  resort,  it  was  proposed  to  build  a  railway,  with 
a  perpetual  charter,  from  the  end  of  the  peninsula  oppo 
site  Yicksburg,  to  some  point  in  the  interior.  Much 
money  was  required.  The  capitalists  of  Yicksburg  con 
tributed  the  funds  for  lobbying  the  bill  and  commencing 
the  road.  Up  to  the  time  when  the  Kebellion  began,  it 
was  rendered  certain  that  no  hand  of  man  could  legally 
turn  the  Mississippi  across  that  peninsula. 

The  first  siege  of  Vicksburg  lasted  but  twenty  days. 
Our  fleet  was  unable  to  silence  the  batteries,  and  our  land 
force  was  not  sufficient  for  the  work.  During  the  prog 
ress  of  the  siege,  Colonel  Ellet,  with  his  ram  fleet,  as 
cended  the  Yazoo  River,  and  compelled  the  Rebels  to 
destroy  three  of  their  gun-boats,  the  Livingston,  PolJc, 
and  Van  Dorn,  to  prevent  their  falling  into  our  hands. 
The  Van  Dorn  was  the  only  boat  that  escaped,  out  of 
the  fleet  of  eight  Rebel  gun-boats  which  met  ours  at 
Memphis  on  the  6th  of  June. 

At  the  time  of  making  this  expedition,  Colonel  Ellet 
learned  that  the  famous  ram  gun-boat  Arkansas  was 
completed,  and  nearly  ready  to  descend  the  river.  He 
notified  Admiral  Farragut  and  Flag- Officer  Davis,  but 
they  paid  little  attention  to  his  warnings. 

This  Rebel  gun-boat,  which  was  expected  to  do  so 
much  toward  the  destruction  of  our  naval  forces  on  the 
Mississippi,  was  constructed  at  Memphis,  and  hurried 
from  there  in  a  partially  finished  condition,  just  before 
the  capture  of  the  city.  She  was  towed  to  Yazoo  City 
and  there  completed.  The  Arkansas  was  a  powerful 


202  RUNNING  THE  BLOCKADE. 

iron-clad  steamer,  mounting  ten  guns,  and  carrying  an 
iron  beak,  designed  for  penetrating  the  hulls  of  our  gun 
boats.  Her  engines  were  powerful,  though  they  could 
not  "be  worked  with  facility  at  the  time  of  her  appear 
ance.  Her  model,  construction,  armament,  and  propel 
ling  force,  made  her  equal  to  any  "boat  of  our  upper 
flotilla,  and  her  officers  claimed  to  have  full  confidence 
in  her  abilities. 

On  the  morning  of  the  15th  of  July,  the  Arkansas 
emerged  from  the  Yazoo  River,  fifteen  miles  albove 
Vicksburg.  A  short  distance  up  that  stream  she  en 
countered  two  of  our  gun-boats,  the  Carondelet  and  Ty 
ler,  and  fought  them  until  she  reached  our  fleet  at  anchor 
above  Vicksburg.  The  Carondelet  was  one  of  our  mail- 
clad  gun-boats,  built  at  St.  Louis  in  1861.  The  Tyler 
was  a  wooden  gun-boat,  altered  from  an  old  transport, 
and  was  totally  unfit  for  entering  into  battle.  Both  were 
perforated  by  the  Rebel  shell,  the  Tyler  receiving  the 
larger  number.  The  gallantry  displayed  by  Captain 
Gwin,  her  commander,  was  worthy  of  special  praise. 

Our  fleet  was  at  anchor  four  or  five  miles  above 
Vicksburg — some  of  the  vessels  lying  in  midstream, 
while  others  were  fastened  to  the  banks.  The  Arkansas 
fired  to  the  right  and  left  as  she  passed  through  the  fleet. 
Her  shot  disabled  two  of  our  boats,  and  slightly  injured 
two  or  three  others.  She  did  not  herself  escape  without 
damage.  Many  of  our  projectiles  struck  her  sides,  but 
glanced  into  the  river.  Two  shells  perforated  her  plat 
ing,  and  another  entered  a  port,  exploding  over  one  of 
the  guns.  Ten  men  were  killed  and  as  many  wounded. 


ATTEMPT  TO  DESTROY  THE  ARKANSAS.          203 

The  Arkansas  was  not  actually  disabled,  "but  her  com 
mander  declined  to  enter  into  another  action  until  she 
had  undergone  repairs.  She  reached  a  safe  anchorage 
under  protection  of  the  Vicksburg  "batteries. 

A  few  days  later,  a  plan  was  arranged  for  her  de 
struction.  Colonel  Ellet,  with  the  ram  Queen  of  the  West, 
was  to  run  down  and  strike  the  Arkansas  at  her  moor 
ings.  The  gun-boat  Essex  was  to  join  in  this  effort, 
while  the  upper  flotilla,  assisted  by  the  vessels  of  Ad 
miral  Farragut's  fleet,  would  shell  the  Kebel  batteries. 

The  Essex  started  first,  but  ran  directly  past  the 
Arkansas,  instead  of  stopping  to  engage  her,  as  was 
expected.  The  Essex  fired  three  guns  at  the  Arkansas 
while  in  range,  from  one  of  which  a  shell  crashed 
through  the  armor  of  the  Kebel  boat,  disabling  an  entire 
gun-crew. 

The  Queen  of  the  West  attempted  to  perform  her  part 
of  the  work,  but  the  current  was  so  strong  where  the 
Arkansas  lay  that  it  was  impossible  to  deal  an  effective 
blow.  The  upper  flotilla  did  not  open  fire  to  engage  the 
attention  of.  the  enemy,  and  thus  the  unfortunate  Queen 
of  the  West  was  obliged  to  receive  all  the  fire  from  the 
Rebel  batteries.  She  was  repeatedly  perforated,  but 
fortunately  escaped  without  damage  to  her  machinery. 
The  Arkansas  was  not  seriously  injured  in  the  encoun 
ter,  though  the  completion  of  her  repairs  was  somewhat 
delayed. 

On  the  25th  of  July  the  first  siege  of  Vicksburg  was 
raised.  The  upper  flotilla  of  gun-boats,  mortar-rafts, 
and  transports,  returned  to  Memphis  and  Helena.  Ad- 


204  BATTLE  AT  BATON  ROUGE. 

miral  Farragut  took  Ms  fleet  to  New  Orleans.  General 
Williams  went,  with  his  land  forces,  to  Baton  Rouge. 
That  city  was  soon  after  attacked  "by  General  Breckin- 
ridge,  with  six  thousand  men.  The  Rebels  were  re 
pulsed  with  heavy  loss.  In  our  own  ranks  the  killed 
and  wounded  were  not  less  than  those  of  the  enemy. 
General  Williams  was  among  the  slain,  and  at  one  pe 
riod  our  chances  of  making  a  successful  defense  were 
very  doubtful. 

The  Arkansas  had  been  ordered  to  proceed  from 
Yicksburg  to  take  part  in  this  attack,  the  Rebels  being 
confident  she  could  overpower  our  three  gun-boats  at 
Baton  Rouge.  On  the  way  down  the  river  her  ma 
chinery  became  deranged,  and  she  was  tied  up  to  the 
bank  for  repairs.  Seeing  our  gun-boats  approaching, 
and  knowing  he  was  helpless  against  them,  her  com 
mander  ordered  the  Artcansas  to  be  abandoned  and 
blown  up.  The  order  was  obeyed,  and  this  much- 
praised  and  really  formidable  gun-boat  closed  her  brief 
but  brilliant  career. 

The  Rebels  were  greatly  chagrined  at  her  loss,  as 
they  had  expected  she  would  accomplish  much  toward 
driving  the  National  fleet  from  the  Mississippi.  The  joy 
with  which  they  hailed  her  appearance  was  far  less 
than  the  sorrow  her  destruction  evoked. 


A  LOST  ARMY.  205 


CHAPTER   XX. 

THE  MARCH  THROUGH  ARKANSAS.— THE  SIEGE  OF  CINCINNATI. 

General  Curtis's  Army  reaching  Helena. — Its  Wanderings. — The  Arkan 
sas  Navy. — Troops  and  their  Supplies  "miss  Connection." — Rebel 
Reports. — Memphis  in  Midsummer. — "A  Journey  due  North." — 
Chicago. — Bragg' s  Advance  into  Kentucky. — Kirhy  Smith  in  Front 
of  Cincinnati. — The  City  under  Martial  Law. — The  Squirrel  Hunters. 
— "War  Correspondents  in  Comfortable  Quarters. — Improvising  an 
Army. — Raising  the  Siege. — Bragg's  Retreat. 

ABOUT  the  middle  of  July,  General  Curtis's  army 
arrived  at  Helena,  Arkansas,  ninety  miles  "below  Mem 
phis.  After  the  "battle  of  Pea  Kidge,  this  army  com 
menced  its  wanderings,  moving  first  to  Batesville,  on 
the  White  River,  where  it  lay  for  several  weeks.  Then 
it  went  to  Jacksonport,  further  down  that  stream,  and 
remained  a  short  time.  The  guerrillas^  were  in  such 
strong  force  on  General  Curtis's  line  of  communications 
that  they  greatly  restricted  the  receipt  of  supplies,  and 
placed  the  army  on  very  short  rations.  For  nearly  a 
month  the  public  had  no  positive  information  concern 
ing  Curtis'  s  whereabouts.  The  Rebels  were  continually 
circulating  stories  that  he  had  surrendered,  or  was  terri 
bly  defeated. 

The  only  reasons  for  doubting  the  truth  of  these 
stories  were,  first,  that  the  Rebels  had  no  force  of  any 
importance  in  Arkansas ;  and  second,  that  our  army,  to 


206  A  DREARY  MARCH. 

use  the  expression  of  one  of  its  officers,  "  wasn't  going 
round  surrendering."  We  expected  it  would  turn  up 
in  some  locality  where  the  Rebels  did  not  desire  it,  and 
had  no  fears  of  its  surrender. 

General  Curtis  constructed  several  boats  at  Bates- 
ville,  which  were  usually  spoken  of  as  uthe  Arkansas 
navy."  These  Iboats  carried  some  six  or  eight  hundred 
men,  and  were  used  to  patrol  the  White  River,  as  the 
army  moved  down  its  "banks.  In  this  way  the  column 
advanced  from  Batesville  to  Jacksonport,  and  afterward 
to  St.  Charles. 

Supplies  had  been  sent  up  the  White  River  to  meet 
the  army.  The  transports  and  their  convoy  remained 
several  days  at  St.  Charles,  but  could  get  no  tidings  of 
General  Curtis.  The  river  was  falling,  and  they  finally 
returned.  Twelve  hours  after  their  departure,  the  ad 
vance  of  the  lost  army  arrived  at  St.  Charles. 

From  St.  Charles  to  Helena  was  a  march  of  sixty  miles, 
across  a  country  destitute  of  every  thing  but  water,  and 
not  even  possessing  a  good  supply  of  that  article.  The 
army  reached  Helena,  weary  and  hungry,  but  it  was 
speedily  supplied  with  every  thing  needed,  and  put  in 
condition  to  take  the  offensive.  It  was  soon  named  in 
general  orders  "the  Army  of  Arkansas,"  and  ultimately 
accomplished  the  occupation  of  the  entire  State. 

During  July  and  August  there  was  little  activity 
around  Memphis.  In  the  latter  month,  I  found  the  cli 
mate  exceedingly  uncomfortable.  Day  after  day  the  at 
mosphere  was  hot,  still,  stifling,  and  impregnated  with 
the  dust  that  rose  in  clouds  from  the  parched  earth. 


"A  JOURNEY  DUE  NORTH."  207 

The  inhabitants  endured  it  easily,  and  made  continual 
prophesy  that  the  hot  weather  "  would  come  in  Septem 
ber."  Those  of  us  who  were  strangers  wondered  what 
the  temperature  must  be,  to  constitute  "  hot"  weather  in 
the  estimation  of  a  native.  The  thermometer  then  stood 
at  eighty-five  degrees  at  midnight,  and  ninety-eight  or 
one  hundred  at  noon.  Few  people  walked  the  streets  in 
the  day,  and  those  who  were  obliged  to  do  so  generally 
moved  at  a  snail's  pace.  Cases  of  coup-de-soleil  were 
frequent.  The  temperature  affected  me  personally,  by 
changing  my  complexion  to  a  deep  yellow,  and  reduc 
ing  my  strength  about  sixty  per  cent. 

I  decided  upon  "A  Journey  due  North."  Forty- 
eight  hours  after  sweltering  in  Memphis,  I  was  shiver 
ing  on  the  shores  of  Lake  Michigan.  I  exchanged  the 
hot,  fever-laden  atmosphere  of  that  city,  for  the  cool 
and  healthful  air  of  Chicago.  The  activity,  energy,  and 
enterprise  of  Chicago,  made  a  pleasing  contrast  to  the 
idleness  and  gloom  that  pervaded  Memphis.  This  was 
no  place  for  me  to  exist  in  as  an  invalid.  I  found  the 
saffron  tint  of  my  complexion  rapidly  disappearing,  and 
my  strength  restored,  under  the  influence  of  pure 
breezes  and  busy  life.  Ten  days  in  that  city  prepared 
me  for  new  scenes  of  war. 

At  that  time  the  Kebel  army,  under  General  Bragg, 
was  making  its  advance  into  Kentucky.  General  Buell 
was  moving  at  the  same  time  toward  the  Ohio  River. 
The  two  armies  were  marching  in  nearly  parallel  lines, 
so  that  it  became  a  race  between  them  for  Nashville  and 
Louisville.  Bragg  divided  his  forces,  threatening  Lou- 


208  THE  SIEGE 'OF  CINCINNATI. 

isville  and  Cincinnati  at  the  same  time.  Defenses  were 
thrown  up  around  the  former  city,  to  assist  in  holding 
it  in  case  of  attack,  "but  they  were  never  "brought  into 
use.  By  rapid  marching,  General  Buell  reached  Louis 
ville  in  advance  of  Bragg,  and  rendered  it  useless  for 
the  latter  to  fling  his  army  against  the  city. 

Meantime,  General  Kirby  Smith  moved,  under  Bragg' s 
orders,  to  the  siege  of  Cincinnati.  His  advance  was  slow, 
and  gave  some  opportunity  for  preparation.  The  chief 
reliance  for  defense  was  upon  the  raw  militia  and  such 
irregular  forces  as  could  be  gathered  for  the  occasion. 
The  hills  of  Covington  and  Newport,  opposite  Cincin 
nati,  were  crowned  with  fortifications  and  seamed  with 
rifle-pits,  which  were  filled  with  these  raw  soldiers. 
The  valor  of  these  men  was  beyond  question,  but  they 
were  almost  entirely  without  discipline.  In  front  of  the 
veteran  regiments  of  the  Rebel  army  our  forces  would 
have  been  at  great  disadvantage. 

When  I  reached  Cincinnati  the  Rebel  army  was 
within  a  few  miles  of  the  defenses.  On  the  train  which 
took  me  to  the  city,  there  were  many  of  the  country 
people  going  to  offer  their  services  to  aid  in  repelling 
the  enemy.  They  entered  the  cars  at  the  various  sta 
tions,  bringing  their  rifles,  which  they  well  knew  how 
to  use.  They  were  the  famous  "  squirrel-hunters"  of 
Ohio,  who  were  afterward  the  subject  of  some  derision 
on  the  part  of  the  Rebels.  Nearly  twenty  thousand  of 
them  volunteered  for  the  occasion,  and  would  have 
handled  their  rifles  to  advantage  had  the  Rebels  given 
them  the  opportunity. 


"MILITARY  DESPOTISM."  209 

At  the  time  of  my  arrival  at  Cincinnati,  Major- Gen 
eral  Wallace  was  in  command.  The  Queen  City  of  the 
West  was  obliged  to  undergo  some  of  the  inconveniences 
of  martial  law.  Business  of  nearly  every  kind  was  sus 
pended.  A  provost-marshal's  pass  was  necessary  to 
enable  one  to  walk  the  streets  in  security.  The  same 
document  was  required  of  any  person  who  wished  to 
hire  a  carriage,  or  take  a  pleasant  drive  to  the  Kentucky 
side  of  the  Ohio.  Most  of  the  able-bodied  citizens  volun 
tarily  offered  their  services,  and  took  their  places  in  the 
rifle-pits,  but  there  were  some  who  refused  to  go. 
These  were  hunted  out  and  taken  to  the  front,  much 
against  their  will.  Some  were  found  in  or  under 
beds ;  others  were  clad  in  women' s  garments,  and  working 
at  wash-tubs.  Some  tied  up  their  hands  as  if  disabled, 
and  others  plead  baldness  or  indigestion  to  excuse  a 
lack  of  patriotism.  All  was  of  no  avail.  The  provost- 
marshal  had  no  charity  for  human  weakness. 

This  severity  was  not  pleasant  to  the  citizens,  but  it 
served  an  admirable  purpose.  When  Kirby  Smith  ar 
rived  in  front  of  the  defenses,  he  found  forty  thousand 
men  confronting  him.  Of  these,  not  over  six  or  eight 
thousand  had  borne  arms  more  than  a  week  or  ten  days. 
The  volunteer  militia  of  Cincinnati,  and  the  squirrel- 
hunters  from  the  interior  of  Ohio  and  Indiana,  formed 
the  balance  of  our  forces.  Our  line  of  defenses  encircled 
the  cities  of  Covington  and  Newport,  touching  the  Ohio 
above  and  below  their  extreme  limits.  Nearly  every 
hill  was  crowned  with  a  fortification.  These  fortifica 
tions  were  connected  by  rifle-pits,  which  were  kept  con- 
u 


210  FEEDING  AN  IMPROVISED  ARMY. 

stantly  filled  with  men.  On  the  river  we  had  a  fleet  of 
gun-boats,  improvised  from  ordinary  steamers  by  sur 
rounding  their  vulnerable  parts  with  bales  of  hay.  The 
river  was  low,  so  that  it  was  necessary  to  watch  several 
places  where  fording  was  possible.  A  pontoon  bridge 
was  thrown  across  the  Ohio,  and  continued  there  until 
the  siege  was  ended. 

It  had  been  a  matter  of  jest  among  the  journalists  at 
Memphis  and  other  points  in  the  Southwest,  that  the 
vicissitudes  of  war  might  some  day  enable  us  to  witness 
military  operations  from  the  principal  hotels  in  the 
Northern  cities.  "  When  we  can  write  war  letters  from 
the  Burnet  or  the  Sherman  House,"  was  the  occasional 
remark,  "  there  will  be  some  personal  comfort  in  being 
an  army  correspondent."  What  we  had  said  in  jest  was 
now  proving  true.  We  could  take  a  carriage  at  the 
Burnet  House,  and  in  half  an  hour  stand  on  our  front 
lines  and  witness  the  operations  of  the  skirmishers. 
Later  in  the  war  I  was  enabled  to  write  letters  upon 
interesting  topics  from  Detroit  and  St.  Paul. 

The  way  in  which  our  large  defensive  force  was  fed, 
was  nearly  as  great  a  novelty  as  the  celerity  of  its  organ 
ization.  It  was  very  difficult  to  sever  the  red  tape  of 
the  army  regulations,  and  enable  the  commissary  de 
partment  to  issue  rations  to  men  that  belonged  to  no 
regiments  or  companies.  The  people  of  Cincinnati  were 
very  prompt  to  send  contributions  of  cooked  food  to 
the  Fifth  Street  Market-House,  which  was  made  a 
temporary  restaurant  for  the  defenders  of  the  city. 
Wagons  were  sent  daily  through  nearly  all  the  streets 


BRAGG'S  RETREAT.  211 

to  gather  these  contributed  supplies,  and  the  street-cars 
were  free  to  all  women  and  children  going  to  or  from 
the  Market-House.  Hundreds  walked  to  the  front,  to 
carry  the  provisions  they  had  prepared  with  their  own 
hands.  All  the  ordinary  edibles  of  civilized  life  were 
brought  forward  in  abundance.  Had  our  men  fought  at 
all,  they  would  have  fought  on  full  stomachs. 

The  arrival  of  General  Buell's  army  at  Louisville 
rendered  it  impossible  for  Bragg  to  take  that  city.  The 
defenders  of  Cincinnati  were  re-enforced  by  a  division 
from  General  Grant's  army,  which  was  then  in  West 
Tennessee.  This  arrival  was  followed  by  that  of  other 
trained  regiments  and  brigades  from  various  localities,  so 
that  we  began  to  contemplate  taking  the  offensive.  The 
Eebels  disappeared  from  our  front,  and  a  reconnoissance 
showed  that  they  were  falling  back  toward  Lexington. 
They  burned  the  turnpike  and  railway  bridges  as  they 
retreated,  showing  conclusively  that  they  had  aban 
doned  the  si^ge. 

As  soon  as  the  retirement  of  the  Eebels  was  posi 
tively  ascertained,  a  portion  of  our  forces  was  ordered 
from  Cincinnati  to  Louisville.  General  Buell's  army 
took  the  offensive,  and  pursued  Bragg  as  he  retreated 
toward  the  Tennessee  Eiver.  General  Wallace  was 
relieved,  and  his  command  transferred  to  General 
Wright. 

A  change  in  the  whole  military  situation  soon  trans 
pired.  From  holding  the  defensive,  our  armies  became 
the  pursuers  of  the  Eebels,  the  latter  showing  little 
inclination  to  risk  an  encounter.  The  battle  of  Perry- 


212  THE  REBELS  GATHERING  SUPPLIES. 

ville  was  the  great  battle  of  this  Kentucky  campaign. 
Its  result  gave  neither  army  much  opportunity  for  exul 
tation. 

In  their  retreat  through  Kentucky  and  Tennessee, 

the  Kefoels  gathered  all  the  supplies  they  could  find, 
and  carried  them  to  their  commissary  depot  at  Knox- 
ville.  It  was  said  that  their  trains  included  more  than 
thirty  thousand  wagons,  all  of  them  heavily  laden. 
Large  droves  of  cattle  and  horses  "became  the  property 
of  the  Confederacy. 


THE  NEW  SITUATION.  213 


CHAPTER    XXI. 

THE  BATTLE?  OF  CORINTH. 

New  Plans  of  the  Rebels. — Their  Design  to  Capture  Corinth. — Advanc 
ing  to  the  Attack. — Strong  Defenses. — A  Magnificent  Charge. — 
Valor  vs.  Breast-Works.— The  Repulse. — Retreat  and  Pursuit. — The 
National  Arms  Triumphant. 

THE  Bragg  campaign  into  Kentucky  "being  barren  of 
important  results,  the  Rebel  authorities  ordered  that  an 
attempt  should  "be  made  to  drive  us  from  West  Tennes 
see.  The  Rebel  army  in  Northern  Mississippi  com 
menced  the  aggressive  late  in  September,  while  the 
retreat  of  Bragg  was  still  in  progress.  The  battle  of 
luka  resulted  favorably  to  the  Rebels,  giving  them 
possession  of  that  point,  and  allowing  a  large  quantity 
of  supplies  to  fall  into  their  hands.  On.  the  4th  of 
October  was  the  famous  battle  of  Corinth,  the  Rebels 
under  General  Yan  Dorn  attacking  General  Rosecrans, 
who  was  commanding  at  Corinth. 

The  Rebels  advanced  from  Holly  Springs,  striking 
Corinth  on  the  western  side  of  our  lines.  The  move 
ment  was  well  executed,  and  ^challenged  our  admiration 
for  its  audacity  and  the  valor  the  Rebel  soldiery  dis 
played.  It  was  highly  important  for  the  success  of  the 
Rebel  plans  in  the  Southwest  that  we  should  be  ex 
pelled  from  Corinth.  Accordingly,  they  made  a  most 
determined  effort,  but  met  a  signal  defeat. 


214  A  STRONG  POSITION". 

Some  of  the  best  fighting  of  the  war  occurred  at  this 
"battle  of  Corinth.  The  Rebel  line  of  battle  was  on  the 
western  and  northern  side  of  the  town,  cutting  off  our 
communications  with  General  Grant  at  Jackson.  The 
Rebels  penetrated  our  line,  and  actually  obtained  pos 
session  of  a  portion  of  Corinth,  but  were  driven  out  by 
hard,  earnest  work.  It  was  a  struggle  for  a  great  prize, 
in  which  neither  party  was  inclined  to  yield  as  long  as 
it  had  any  strength  remaining  to  strike  a  blow. 

The  key  to  our  position  was  on  the  western  side, 
where  two  earth-works  had  been  thrown  up  to  command 
the  approaches  in  that  direction.  These  works  were 
known  as  " Battery  Williams"  and  ''Battery  Robbi- 
nette,"  so  named  in  honor  of  the  officers  who  superin 
tended  their  erection  and  commanded  their  garrisons  at 
the  time  of  the  assault.  These  works  were  on  the  sum 
mits  of  two  small  hills,  where  the  ascent  from  the  main 
road  that  skirted  their  base  was  very  gentle.  The  tim 
ber  on  these  slopes  had  been  cut  away  to  afford  full 
sweep  to  our  guns.  An  advancing  force  would  be  com 
pletely  under  our  fire  during  the  whole  time  of  its 
ascent.  Whether  succeeding  or  failing,  it  must  lose 
heavily. 

General  Van  Dorn  gave  Price's  Division  the  honor 
of  assaulting  these  works.*  The  division  was  composed 
of  Missouri,  Arkansas,  and  Texas  regiments,  and  esti 
mated  at  eight  thousand  strong.  Price  directed  the 
movement  in  person,  and  briefly  told  his  men  that  the 
position  must  be  taken  at  all  hazards.  The  line  was 
formed  on  the  wooded  ground  at  the  base  of  the  hills  on 


\ 


A  GALLANT  ASSAULT.  215 

which  our  batteries  stood.  The  advance  was  com 
menced  simultaneously  along  the  line. 

As  the  Rebels  emerged  from  the  forest,  our  guns  were 
opened.  Officers  who  were  in  Battery  Williams  at  the 
time  of  the  assault,  say  the  Rebels  moved  in  splendid 
order.  Grape  and  shell  made  frequent  and  wide  gaps 
through  their  ranks,  but  the  line  did  not  break  nor 
waver.  The  men  moved  directly  forward,  over  the 
fallen  timber  that  covered  the  ground,  and  at  length 
came  within  range  of  our  infantry,  which  had  been 
placed  in  the  forts  to  support  the  gunners.  Our  artil 
lery  had  made  fearful  havoc  among  the  Rebels  from 
the  moment  they  left  the  protection  of  the  forest.  Our 
infantry  was  waiting  with  impatience  to  play  its  part. 

When  the  Rebels  were  fairly  within  range  of  our 
small-arms,  the  order  was  given  for  a  simultaneous  vol 
ley  along  our  whole  line.  As  the  shower  of  bullets 
struck  the  Rebel  front,  hundreds  of  men  went  down. 
Many  flags  fell  as  the  color-bearers  were  killed,  but 
they  were  instantly  seized  and  defiantly  waved.  With 
a  wild  cheer  the  Rebels  dashed  forward  up  to  the  very 
front  of  the  forts,  receiving  without  recoil  a  most  deadly 
fire.  They  leaped  the  ditch  and  gained  the  parapet. 
They  entered  a  bastion  of  Battery  Williams,  and  for  a 
minute  held  possession  of  one  of  our  guns. 

Of  the  dozen  or  more  that  gained  the  interior  of  the 
bastion,  very  few  escaped.  Nearly  all  were  shot  down 
while  fighting  for  possession  of  the  gun,  or  surrendered 
when  the  parapet  was  cleared  of  those  ascending  it. 
The  retreat  of  the  Rebels  was  hasty,  but  it  was 


216  THE  REBELS  DEFEATED. 

orderly.  Even  in  a  repulse  their  coolness  did  not  for 
sake  them.  They  left  their  dead  scattered  thickly  in 
our  front.  In  one  group  of  seventeen,  they  lay  so  close 
ly  together  that  their  bodies  touched  each  other.  An 
officer  told  me  he  could  have  walked  along  the  entire 
front  of  Battery  Williams,  touching  a  dead  or  wounded 
Rebel  at  nearly  every  step.  Two  Rebel  colonels  were 
killed  side  by  side,  one  of  them  falling  with  his  hand 
over  the  edge  of  the  ditch.  They  were  buried  where 
they  died.  In  the  attack  in  which  the  Rebels  entered 
the  edge  of  the  town,  the  struggle  was  nearly  as  great. 
It  required  desperate  fighting  for  them  to  gain  posses 
sion  of  the  spot,  and  equally  desperate  fighting  on  our 
part  to  retake  it.  All  our  officers  who  participated  in 
this  battle  spoke  in  admiration  of  the  courage  displayed 
by  the  Rebels.  Praise  from  an  enemy  is  the  greatest 
praise.  The  Rebels  were  not  defeated  on  account  of 
any  lack  of  bravery  or  of  recklessness.  They  were 
fully  justified  in  retreating  after  the  efforts  they  made. 
Our  army  was  just  as  determined  to  hold  Corinth  as  the 
Rebels  were  to  capture  it.  Advantages  of  position 
turned  the  scale  in  our  favor,  and  enabled  us  to  repulse 
a  force  superior  to  our  own. 

Just  before  the  battle,  General  Grant  sent  a  division 
under  General  McPherson  to  re-enforce  Corinth.  The 
Rebels  had  cut  the  railway  between  the  two  points,  so 
that  the  re-enforcement  did  not  reach  Corinth  until  the 
battle  was  over. 

On  the  morning  following  the  battle,  our  forces  moved 
out  in  pursuit  of  the  retreating  Rebels.  At  the  same 


END  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN.  217 

time  a  column  marched  from  Bolivar,  so  as  to  fall  in 
their  front.  The  Rebels  were  taken  "between  the  two 
columns,  and  brought  to  an  engagement  with  each  of 
them;  but,  by  finding  roads  to  the  south,  managed  to 
escape  without  disorganization.  Our  forces  returned  to 
Corinth  and  Bolivar,  thinking  it  useless  to  make  further 
pursuit. 

Thus  terminated  the  campaign  of  the  enemy  against 
Corinth.  There  was  no  expectation  that  the  Rebels 
would  trouble  us  any  more  in  that  quarter  for  the  pres 
ent,  unless  we  sought  them  out.  Their  defeat  was 
sufficiently  serious  to  compel  them  to  relinquish  all 
hope  of  expelling  us  from  Corinth. 

During  the  time  of  his  occupation  of  West  Tennessee, 
General  Grant  was  much  annoyed  by  the  wandering 
sons  of  Israel,  who  thronged  his  lines  in  »great  numbers. 
They  were  engaged  in  all  kinds  of  speculation  in  which 
money  could  be  made.  Many  of  them  passed  the  lines 
into  the  enemy's  country,  and  purchased  cotton,  which 
they  managed  to  bring  to  Memphis  and  other  points  on 
the  river.  Many  were  engaged  in  smuggling  supplies 
to  the  Rebel  armies,  and  several  were  caught  while  act 
ing  as  spies. 

On  our  side  of  the  lines  the  Jews  were  Union  men, 
and  generally  announced  their  desire  for  a  prompt  sup 
pression  of  the  Rebellion.  When  under  the  folds  of 
the  Rebel  flag  they  were  the  most  ardent  Secessionists, 
and  breathed  undying  hostility  to  the  Yankees.  Very 
few  of  them  had  any  real  sympathy  with  either  side, 
and  were  ready,  like  Mr.  Pickwick,  to  shout  with  the 


218  SOMETHING  CONCERNING  JEWS. 

largest  mob  on  all  occasions,  provided  there  was  money 
to  be  made  by  the  operation.  Their  number  was  very 
great.  In  the  latter  half  of  '  62,  a  traveler  would  have 
thought  the  lost  tribes  of  Israel  were  holding  a  reunion 
at  Memphis. 

General  Grant  became  indignant,  and  issued  an  order 
banishing  the  Jews  from  his  lines.  The  order  created 
much  excitement  among  the  Americans  of  Hebraic  de 
scent.  The  matter  was  placed  before  the  President,  and 
the  obnoxious  restriction  promptly  revoked.  During 
the  time  it  was  in  force  a  large  number  of  the  proscribed 
individuals  were  obliged  to  go  North. 

Sometimes  the  Rebels  did  not  treat  the  Jews  with  the 
utmost  courtesy.  On  one  occasion  a  scouting  party 
captured  two  Jews  who  were  buying  cotton.  The  Isra 
elites  were  robbed  of  ten  thousand  dollars  in  gold  and 
United  States  currency,  and  then  forced  to  enter  the 
ranks  of  the  Rebel  army.  They  did  not  escape  until 
six  months  later. 

In  Chicago,  in  the  first  year  of  the  war,  a  company 
of  Jews  was  armed  and  equipped  at  the  expense  of  their 
wealthier  brethren.  The  men  composing  the  company 
served  their  full  time,  and  were  highly  praised  for  their 
gallantry. 

The  above  case  deserves  mention,  as  it  is  an  excep 
tion  to  the  general  conduct  of  the  Jews. 


AGGRESSIVE  MOVEMENTS.  219 


CHAPTER    XXII. 

THE    CAMPAIGN    FROM    CORINTH. 

Changes  of  Commanders. — Preparations  for  the  Aggressive. — Marching 
from  Corinth. — Talking  with  the  People. — "  You-uns  and  We-uns." 
— Conservatism  of  a  "  Regular." — Loyalty  and  Disloyalty. — Condi 
tion  of  the  Rebel  Army. — Foraging. — German  Theology  for  Ameri 
can  Soldiers. — A  Modest  Landlord. — A  Boy  without  a  Name. — The 
Freedmen's  Bureau. — Employing  Negroes. — Holly  Springs  and  its 
People. — An  Argument  for  Secession. 

Two  weeks  after  the  "battle  of  Corinth,  General  Rose- 
crans  was  summoned  to  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland, 
to  assume  command  in  place  of  General  Buell.  General 
Grant  was  placed  at  the  head  of  the  Thirteenth  Army 
Corps,  including  all  the  forces  in  West  Tennessee.  Prep 
arations  for  an  aggressive  movement  into  the  enemy's 
country  had  "been  in  progress  for  some  time.  Corinth, 
Bolivar,  and  Jackson  were  strongly  fortified,  so  that  a 
small  force  could  defend  them.  The  base  of  supply  was 
at  Columbus,  Kentucky,  eighty-five  miles  due  north  of 
Jackson,  thus  giving  us  a  long  line  of  railway  to  pro 
tect. 

On  the  first  of  November  the  movement  began,  by  the 
advance  of  a  column  from  Corinth  and  another  from  Boli 
var.  These  columns  met  at  Grand  Junction,  twenty-five 
miles  north  of  Holly  Springs,  and,  after  lying  there  for 
two  weeks,  advanced  to  the  occupation  of  the  latter 


220  CONSERVATISM  OF  A  REGULAR. 

point.  The  Kebels  evacuated  the  place  on  our  ap 
proach,  and  after  a  day  or  two  at  Holly  Springs  we 
went  forward  toward  the  south.  Abbeville  and  Oxford 
were  taken,  and  the  Rebels  established  themselves  at 
Grenada,  a  hundred  miles  south  of  Memphis. 

From  Corinth  I  accompanied  the  division  commanded 
by  General  Stanley.  I  had  known  this  officer  in  Mis 
souri,  in  the  first  year  of  the  war,  when  he  claimed 
to  be  very  "conservative"  in  his  views.  During  the 
compaign  with  General  Lyon  he  expressed  himself  op 
posed  to  a  warfare  that  should  produce  a  change  in 
the  social  status  at  the  South.  When  I  met  him  at 
Corinth  he  was'very  "  radical "  in  sentiment,  and  in  favor 
of  a  thorough  destruction  of  the  " peculiar  institution." 
He  declared  that  he  had  liberated  his  own  slaves,  and 
was  determined  to  set  free  all  the  slaves  of  any  other 
person  that  might  come  in  his  way.  He  rejoiced  that 
the  war  had  not  ended  during  the  six  months  follow 
ing  the  fall  of  Fort  Sumter,  as  we  should  then  have 
allowed  slavery  to  exist,  which  would  have  rendered 
us  liable  to  another  rebellion  whenever  the  Southern 
leaders  chose  to  make  it.  We  could  only  be  taught 
by  the  logic  of  events,  and  it  would  take  two  or  three 
years  of  war  to  educate  the  country  to  a  proper  under 
standing  of  our  position. 

It  required  a  war  of  greater  magnitude  than  was 
generally  expected  at  the  outset.  In  1861  there  were 
few  people  who  would  have  consented  to  interfere 
with  "  slavery  in  the  States."  The  number  of  these 
persons  was  greater  in  1862,  but  it  was  not  until  1864 


CONVERSATION  WITH  THE  PEOPLE.  221 

that  the  anti-slavery  sentiment  took  firm  hold  of  the 
public  mind.  In  1861  the  voice  of  Missouri  would  have 
favored  the  retention  of  the  old  system.  In  1864  that 
State  became  almost  as  radical  as  Massachusetts.  The 
change  in  public  sentiment  elsewhere  was  nearly  as 
great. 

During  the  march  from  Corinth  to  Grand  Junction,  I 
had  frequent  opportunity  for  conversing  with  the  people 
along  the  route.  There  were  few  able-bodied  men  at 
home.  It  was  the  invariable  answer,  when  we  asked 
the  whereabouts  of  any  citizen,  "  He's  away."  Inquiry 
would  bring  a  reluctant  confession  that  he  had  gone  to 
the  Rebel  army.  Occasionally  a  woman  would  boast 
that  she  had  sent  her  husband  to  fight  for  his  rights  and 
the  rights  of  his  State.  The  violation  of  State  rights  and 
the  infringement  upon  personal  prerogative  were  charged 
upon  the  National  Government  as  the  causes  of  the  war. 
Some  of  the  women  displayed  considerable  skill  in  argu 
ing  the  question  of  secession,  but  their  arguments  were 
generally  mingled  with  invective.  The  majority  were 
unable  to  make  any  discussion  whatever. 

"  What's  you-uns  come  down  here  to  fight  we-uns 
for  ?"  said  one  of  the  women  whose  husband  was  in  the 
Rebel  army.  "  We-uns  never  did  you-uns  no  hurt." 
(This  addition  of  a  syllable  to  the  personal  pronouns  of 
the  second  and  third  persons  is  common  in  some  parts 
of  the  South,  while  in  others  it  will  not  be  heard.) 

"  Well,"  said  General  Stanley,  "  we  came  down  here 
because  we  were  obliged  to  come.  Your  people  com 
menced  a  war,  and  we  are  trying  to  help  you  end  it." 


222  WHAT  THEY  DESIEED. 

"We-uns  didn't  want  to  fight,  no-how.  You-uns 
went  and  made  the  war  so  as  to  steal  our  niggers." 

The  woman  acknowledged  that  neither  her  huslband 
nor  herself  ever  owned  negroes,  or  ever  expected  to  do 
so.  She  knew  nothing  about  Fort  Sumter,  and  only 
knew  that  the  North  elected  one  President  and  the  South 
another,  on  the  same  occasion.  The  South  only  wanted 
its  president  to  rule  its  own  region,  Ibut  the  North  wanted 
to  extend  its  control  over  the  whole  country,  so  as  to  steal 
the  negroes.  Hence  arose  the  war. 

Some  of  the  poorer  whites  manifested  a  loyal  feeling, 
which  sprang  from  a  "belief  that  the  establishment  of  the 
Confederacy  would  not  better  their  condition.  This 
number  was  not  large,  but  it  has  doubtless  increased 
with  the  termination  of  the  war.  The  wealthier  portion 
of  the  people  were  invariably  in  sympathy  with  the 
Rebel  cause. 

After  we  reached  Grand  Junction,  and  made  our 
camp  a  short  distance  south  of  that  point,  we  were  joined 
by  the  column  from  Bolivar.  In  the  two  columns  Gen 
eral  Grant  had  more  than  forty  thousand  men,  exclusive 
of  a  force  under  General  Sherman,  about  to  move  from 
Memphis.  The  Rebel  army  was  at  Holly  Springs  and 
Abbeville,  and  was  estimated  at  fifty  thousand  strong. 
Every  day  found  a  few  deserters  coming  in  from  the 
Rebels,  but  their  number  was  not  large.  The  few  that 
came  represented  their  army  to  be  well  supplied  with 
shoes,  clothing,  and  ammunition,  and  also  well  fed. 
They  were  nearly  recovered  from  the  effects  of  their 
repulse  at  Corinth,  a  month  before. 


A  SOLDIER'S  PLUNDER.  223 

Our  soldiers  foraged  at  will  on  the  plantations  near 
our  camp.  The  quantities  of  supplies  that  were  "brought 
in  did  not  argue  that  the  country  had  been  previously 
visited  by  an  army.  Mules,  horses,  cattle,  hogs,  sheep, 
chickens,  and  other  things  used  by  an  army,  were  found 
in  abundance. 

The  soldiers  did  not  always  confine  their  foraging  to 
articles  of  'necessity.  A  clergyman's  library  was  in 
vaded  and  plundered.  I  saw  one  soldier  bending  under 
the  (avoirdupois)  weight  of  three  heavy  volumes  on  the 
ology,  printed  in  the  German  language.  Another  soldier, 
a  mere  boy,  was  carrying  away  in  triumph  a  copy  of 
Scott' s  Greek  Lexicon.  In  every  instance  when  it  came 
to  their  knowledge,  the  officers  compelled  the  soldiers  to 
return  the  books  they  had  stolen.  German  theology 
and  Greek  Lexicons  were  not  thought  advantageous  to 
an  army  in  the  field. 

One  wing  of  our  army  was  encamped  at  Lagrange,  Ten 
nessee,  and  honored  with  the  presence  of  General  Grant. 
Lagrange  presented  a  fair  example  of  the  effects  of  seces 
sion  upon  the  interior  villages  of  the  South.  Before 
the  war  it  was  the  center  of  a  flourishing  business.  Its 
private  residences  were  constructed  with  considerable 
magnificence,  and  evinced  the  wealth  of  their  owners. 
There  was  a  male  and  a  female  college ;  there  was  a 
bank,  and  there  were  several  stores  and  commission 
houses. 

When  the  war  broke  out,  the  young  men  at  the  male 
college  enlisted  in  the  Kebel  army.  The  young  women 
in  the  female  college  went  to  their  homes.  The  bank 


224  HOW  TO  KEEP  A  HOTEL. 

was  closed  for  want  of  funds,  the  hotels  had  no  guests, 
the  stores  had  few  customers,  and  these  had  no  money, 
the  commission  houses  could  find  no  cotton  to  sell  and 
no  goods  to  buy.  Every  thing  was  completely  stag 
nated.  All  the  men  who  could  carry  muskets  went  to 
the  field.  When  we  occupied  the  town,  there  were  not 
three  men  remaining  who  were  of  the  arms-bearing  age. 

I  found  in  Lagrange  a  man  who  could  keep  a  hotel. 
He  was  ignorant,  lazy,  and  his  establishment  only  re 
sembled  the  Fifth  Avenue  or  the  Continental  in  the 
prices  charged  to  the  guests.  I  staid  several  days  with 
this  Boniface,  and  enjoyed  the  usual  fare  of  the  interior 
South.  Calling  for  my  bill  at  my  departure,  I  found 
the  charges  were  only  three  dollars  and  fifty  cents  per 
day. 

My  horse  had  been  kept  in  a  vacant  and  dilapidated 
stable  belonging  to  the  hotel,  but  the  landlord  refused 
to  take  any  responsibility  for  the  animal.  He  had 
no  corn  or  hay,  and  his  hostler  had  "gone  to  the  Yan 
kees  ! "  During  my  stay  I  employed  a  man  to  purchase 
corn  and  give  the  desired  attention  to  the  horse.  The 
landlord  made  a  charge  of  one  dollar  per  day  for  "hoss- 
keeping,"  and  was  indignant  when  I  entered  a  protest. 
Outside  of  Newport  and  Saratoga,  I  think  there  are  very 
few  hotel-keepers  in  the  North  who  would  make  out 
and  present  a  bill  on  so  small  a  basis  as  this. 

This  taverner's  wife  and  daughter  professed  an  utter 
contempt  for  all  white  persons  who  degraded  themselves 
to  any  kind  of  toil.  Of  course,  their  hostility  to  the 
North  was  very  great.  Beyond  a  slight  supervision, 


"NO  NAME."  225 

they  left  every  thing  to  the  care  of  the  negroes.  A  gen 
tleman  who  was  with  me  sought  to  make  himself  ac 
quainted  with  the  family,  and  succeeded  admirably  until, 
on  one  evening,  he  constructed  a  small  toy  to  amuse  the 
children.  This  was  too  much.  He  was  skillful  with  his 
hands,  and  must  therefore  be  a  "  mudsill."  His  ac 
quaintance  with  the  ladies  of  that  household  came  to  an 
end.  His  manual  dexterity  was  his  ruin. 

There  was  another  hotel  in  Lagrange,  a  rival  estab 
lishment,  that  bore  the  reputation  of  being  much  the 
worse  in  point  of  comfort.  It  was  owned  by  a  widow, 
and  this  widow  had  a  son — a  lank,  overgrown  youth  of 
eighteen.  His  poverty,  on  one  point,  was  the  greatest  1 
ever  knew.  He  could  have  been  appropriately  selected 
as  the  hero  of  a  certain  popular  novel  by  Wilkie  Col 
lins.  No  name  had  ever  been  given  him  by  his  parents. 
In  his  infancy  they  spoke  of  him  as  "the  boy."  When 
he  grew  large  enough  to  appear  on  the  street  with  other 
boys,  some  one  gave  him  the  sobriquet  of  "Rough  and 
Ready."  From  that  time  forward,  his  only  prsenomen 
was  "Rough."  I  made  several  inquiries  among  his 
neighbors,  but  could  not  ascertain  that  he  bore  any 
other  Christian  appellative. 

The  first  comprehensive  order  providing  for  the  care 
of  the  negroes  in  the  Southwest,  was  issued  by  General 
Grant  while  his  army  lay  at  Lagrange  and  Grand  Junc 
tion.  Previous  to  that  time,  the  negroes  had  been  dis 
posed  of  as  each  division  and  post  commander  thought 
best,  under  his  general  instructions  not  to  treat  them 

unkindly.   Four  months  earlier,  our  authorities  at  Mem- 
is 


226  A  GENERAL  OKDEE. 

phis  had  enrolled  several  hundred  a"ble-"bodied  negroes 
into  an  organization  for  service  in  the  Quartermaster' s 
Department,  in  accordance  with  the  provisions  of  an 
order  from  District  Head- Quarters.  They  threw  up  for 
tifications,  loaded  and  unloaded  steamboats,  and  per 
formed  such  other  lalbor  as  was  required.  In  General 
Grant's  army  there  was  a  pioneer  corps  of  three  hundred 
negroes,  under  the  immediate  charge  of  an  overseer,  con 
trolled  Iby  an  officer  of  engineers.  No  steps  were  then 
taken  to  use  them  as  soldiers. 

The  number  of  negroes  at  our  posts  and  in  our  camps 
was  rapidly  increasing.  Under  the  previous  orders, 
they  were  registered  and  employed  only  on  Govern 
ment  work.  None  but  the  able-bodied  males  were  thus 
available.  The  new  arrangements  contemplated  the 
employment  of  all  who  were  capable  of  performing  any 
kind  of  field  labor.  It  was  expected  to  bring  some 
revenue  to  the  Government,  that  would  partially  cover 
the  expense  of  providing  for  the  negroes. 

The  following  is  the  order  which  General  Grant 
issued : — 

HE  AD- QUARTERS  THIRTEENTH  ARMY  CORPS,  ^ 

DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  TENNESSEE, 
LAGRANGE,  TENNESSEE,  November  14,  1862.  ) 

SPECIAL  FIELD  ORDER,  No.  4. 

I.  Chaplain  J.  Eaton,  Jr.,  of  the  Twenty-seventh  Ohio  Volunteers,  is 
hereby  appointed  to  take  charge  of  all  fugitive  slaves  that  are  now,  or 
may  from  time  to  time  come,  within  the  military  lines  of  the  advancing 
army  in  this  vicinity,  not  employed  and  registered  in  accordance  with 
General  Orders,  No.  Y2,  from  head-quarters  District  of  "West  Tennessee, 
and  will  open  a  camp  for  them  at  Grand  Junction,  where  they  will  be 


A  NEW  ENTERPRISE.  227 

suitably  cared  for,  and  organized  into  companies,  and  set  to  work,  pick 
ing,  ginning,  and  baling  all  cotton  now  outstanding  in  fields. 

II.  Commanding  officers  of  all  troops  will  send  all  fugitives  that 
come  within  the  lines,  together  with  such  teams,  cooking  utensils,  and 
other  baggage  as  they  may  bring  with  them,  to  Chaplain  J.  Eaton,  Jr., 
at  Grand  Junction. 

III.  One  regiment  of  infantry  from  Brigadier-General  McArthur's 
Division  will  be  temporarily  detailed  as  guard  in  charge  of  such  contra 
bands,  and  the  surgeon  of  said  regiment  will  be  charged  with  the  care 
of  the  sick. 

IV.  Commissaries  of  subsistence  will  issue,  on  the  requisitions  of 
Chaplain  Eaton,  omitting  the  coffee  ration,  and  substituting  rye. 

By  order  of  Major-General  U.  S.  Grant. 

JNO.  A.  RAWLINS,  A.  A.  G. 

Chaplain  Eaton  entered  immediately  upon  the  dis 
charge  of  his  duties.  Many  division  and  "brigade  com 
manders  threw  obstacles  in  his  way,  and  were  very  slow 
to  comply  with  General  Grant's  order.  Some  of  the 
officers  of  the  Commissary  Department  made  every  pos 
sible  delay  in  filling  Chaplain  Eaton's  requisitions.  The 
people  of  the  vicinity  laughed  at  the  experiment,  and 
prophesied  speedy  and  complete  failure.  They  endeav 
ored  to  insure  a  failure  by  stealing  the  horses  and  mules, 
and  disabling  the  machinery  which  Chaplain  Eaton  was 
using.  Failing  in  this,  they  organized  guerrilla  parties, 
and  attempted  to  frighten  the  negroes  from  working  in 
the  field.  They  only  desisted  from  this  enterprise  when 
some  of  their  number  were  killed. 

All  the  negroes  that  came  into  the  army  lines  were 
gathered  at  Grand  Junction  and  organized,  in  com 
pliance  with  the  order.  There  were  many  fields  of 
cotton  fully  ripened,  that  required  immediate  attention. 
Cotton-picking  commenced,  and  was  extensively  prose- 


228  DULLNESS  OF  THE  CAMP. 

cuted.  The  experiment  proved  a  success.  The  cotton 
in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  Grand  Junction  and  La- 
grange  was  gathered,  baled,  and  made  ready  for  mar 
ket.  For  once,  the  labors  of  the  negro  in  the  South 
west  were  "bringing  an  actual  return  to  the  Govern 
ment. 

The  following  year  saw  the  system  enlarged,  as  our 
armies  took  possession  of  new  districts.  In  1863,  large 
quantities  of  cotton  were  gathered  from  fields  in  the 
vicinity  of  Lake  Providence  and  Milliken's  Bend,  and 
the  cultivation  of  plantations  was  commenced.  In  1864, 
this  last  enterprise  was  still  further  prosecuted.  Chap 
lain  Eaton  became  Colonel  Eaton,  and  the  humble 
beginning  at  Grand  Junction  grew  into  a  great  scheme 
for  demonstrating  the  practicability  of  free  labor,  and 
benefiting  the  negroes  who  had  been  left  without  sup 
port  by  reason  of  the  flight  of  their  owners. 

As  the  army  lay  in  camp  near  Lagrange  for  nearly 
four  weeks,  and  the  enemy  was  twenty-five  miles  dis 
tant,  there  was  very  little  war  correspondence  to  be 
written.  There  was  an  occasional  skirmish  near  the 
front,  but  no  important  movement  whatever.  The 
monotony  of  this  kind  of  life,  and  the  tables  of  the 
Lagrange  hotels,  were  not  calculated  to  awaken  much 
enthusiasm.  Learning  from  a  staff  officer  the  probable 
date  when  the  army  would  advance,  I  essayed  a  visit  to 
St.  Louis,  and  returned  in  season  to  take  part  in  the 
movement  into  Mississippi. 

At  the  time  General  Grant  advanced  from  Lagrange, 
he  ordered  General  Sherman  to  move  from  Memphis,  so 


A  SECESSIONIST'S  OPINION.  229 

that  the  two  columns  would  unite  in  the  vicinity  of 
Oxford,  Mississippi.  General  Sherman  pushed  his 
column  as  rapidly  as  possible,  and,  by  the  combined 
movement,  the  Kebels  were  forced  out  of  their  defenses 
beyond  Oxford,  and  compelled  to  select  a  new  liii'  •  in 
the  direction  of  Grenada.  Our  flag  was  steadily  ad 
vancing  toward  the  Gulf. 

Satisfied  there  would  be  no  battle  until  our  army 
had  passed  Oxford,  I  tarried  several  days  at  Holly 
Springs,  waiting  for  the  railway  to  be  opened.  I  found 
the  town  a  very  pleasant  one,  finely  situated,  and 
bearing  evidence  of  the  wealth  and  taste  of  its  in 
habitants.  When  the  war  broke  out,  there  were  only 
two  places  in  the  State  that  could  boast  a  larger  pop 
ulation  than  Holly  Springs. 

At  the  time  of  my  arrival,  the  hotels  of  Holly 
Springs  were  not  open,  and  I  was  obliged  to  take 
a  room  at  a  private  house  with  one  of  the  inhab 
itants.  My  host  was  an  earnest  advocate  of  the  Kebel 
cause,  and  had  the  fullest  confidence  in  the  ultimate 
independence  of  the  South. 

"We  intend,"  said  he,  "to  establish  a  strong 
Government,  in  which  there  will  be  no  danger  of 
interference  by  any  abolitionists.  If  you  had  allowed 
us  to  have  our  own  way,  there  would  never  have 
been  any  trouble.  We  didn't  want  you  to  have 
slavery  in  the  North,  but  we  wanted  to  go  into  the 
Territories,  where  we  had  a  perfect  right,  and  do  as 
we  pleased  about  taking  our  slaves  there.  The  control 
of  the  Government  belongs  to  us.  The  most  of  the 


230  WHY  SLAVERY  SHOULD  BE  RETAINED. 

Presidents  have  been  from  the  South,  as  they  ought 
to  "be.  It  was  only  when  you  elected  a  sectional 
President,  who  was  sworn  to  break  up  slavery,  that 
we  objected.  You  began  the  war  when  you  refused 
us  the  privilege  of  having  a  national  President. 

This  gentleman  argued,  further,  that  the  half  of  all 
public  property  belonged  to  the  South,  and  it  was  only 
just  that  the  Stato  authorities  should  take  possession  of 
forts  and  arsenals,  as  they  did  at  the  inception  of  the 
war.  It  was  the  especial  right  of  the  South -to  control 
the  nation.  Slavery  was  instituted  from  Heaven,  for 
the  especial  good  of  both  white  and  black.  Whoever 
displayed  any  sympathy  for  the  negro,  and  wished  to 
make  him  free,  was  doing  a  great  injustice  to  the  slave 
and  his  master,  particularly  to  the  latter. 

Once  he  said  the  destruction  of  slavery  would  be 
unworthy  a  people  who  possessed  any  gallantry.  "You 
will,"  he  declared,  "do  a  cruel  wrong  to  many  fine 
ladies.  They  know  nothing  about  working  with  their 
hands,  and  consider  such  knowledge  disgraceful.  If 
their  slaves  are  taken  from  them,  these  ladies  will  be 
helpless." 

This  gentleman  was  the  possessor  of  several  negroes, 
though  he  lived  in  a  house  that  he  did  not  own.  Of 
course,  it  was  a  great  injustice  to  deprive  him  of  his 
only  property,  especially  as  the  laws  of  his  State  sanc 
tioned  such  ownership.  He  declared  he  would  not  sub 
mit  to  any  theft  of  that  character.  I  do  not  think  I 
ever  saw  a  person  manifest  more  passion  than  was  ex 
hibited  by  this  individual  on  hearing,  one  afternoon, 


AN  ENTERPRISING  SPECULATOR.  231 

that  one  of  his  slaves  had  taken  refuge  in  our  camp, 
with  the  avowed  intention  of  going  North. 

•'I  don't  care  for  the  loss,"  said  he,  "but  what  I 
do  care  for  is,  to  "be  robbed  by  a  nigger.  I  can  endure 
an  injury  from  a  white  man ;  to  have  a  nigger  defy  me 
is  too  much." 

Unfortunate  and  unhappy  man !  I  presume  he  is 
not  entirely  satisfied  with  the  present  status  of  the 
' '  Peculiar  Institution. ' ' 

The  cotton  speculators  at  Holly  Springs  were  guilty 
of  some  sharp  transactions.  One  day  a  gentleman  re 
siding  in  the  vicinity  came  to  town  in  order  to  effect  a 
sale  of  fifty  bales.  The  cotton  was  in  a  warehouse  a 
half-dozen  miles  away. 

Kemaining  over  night  in  Holly  Springs,  and  walking 
to  the  railway  station  in  the  morning,  he  found  his  cot 
ton  piled  by  the  track  and  ready  for  shipment.  Two 
men  were  engaged  effacing  the  marks  upon  the  bales. 
By  some  means  they  had  obtained  a  sufficient  number 
of  Government  wagons  to  remove  the  entire  lot  during 
the  night.  It  was  a  case  of  downright  theft.  The'  of 
fenders  were  banished  beyond  the  lines  of  the  army. 

In  a  public  office  at  Holly  Springs  our  soldiers  found 
a  great  number  of  bills  on  the  Northern  Bank  of  Missis 
sippi.  They  were  in  sheets,  just  as  they  had  come  from 
the  press.  None  of  them  bore  dates  or  signatures. 

The  soldiers  supplied  all  needed  cMrography,  and 
the  bills  obtained  a  wide  circulation.  Chickens,  pigs, 
and  other  small  articles  were  purchased  of  the  whites 
and  negroes,  and  paid  for  with  the  most  astonishing  lib- 


232  "SNUFF  DIPPING." 

erality.  Counterfeits  of  the  Kebel  currency  were  freely 
distributed,  and  could  only  "be  distinguished  from  the 
genuine  by  their  superior  execution. 

Among  the  women  in  Holly  Springs  and  its  vicinity 
snuff  was  in  great  demand.  The  article  is  used  by  them 
in  much  the  same  way  that  men  chew  tobacco.  The 
practice  is  known  as  " dipping,"  and  is  disgusting  in  the 
extreme.  A  stick  the  size  of  a  common  pencil  is  chewed 
or  beaten  at  one  end  until  the  fibers  are  separated.  In 
this  condition  it  forms  a  brush. 

This  brush  is  moistened  with  saliva,  and  plunged 
into  the  snuff.  The  fine  powder  which  adheres  is  then 
rubbed  on  the  gums  and  among  the  teeth.  A  species  of 
partial  intoxication,  is  the  result. 

The  effect  of  continued  "  dipping"  becomes  apparent- 
The  gums  are  inflamed,  the  teeth  are  discolored,  the  lips 
are  shriveled,  and  the  complexion  is  sallow.  The  throat 
is  dry  and  irritated,  and  there  is^  a  constant  desire  to 
expectorate. 

I  trust  the  habit  will  never  become  a  Northern  one. 


A  GENEROUS  PROPOSAL.  233 


CHAPTER   XXIII. 

GRANT'S  OCCUPATION  OF  MISSISSIPPI 

The  Slavery  Question. — A  Generous  Offer. — A  Journalist's  Modesty. — 
Hopes  of  the  Mississippians  at  the  Beginning  of  the  War. — Visiting  an 
Editress. — Literature  under  Difficulties. — Jacob  Thompson  and  his 
Correspondence. — Plans  for  the  Capture  of  Vicksburg. — Movements 
of  General  Sherman. — The  Raid  upon  Holly  Springs. — Forewarned, 
but  not  Forearmed. — A  Gallant  Fight. 

THE  people  of  Holly  Springs  were  much  excited 
over  the  slavery  question.  It  was  then  early  in  Decem 
ber.  The  President's  proclamation  was  to  have  its 
effect  on  all  States,  or  portions  of  States,  not  represented 
in  Congress  on  the  first  of  January  following.  The 
slaveholders  desired  to  have  the  northern  district  of 
Mississippi  represented  in  Congress  before  the  first  of 
January. 

Three  or  four  days  after  my  arrival  at  Holly  Springs 
I  was  with  a  small  party  of  citizens  to  whom  I  had  re 
ceived  introduction.  The  great  question  was  being  dis 
cussed.  All  were  agreed  that  Northern  Mississippi 
should  be  represented  in  Congress  at  whatever  cost. 

"  Grant  has  now  been  in  Mississippi  nearly  two 
weeks,"  said  the  principal  speaker;  "we  are  clearly 
entitled  to  representation." 

"  Certainly  we  are,"  responded  another ;  "but  who 
will  represent  us  1" 


234  WHY  I  DID  NOT  GO  TO  CONGRESS.    . 

"  Hold  an  election  to-morrow,  and  choose  our  man." 

4 '  Who  will  we  send  ?  None  of  us  would  be  received. 
There  isn't  a  man  in  the  district  who  could  swear  he  has 
taken  no  part  in  the  Rebellion." 

"I  have  it,"  said  the  individual  who  first  proposed 
an  election.  Turning  to  me,  he  made  a  somewhat  novel 
proposition : 

4 '  You  can  represent  us  in  Congress.  We'  ve  all  "been 
so  d — d  disloyal  that  we  can't  go  ;  "but  that  is  no  reason 
why  we  should  not  send  a  loyal  men.  Say  yes,  and 
we'll  meet  to-morrow,  a  dozen  of  us,  and  elect  you." 

Here  was  an  opportunity  for  glory.  Only  four  days 
in  a  State  from  which  I  could  go  to  Congress !  I  was 
offered  all  necessary  credentials  to  insure  my  reception. 
My  loyalty  could  be  clearly  and  easily  proved.  My 
only  duties  would  be  to  assist  in  fastening  slavery  upon 
my  congressional  district.  Much  as  I  felt  honored  at 
the  offer  of  distinction,  I  was  obliged  to  decline  it.  A 
similar  proposition  was  made  to  another  journalist.  He, 
like  myself,  was  governed  by  modesty,  and  begged  to 
be  excused  from  serving. 

The  desire  of  this  people  to  be  represented  in  Con 
gress,  was  a  partial  proof  that  they  expected  the  na 
tional  authority  restored  throughout  the  country.  They 
professed  to  believe  that  our  occupation  would  be 
temporary,  but  their  actions  did  not  agree  with  their 
words. 

They  were  greatly  mortified  at  the  inability  of  their 
army  to  oppose  our  advance,  and  frequently  abused  the 
Eebel  Government  without  stint.  They  had  anticipated 


REPUDIATION.  235 

an  easy  victory  from  the  outset,  and  were  greatly  disap 
pointed  at  the  result,  up  to  that  time. 

"  Just  see  how  it  is,"  said  a  Mississippian  one  day  ; 
"  we  expected  to  whip  you  without  the  slightest  trouble. 
We  threw  the  war  into  the  Border  States  to  keep  it 
off  our  soil.  Mississippi  was  very  earnest  for  the  Re 
bellion  when  Kentucky  was  the  battle-ground.  We  no 
more  expected  you  would  come  here,  than  that  we 
should  get  to  the  moon.  It  is  the  fortune  of  war  that 
you  have  driven  us  back,  but  it  is  very  severe  upon  the 
cotton  States." 

I  ventured  to  ask  about  the  possibilities  of  repudia 
tion  of  the  Rebel  debt,  in  case  the  Confederacy  was  fairly 
established. 

"Of  course  we  shall  repudiate,"  was  the  response. 
"It  would  be  far  better  for  the  Confederacy  to  do  so 
than  to  attempt  to  pay  the  debt,  or  even  its  interest. 
Suppose  we  have  a  debt  of  a  thousand  millions,  at  eight 
per  cent.  This  debt  is  due  to  our  own  people,  and  they 
have  to  pay  the  interest  upon  it.  In  twelve  years  and  a 
half  they  would  have  paid  another  thousand  millions, 
and  still  be  as  deeply  in  debt  as  ever.  Now,  if  they 
repudiate  the  whole,  the  country  will  be  a  thousand 
millions  richer  at  the  end  of  twelve  years  and  a  half,  than 
it  otherwise  would." 

In  Mississippi,  as  well  as  in  other  Southern  States,  I 
frequently  heard  this  argument.  It  is  not  surprising 
that  the  confidence  of  the  people  in  their  currency  was 
shaken  at  a  very  early  period. 

In  its  days  of  prosperity,   Holly  Springs    boasted 


236  VISITING  A  REBEL  EDITRESS. 

of  two  nval  papers,  each  of  them  published  weekly. 
One  of  these  died  just  as  the  war  "broke  out.  The  pro 
prietor  of  the  other,  who  was  at  the  same  time  its  editor, 
went,  with  his  two  sons,  into  the  Rebel  army,  leaving 
the  paper  in  charge  of  his  wife.  The  lady  wielded  the 
pen  for  nearly  a  year,  but  the  scarcity  of  printing-paper 
compelled  her  to  close  her  office,  a  few  months  before 
our  arrival. 

One  afternoon,  I  accompanied  Mr.  Colburn,  of 
Tlie  World,  on  a  visit  to  the  ex-editress.  The  lady  re 
ceived  our  cards  and  greeted  us  very  cordially.  She 
spoke,  with  evident  pride,  of  her  struggles  to  sustain  her 
paper  in  war-time  and  under  war  prices,  and  hoped  she 
could  soon  resume  its  publication.  She  referred  to  the 
absence  of  her  husband  and  sons  in  the  Rebel  service, 
and  was  gratified  that  they  had  always  borne  a  good 
record.  She  believed  in  the  South  and  in  the  justness 
of  its  cause,  but  was  prompt  to  declare  that  all  the 
wrong  was  not  on  one  side.  She  neither  gave  the  South 
extravagant  praise,  nor  visited  the  North  with  denun 
ciation. 

She  regretted  the  existence  of  the  war,  and  charged 
its  beginning  upon  the  extremists  of  both  sides.  Slavery 
was  clearly  its  cause,  and  she  should  look  for  its  com 
plete  destruction  in  the  event  of  the  restoration  of  na 
tional  authority.  Through  justice  to  itself,  the  North 
could  demand  nothing  less,  and  the  South  must  be  will 
ing  to  abide  by  the  fortune  of  war. 

This  woman  respected  and  admired  the  North,  be 
cause  it  was  a  region  where  labor  was  not  degrading. 


JACOB  THOMPSON.  237 

She  had  always  opposed  the  Southern  sentiment  con 
cerning  labor,  and  educated  her  children  after  her  own 
belief.  While  other  boys  were  idling  in  the  streets,  she 
had  taught  her  sons  all  the  mysteries  of  the  printing- 
office,  and  made  them  able  to  care  for  themselves.  She 
was  confident  they  would  vindicate  the  correctness  of 
her  theory,  by  winning  good  positions  in  life.  She  be 
lieved  slavery  had  assisted  the  development  of  the 
South,  but  was  equally  positive  that  its  effect  upon  the 
white  race  was  ruinous  in  the  extreme. 

She  had  no  word  of  abuse  for  the  Union,  but  spoke 
of  it  in  terms  of  praise.  At  the  same  time  she  expressed 
an  earnest  hope  for  the  success  of  the  Rebellion.  She 
saw  the  evil  of  slavery,  but  wished  the  Confederacy  es 
tablished.  How  she  could  reconcile  all  her  views  I  was 
unable  to  ascertain.  I  do  not  believe  she  will  take  seri 
ously  to  heart  the  defeat  of  the  scheme  to  found  a  slave 
holders'  government.  In  the  suppression  of  the  Rebel 
lion  she  will  doubtless  discover  a  brilliant  future  for 
"  the  land  of  the  cypress  and  myrtle,"  and  bless  the  day 
that  witnessed  the  destruction  of  slavery. 

At  Oxford,  our  forces  found  the  residence  of  the  ex- 
Hon.  Jacob  Thompson,  who  has  since  figured  promi 
nently  as  the  Rebel  agent  in  Canada.  In  his  office  a 
letter-book  and  much  correspondence  were  secured — 
the  letters  showing  that  the  design  of  a  rebellion 
dated  much  further  back  than  the  first  election  of  Mr. 
Lincoln.  Some  of  this  correspondence  was  given  to  the 
public  at  the  time,  and  proved  quite  interesting.  The 
balance  was  sent  to  the  War  Department,  where  it  was 


238  ADVANCING  INTO  MISSISSIPPI. 

expected  to  be  of  service.  The  "books  in  Mr.  Thomp 
son's  library  found  their  way  to  various  parts  of  the 
Union,  and  became  scattered  where  it  will  be  difficult 
for  their  owner  to  gather  them,  should  he  desire  to  re 
store  his  collection.  If  "misery  loves  company,"  it  was 
doubtless  gratifying  to  Mr.  Thompson  to  know  of  the 
capture  of  the  library  and  correspondence  of  Jefferson 
Davis,  several  months  later. 

Our  advance  into  Mississippi  was  being  successfully 
pushed,  early  in  December,  1862.  There  was  a  prospect 
that  it  would  not  accomplish  the  desired  object,  the  cap 
ture  of  Vicksburg,  without  some  counter-movement.  A 
force  was  sent  from  Helena,  Arkansas,  to  cut  the  railway 
in  rear  of  the  Rebel  army.  Though  accomplishing  its 
immediate  object,  it  did  not  make  a  material  change  in 
the  military  situation.  The  Rebels  continued  to  hold 
Grenada,  which  they  had  strongly  fortified.  They  could 
only  be  forced  from  this  position  by  a  movement  that 
should  render  Grenada  of  no  practical  value. 

General  Grant  detached  the  right  wing  of  his  army, 
with  orders  to  make  a  rapid  march  to  Memphis,  and 
thence  to  descend  the  Mississippi  by  steamboats  to 
Yicksburg.  This  expedition  was  commanded  by  Gen 
eral  Sherman.  While  the  movement  was  in  progress, 
General  Grant  was  to  push  forward,  on  the  line  he  had 
been  following,  and  attempt  to  join  General  Sherman  at 
the  nearest  practicable  point  on  the  Yazoo  River  above 
Yicksburg.  The  fall  of  Yicksburg  was  thus  thought  to 
be  assured,  especially  as  General  Sherman's  attack  was 
to  be  made  upon  the  defenses  in  its  rear. 


GOING  TO  MEMPHIS.  239 

General  Sherman  moved  to  Memphis  with  due  ce 
lerity.  The  garrison  of  that  city  was  reduced  as  much 
as  possible  to  re-enforce  his  column.  The  Army  of  Ar 
kansas,  then  at  Helena,  was  temporarily  added  to  his 
command.  This  gave  a  force  exceeding  twenty-eight 
thousand  strong  to  move  upon  Vicksburg.  It  was 
considered  sufficiently  large  to  accomplish  the  desired 
object — the  garrison  of  Vicksburg  having  been  weak 
ened  to  strengthen  the  army  in  General  Grant's  front. 

I  was  in  Holly  Springs  when  General  Sherman  began 
to  move  toward  Memphis.  Thinking  there  would  be 
active  work  at  Vicksburg,  I  prepared  to  go  to  Colum 
bus  by  rail,  and  take  a  steamboat  thence  to  Memphis. 
By  this  route  it  was  nearly  four  hundred  miles  ;  but  it 
was  safer  and  more  expeditious  to  travel  in  that  way 
than  to  attempt  the  "overland"  journey  of  fifty  miles 
in  a  direct  line. 

There  were  rumors  that  the  Rebels  contemplated  a 
raid  upon  Holly  Springs,  for  the  purpose  of  cutting 
General  Grant's  communications  and  destroying  the 
supplies  known  to  be  accumulated  there.  From  the 
most  vague  and  obscurely- worded  hints,  given  by  a 
Secessionist,  I  inferred  that  such  a  movement  was  ex 
pected.  The  Rebels  were  arranging  a  cavalry  force  to 
strike  a  blow  somewhere  upon  our  line  of  railway,  and 
there  was  no  point  more  attractive  than  Holly  Springs. 
I  attached  no  importance  to  the  story,  as  I  had  invaria 
bly  known  the  friends  of  the  Rebels  to  predict  wonder 
ful  movements  that  never  occurred. 

Meeting  the  post-commandant  shortly  afterward,  I 


240   '  VAN  DORN'S  RAID. 

told  Mm  what  I  had  heard.  He  assured  me  there  was 
nothing  to  fear,  and  that  every  thing  was  arranged  to 
insure  a  successful  defense.  On  this  point  I  did  not 
agree  with  him.  I  knew  very  well  that  the  garrison 
was  not  properly  distributed  to  oppose  a  dash  of  the 
enemy.  There  were  "but  few  men  on  picket,  and  no  pre 
cautions  had  been  taken  against  surprise.  Our  accumu 
lation  of  stores  was  sufficiently  large  to  be  worth  a 
strong  effort  to  destroy  them.  As  I  was  about  ready  to 
leave,  I  concluded  to  take  the  first  train  to  Columbus. 

Less  than  forty-eight  hours  after  my  departure,  Gen 
eral  Van  Dorn,  at  the  head  of  five  thousand  men,  enter 
ed  Holly  Springs  with  very  slight  opposition.  He  found 
every  thing  nearly  as  he  could  have  arranged  it  had  he 
planned  the  defense  himself.  The  commandant,  Colonel 
Murphy,  was  afterward  dismissed  the  service  for  his 
negligence  in  preparing  to  defend  the  place  after  being 
notified  by  General  Grant  that  the  enemy  was  moving 
to  attack  him. 

The  accumulation  of  supplies  at  the  railway  depot, 
and  all  the  railway  buildings,  with  their  surroundings, 
were  burned.  Two  trains  of  cars  were  standing  ready 
to  move,  and  these  shared  a  similar  fate.  In  the  center 
of  the  town,  a  building  we  were  using  as  a  magazine 
was  blown  up.  The  most  of  the  business  portion  of 
Holly  Springs  was  destroyed  by  fire,  communicated  from 
this  magazine. 

During  the  first  year  of  the  war,  Holly  Springs  was 
selected  as  the  site  of  a  "  Confederate  States  Arsenal," 
and  a  series  of  extensive  buildings  erected  at  great  ex- 


GALLANTRY  OF  A  SMALL  GARRISON.  241 

pense.  We  had  converted  these  "buildings  into  hospi 
tals,  and  were  fitting  them  tip  with  suitable  accom 
modations  for  a  large  number  of  sick  and  wounded. 
After  ordering  our  surgeons  to  remove  their  patients,  the 
Rebels  set  fire  to  the  hospitals  while  the  yellow  flag  was 
floating  over  them.  General  Grant  subsequently  de 
nounced  this  act  as  contrary  to  the  usages  of  war. 

The  Rebels  remained  in  Holly  Springs  until  five 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  the  day  of  their  arrival.  At 
their  departure  they  moved  in  a  northerly  direction, 
evidently  designing  to  visit  Grand  Junction.  At  Davis' s 
Mill,  about  half-way  between  Holly  Springs  and  Grand 
Junction,  they  found  a  small  stockade,  garrisoned  by 
two  companies  of  infantry,  protecting  the  railway  bridge. 
They  sent  forward  a  flag-of-truce,  and  demanded  the 
instant  surrender  of  the  stockade. 

Their  demand  was  not  complied  with.  That  garri 
son,  of  less  than  two  hundred  men,  fought  Yan  Dorn's 
entire  command  four  hours,  repulsed  three  successive 
charges,  and  finally  compelled  the  Rebels  to  retreat. 
Van  Dorn'  s  northward  movement  was  checked,  and  our 
stores  at  Grand  Junction  and  Lagrange  were  saved,  by 
the  gallantry  of  this  little  force.  General  Grant  subse 
quently  gave  special  compliment  to  the  bravery  of  these 
soldiers  and  their  officers,  in  an  order,  which  was  read 
to  every  regiment  in  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee. 

Our  plans  were  completely  deranged  by  this  move 
ment  of  the  enemy.  The  supplies  and  ammunition  we 
had  relied  upon  were  destroyed,  and  our  communications 
severed.  It  was  impossible  to  push  further  into  Missis- 

16 


242  A  FORTUNATE  MISFORTUNE. 

sippi,  and  preparations  were  made  for  immediate  retreat. 
The  railway  was  repaired  and  the  heavy  Tbaggage  sent 
to  the  rear  as  speedily  as  possible.  When  this  was 
accomplished  the  army  "began  to  fall  Tback.  Oxford, 
Abbeville,  and  Holly  Springs  were  abandoned,  and  re 
turned  to  the  protection  of  the  Rebel  flag.  Northern 
Mississippi  again  became  the  field  for  guerrilla  warfare, 
and  a  source  of  supply  to  the  Rebels  in  the  field.  The 
campaign  for  the  capture  of  Vicksburg  took  a  new 
shape  from  the  day  our  lines  were  severed. 

A  few  days  before  the  surrender  of  Vicksburg,  Gen 
eral  Grant,  in  conversation  with  some  friends,  referred 
to  his  position  in  Mississippi,  six  months  before.  Had 
he  pressed  forward  beyond  Grenada,  he  would  have 
been  caught  in  midwinter  in  a  sea  of  mud,  where  the 
safety  of  his  army  might  have  been  endangered.  Van 
Dorn's  raid  compelled  him  to  retreat,  saved  him  from  a 
possible  heavier  reverse,  and  prepared  the  way  for  the 
campaign  in  which  Vicksburg  finally  capitulated.  A 
present  disaster,  it  proved  the  beginning  of  ultimate 
success. 


DOWN  THE  MISSISSIPPI.  243 


CHAPTER   XXIV, 

THE  BATTLE  OF  CHICKASAW  BAYOU. 

Leaving  Memphis. — Down  the  Great  Kiver. — Landing  in  the  Yazoo. — 
Description  of  the  Ground. — A  Night  in  Bivouac. — Plan  of  Attack. — 
Moving  toward  the  Hills. — Assaulting  the  Bluff. — Our  Eepulse. — 
New  Plans. — "Withdrawal  from  the  Yazoo. 

ON  arriving  at  Memphis,  I  found  General  Sherman's 
expedition  was  ready  to  move  toward  Vicksjburg.  A 
few  of  the  soldiers  who  escaped  from  the  raid  on  Holly 
Springs  had  reached  Memphis  with  intelligence  of  that 
disaster.  The  news  caused  much  excitement,  as  the 
strength  of  the  Kebels  was  greatly  exaggerated.  A  few 
of  these  soldiers  thought  Yan  Dorn'  s  entire  division  of 
fifteen  or  twenty  thousand  men  had  "been  mounted  and 
was  present  at  the  raid.  There  were  rumors  of  a  con 
templated  attack  upon  Memphis,  after  General  Sher 
man's  departure. 

Unmilitary  men  thought  the  event  might  delay  the 
movement  upon  Vicksburg,  "but  it  did  not  have  that 
effect.  General  Sherman  said  he  had  no  official  knowl 
edge  that  Holly  Springs  had  "been  captured,  and  could 
do  no  less  than  carry  out  his  orders.  The  expedition 
sailed,  its  various  divisions  making  a  rendezvous  at 
Friar' s  Point,  twelve  miles  "below  Helena,  on  the  night 
of  the  22d  of  December.  From  this  place  to  the  mouth 


244  ON  THE  YAZOO. 

of  the  Yazoo,  we  moved  leisurely  down  the  Mississippi, 
halting  a  day  near  Milliken'  s  Bend,  almost  in  sight  of 
Yicksburg.  We  passed  a  portion  of  Christmas-Day 
near  the  mouth  of  the  Yazoo. 

On  the  morning  of  the  26th  of  December,  the  fleet  of 
sixty  transports,  convoyed  by  several  gun-boats,  com 
menced  the  ascent  of  the  Yazoo.  This  stream  debouches 
into  the  Mississippi,  fifteen  miles  above  Yicksburg,  by 
the  course  of  the  current,  though  the  distance  in  an  air 
line  is  not  more  than  six  miles.  Ten  or  twelve  miles 
above  its  mouth,  the  Yazoo  sweeps  the  base  of  the  range 
of  hills  on  which  Yicksburg  stands,  at  a  point  nearly 
behind  the  city.  It  was  therefore  considered  a  feasible 
route  to  the  rear  of  Yicksburg. 

In  a  letter  which  I  wrote  on  that  occasion,  I  gave  the 
following  description  of  the  country  adjoining  the  river, 
and  the  incidents  of  a  night  bivouac  before  the  battle : — 
"The  bottom-land  of  the  Yazoo  is  covered  with  a 
heavy  growth  of  tall  cypress-trees,  whose  limbs  are 
everywhere  interlaced.  In  many  places  the  forest  has  a 
dense  undergrowth,  and  in  others  it  is  quite  clear,  and 
affords  easy  passage  to  mounted  men.  These  huge  trees 
are  heavily  draped  in  the  i  hanging  moss,'  so  common  in 
the  Southern  States,  which  gives  them  a  most  gloomy 
appearance.  The  moss,  everywhere  pendent  from  the 
limbs  of  the  trees,  covers  them  like  a  shroud,  and  in 
some  localities  shuts  out  the  sunlight.  In  these  forests 
there  are  numerous  bayous  that  form  a  net- work  con 
verting  the  land  into  a  series  of  islands.  When  separ 
ated  from  your  companions,  you  can  easily  imagine 


CAMPING  OUT.  245 

yourself  in  a  wilderness.    In  the  wild  woods  of  the 
Oregon  there  is  no  greater  solitude." 

#  *  *  •&  -*  #  & 

"On  the  afternoon  of  the  27th,  I  started  from  the 
transports,  and  accompanied  our  left  wing,  which 
was  advancing  on  the  east  side  of  Chickasaw  Bayou. 
The  road  lay  along  the  crest  of  the  levee  which  had 
been  thrown  up  on  the  "bank  of  the  "bayou,  to  protect 
the  fields  on  that  side  against  inundation.  This  road 
was  only  wide  enough  for  the  passage  of  a  single  wagon. 
Our  progress  was  very  slow,  on  account  of  the  necessity 
for  removing  heavy  logs  across  the  levee.  When  night 
overtook  us,  we  made  our  bivouac  in  the  forest,  about 
three  miles  from  the  river. 

"I  had  taken  with  me  "but  a  single  "blanket,  and  a 
haversack  containing  my  note-book  and  a  few  crackers. 
That  night  in  bivouac  acquainted  me  with  some  of  the 
discomforts  of  war-making  on  the  Yazoo.  The  ground 
was  moist  from  recent  rains,  so  that  dry  places  were  dif 
ficult  to  find.  A  fellow-journalist  proposed  that  we 
unite  our  blankets,  and  form  a  double  bed  for  mutual 
advantage.  To  this  I  assented.  When  my  friend 
came  forward,  to  rest  in  our  combined  couch,  I  found 
his  *  blanket '  was  purely  imaginary,  having  been  left 
on  the  steamer  at  his  departure.  For  a  while  we 
'doubled,'  but  I  was  soon  deserted,  on  account  of  the 
barrenness  of  my  accommodations. 

"No  fires  were  allowed,  as  they  might  reveal  our  po 
sition  to  the  watchful  enemy.  The  night  was  cold.  Ice 
formed  at  the  edge  of  the  bayou,  and  there  was  a  thick 


246  SLEEPING  UNDER  DIFFICULTIES. 

frost  on  the  little  patches  of  open  ground.  A  negro 
who  had  lived  in  that  region  said  the  swamp  usually 
abounded  in  moccasins,  copperheads,  and  cane-snakes, 
in  large  numbers.  An  occasional  rustling  of  the  leaves 
at  my  side  led  me  to  imagine  these  snakes  were  endeav 
oring  to  make  my  acquaintance. 

"  Laying  aside  my  snake  fancies,  it  was  too  cold  to 
sleep.  As  fast  as  I  would  fall  into  a  doze,  the  chill  of 
the  atmosphere  would  steal  through  my  "blanket,  and 
remind  me  of  my  location.  Half- sleeping  and  half- 
waking,  I  dreamed  of  every  thing  disagreeable.  I  had 
visions  of  Greenland's  icy  mountains,  of  rambles  in 
Siberia,  of  my  long-past  midwinter  nights  in  the  snow- 
drifted  gorges  of  Colorado,  of  shipwreck,  and  of  burn 
ing  dwellings,  and  of  all  moving  accidents  by  flood  and 
field  !  These  dreams  followed  each  other  with  a  rapid 
ity  that  far  outstripped  the  workings  of  the  electric  tele 
graph. 

"Cold  and  dampness  and  snakes  and  fitful  dreams 
were  not  the  only  bodily  discomforts.  A  dozen  horses 
were  loose  in  camp,  and  trotting  gayly  about.  Several 
times  they  passed  at  a  careless  pace  within  a  yard  of 
my  head.  Once  the  foremost  of  the  caballada  jumped 
directly  over  me,  and  was  followed  by  the  rest.  My 
comments  on  these  eccentricities  of  that  noble  animal, 
the  horse,  provoked  the  derision  rather  than  the  sympa 
thy  of  those  who  heard  them. 

"  A  teamster,  who  mistook  me  for  a  log,  led  his  mules 
over  me.  A  negro,  under  the  same  delusion,  attempted 
to  convert  me  into  a  chair,  and  another  wanted  to  break 


SHERMAN'S  ASSAULT.  247 

me  up  for  fuel,  to  "be  used  in  making  a  fire  after  day 
light.  Each  of  these  little  blunders  evoked  a  gentle 
remonstrance,  that  effectually  prevented  a  repetition  by 
the  same  individual. 

"  A  little  past  daylight  a  shell  from  the  Kebel  bat 
teries  exploded  within  twenty  yards  of  my  position, 
and  warned  me  that  it  was  time  to  rise.  To  make  my 
toilet,  I  pulled  the  sticks  and  leaves  from  my  hair  and 
beard,  and  brushed  my  overcoat  with  a  handful  of  moss. 
I  breakfasted  on  a  cracker  and  a  spoonful  of  whisky. 
1  gave  my  horse  a  handful  of  corn  and  a  large  quantity 
of  leaves.  The  former  he  ate,  but  the  latter  he  refused 
to  touch.  The  column  began  to  move,  and  I  was  ready 
to  attend  upon  its  fortunes." 

General  Sherman's  plan  was  to  effect  a  landing  on 
the  Yazoo,  and,  by  taking  possession  of  the  bluffs, 
sever  the  communication  between  Vicksburg  and  the 
interior.  It  was  thought  the  garrison  of  Yicksburg  had 
been  greatly  weakened  to  re-enforce  the  army  in  Gen 
eral  Grant's  front,  so  that  our  success  would  be  certain 
when  we  once  gained  the  bluffs. 

A  portion  of  our  forces  effected  a  landing  on  the 
26th,  but  the  whole  command  was  not  on  shore  till  the 
27th.  Fighting  commenced  on  the  27th,  and  became 
more  earnest  on  the  28th,  as  we  crowded  toward  the 
bluffs. 

In  moving  from  the  steamboat  landing  to  the  base  of 
the  bluffs  on  the  28th,  our  army  encountered  the  enemy 
at  several  points,  but  forced  him  back  without  serious 
loss  on  either  side.  It  appeared  to  be  the  Rebel  design 


248  ATTACKING  THE  BLUFFS. 

not  to  make  any  resistance  of  magnitude  until  we  had 
crossed  the  lower  ground  and  were  near  the  base  of  the 
line  of  hills  protecting  Vicksburg. 

Not  far  from  the  foot  of  the  bluffs  there  was  a  bayou, 
which  formed  an  excellent  front  for  the  first  line  of  the 
Rebel  defenses.  On  our  right  we  attempted  to  cross 
this  bayou  with  a  portion  of  Morgan  L.  Smith' s  Division, 
but  the  Rebel  fire  was  so  severe  that  we  were  repulsed. 
On  our  extreme  right  a  similar  attempt  obtained  the 
same  result. 

«  On  our  left  the  bayou  was  crossed  by  General  Mor 
gan' s  and  General  Steele'  s  Divisions  at  two  or  three 
points,  and  our  forces  gained  a  position  close  up  to  the 
edge  of  the  bluff. 

At  eleven  A.  M.  on  the  29th,  an  assault  was  made  by 
three  brigades  of  infantry  upon  the  works  of  the  enemy 
on  this  portion  of  the  line.  General  Blair  and  General 
Thayerfrom  Steele' s  Division,  pushed  forward  through 
an  abatis  which  skirted  the  edge  of  the  bayou,  and 
captured  the  first  line  of  Rebel  rifle-pits.  From  this 
line  the  brigades  pressed  two  hundred  yards  further 
up  the  hillside,  and  temporarily  occupied  a  portion  of 
the  second  line.  Fifty  yards  beyond  was  a  small  clump 
of  trees,  which  was  gained  by  one  regiment,  the  Thir 
teenth  Illinois,  of  General  Blair's  Brigade. 

The  Rebels  massed  heavily  against  these  two  bri 
gades.  Our  assaulting  force  had  not  been  followed  by 
a  supporting  column,  and  was  unable  to  hold  the  works 
it  captured.  It  fell  back  to  the  bayou  and  re-formed 
its  line.  One  of  General  Morgan's  brigades  occupied  a 


A  FLAG-OP-TRUCE.  249 

portion  of  the  rifle-pits  at  the  time  the  hill  was  assaulted 
"by  the  brigades  from  General  Steele's  Division. 

During  the  afternoon  of  the  29th,'  preparations  were 
made  for  another  assault,  "but  the  plan  was  not  carried 
out.  It  was  found  the  Rebels  had  been  re-enforced  at 
that  point,  so  that  we  had  great  odds  against  us.  The 
two  contending  armies  rested  within  view  of  each  other, 
throwing  a  few  shells  each  hour,  to  give  notice  of  their 
presence. 

After  the  assault,  the  ground  between  the  contending, 
lines  was  covered'  with  dead  and  wounded  men  of  our 
army.  A  flag-of-truce  was  sent  out  on  the  afternoon  of 
the  29th,  to  arrange  for  burying  the  dead  and  bringing 
away  the  wounded,  but  the  Rebels  would  not  receive 
it.  Sunrise  on  the  30th^  noon,  sunset,  and  sunrise  again, 
and  they  lay  there  still.  On  the  31st,  a  truce  of  five 
hours  was  arranged,  and  the  work  of  humanity  accom 
plished.  A  heavy  rain  had  fallen,  rendering  the  ground 
unfit  for  the  rapid  moving  of  infantry  and  artillery,  in 
front  of  the  Rebel  position. 

On  the  evening  of  the  31st,  orders  were  issued  for  a 
new  plan  of  attack  at  another  part  of  the  enemy's  lines. 
A  division  was  to  be  embarked  on  the  transports,  and 
landed  as  near  as  possible  to  the  Rebel  fortifications  on 
Haines'  s  Bluff,  several  miles  up  the  Yazoo.  The  gun 
boats  were  to  take  the  advance,  engage  the  attention  of 
the  forts,  and  cover  the  landing.  Admiral  Porter  ordered 
Colonel  Ellet  to  go  in  advance,  with  a  boat  of  his  ram 
fleet,  to  remove  the  obstructions  the  Rebels  had  placed 
in  the  river,  under  the  guns  of  the  fort.  A  raft  was 


250  SHERMAN'S  INSTRUCTIONS. 

attached  to  the  bow  of  the  ram,  and  on  the  end  of  the 
raft  was  a  torpedo  containing  a  half  ton  of  powder. 

Admiral  Porter' contended  that  the  explosion  of  the 
torpedo  would  remove  the  obstructions,  so  that  the  fleet 
could  proceed.  Colonel  Ellet  expressed  his  readiness  to 
obey  Borders,  but  gave  his  opinion  that  the  explosion, 
while  effecting  its  object,  would  destroy  his  boat  and  all 
on  board.  Some  officers  and  civilians,  who  knew  the 
admiral's  antipathy  to  Colonel  Ellet,  suggested  that  the 
former  was  of  the  same  opinion,  and  therefore  desirous 
that  the  experiment  should  be  made. 

Every  thing  was  in  readiness  on  the  morning  of  the 
1st  of  January,  but  a  dense  fog  prevented  the  execution 
of  our  new  plan.  On  the  following  day  we  withdrew 
from  the  Yazoo,  and  ended  the  second  attack  upon 
Vicksburg.  Our  loss  was  not  far  from  two  thousand 
men,  in  all  casualties. 

General  Sherman  claimed  to  have  carried  out  with 
exactness,  the  instructions  from  his  superior  officers 
respecting  the  time  and  manner  of  the  attack.  Van 
Dorn's  raid  upon  General  Grant's  lines,  previous  to 
Sherman's  departure  from  Memphis,  had  radically 
changed  the  military  situation.  Grant's  advance  being 
stopped,  his  co-operation  by  way  of  Yazoo  City  could 
not  be  given.  At  the  same  time,  the  Rebels  were  en 
abled  to  strengthen  their  forces  at  Yicksburg.  The 
assault  was  a  part  of  the  great  plan  for  the  conquest  of 
the  Mississippi,  and  was  made  in  obedience  to  positive 
orders.  Before  the  orders  were  carried  out,  a  single 
circumstance  had  deranged  the  whole  plan. 


GOING  TO  ARKANSAS  POST.  251 

After  the  fighting  was  ended  and  the  army  had  re- 
embarked,  preparatory  to  leaving  the  Yazoo,  General 
Sherman  was  relieved  from  command  "by  General  Mc- 
Clernand.  The  latter  officer  carried  out  the  order  for 
withdrawal.  The  fleet  steamed  up  the  Mississippi  to 
Milliken's  Bend,  where  it  remained  for  a  day  or  two. 
General  McClernand  directed  that  an  expedition  Ibe  made 
against  Arkansas  Post,  a  Rebel  fortification  on  the  Ar 
kansas  River,  fifty  miles  above  its  mouth. 

After  the  first  attack  upon  Vicksburg,  in  June,  1862, 
the  Rebels  strengthened  the  approaches  in  the  rear  of 
the  city.  They  threw  up  defensive  works  on  the  line 
of  bluffs  facing  the  Yazoo,  and  erected  a  strong  fortifica 
tion  to  prevent  our  boats  ascending  that  stream.  Just 
before  General  Sherman  commenced  his  assault,  the  gun 
boat  Benton,  aided  by  another  iron-clad,  attempted  to 
silence  the  batteries  at  Haines'  s  Bluff,  but  was  unsuccess 
ful.  Her  sides  were  perforated  by  the  Kebel  projectiles, 
and  she  withdrew  from  the  attack  in  a  disabled  con 
dition.  Captain  Gwin,  her  commander,  was  mortally 
wounded  early  in  the  fight. 

Captain  Gwin  was  married  but  a  few  weeks  before 
this  occurrence.  His  young  wife  was  on  her  way  from 
the  East  to  visit  him,  and  was  met  at  Cairo  with  the 
news  of  his  death. 

About  two  months  before  the  time  of  our  attack,  an 
expedition  descended  the  Mississippi  from  Helena,  and 
suddenly  appeared  near  the  mouth  of  the  Yazoo.  It 
reached  Milliken' s  Bend  at  night,  surprising  and  captur 
ing  the  steamer  Fairplay,  which  was  loaded  with  arms 


252  A  SUEPRISE. 

and  ammunition  for  the  Rebels  in  Arkansas.  So  quietly 
was  the  capture  made,  that  the  officers  of  the  Fairplay 
were  not  aware  of  the  change  in  their  situation  until 
awakened  by  their  captors. 


SHERMAN  AND  THE  JOURNALISTS.  253 


CHAPTER   XXV. 

BEFORE   VICKSBURG. 

Capture  of  Arkansas  Post. — The  Army  returns  to  Milliken's  Bend.— 
General  Sherman  and  the  Journalists. — Arrest  of  the  Author. — His 
Trial  before  a  Military  Court. — Letter  from  President  Lincoln. — 
Capture  of  Three  Journalists. 

THE  army  moved  against  Arkansas  Post,  wliicli  was 
captured,  with  its  entire  garrison  of  five  thousand  men. 
The  fort  was  dismantled  and  the  earth- works  leveled  to 
the  ground.  After  this  was  accomplished,  the  army  re 
turned  to  Milliken'  s  Bend.  General  Grant  arrived  a  few 
days  later,  and  commenced  the  operations  which  culmin 
ated  in  the  fall  of  Vickslburg. 

Before  leaving  Memphis  on  the  Yazoo  expedition, 
General  Sherman  issed  an  order  excluding  all  civilians, 
except  such  as  were  connected  with  the  transports,  and 
threatening  to  treat  as  a  spy  any  person  who  should 
write  accounts  for  publication  which  might  give  infor 
mation  to  the  enemy.  JSTo  journalists  were  to  Ibe  allowed 
to  take  part  in  the  affair.  One  who  applied  for  permis 
sion  to  go  in  his  professional  capacity  received  a  very 
positive  refusal.  General  Sherman  had  a  strong  antip 
athy  to  journalists,  amounting  almost  to  a  mania,  and  he 
was  determined  to  discourage  their  presence  in  his  move 
ments  against  Vicksfourg. 


254  THE  AUTHOB'S  AEREST. 

Five  or  six  correspondents  accompanied  the  expedi 
tion,  some  of  them  on  passes  from  General  Grant,  which 
•were  believed  superior  to  General  Sherman's  order,  and 
others  with  passes  or  invitations  from  officers  in  the 
expedition.  I  carried  a  pass  from  General  Grant,  and 
had  a  personal  invitation  from  an  officer  who  held  a 
prominent  command  in  the  Army  of  Arkansas.  I  had 
passed  Memphis,  almost  without  stopping,  and  was  not 
aware  of  the  existence  of  the  prohibitory  order  until  I 
reached  the  Yazoo. 

I  wrote  for  The  Herald  an  account  of  the  battle, 
which  I  directed  to  a  friend  at  Cairo,  and  placed  in  the 
mail  on  board  the  head-quarters'  boat.  The  day  after 
mailing  my  letter,  I  learned  it  was  being  read  at  Gen 
eral  Sherman's  head-quarters.  The  General  afterward 
told  me  that  his  mail-agent,  Colonel  Markland,  took 
my  letter,  among  others,  from  the  mail,  with  his  full 
assent,  though  without  his  order. 

I  proceeded  to  rewrite  my  account,  determined  not 
to  trust  again  to  the  head-quarters'  mail.  When  I  was 
about  ready  to  depart,  I  received  the  letter  which  had 
been  stolen,  bearing  evident  marks  of  repeated  peru 
sal.  Two  maps  which  it  originally  contained  were  not 
returned.  I  proceeded  to  Cairo  as  the  bearer  of  my 
own  dispatches. 

On  my  return  to  Milliken's  Bend,  two  weeks  later, 
I  experienced  a  new  sensation.  After  two  interviews 
with  the  indignant  general,  I  received  a  tender  of  hos 
pitalities  from  the  provost-marshal  of  the  Army  of  the 
Tennessee.  The  tender  was  made  in  such  form  as  left 


TKIAL  BY  COUKT-MARTIAL.  255 

no  opportunity  for  declining  it.  A  few  days  after  my 
arrest,  I  was  honored  "by  a  trial  "before  a  military  court, 
consisting  of  a  "brigadier-general,  four  colonels,  and  two 
majors.  General  Sherman  had  made  the  following 
charges  against  me : — 

FIEST.— "  Giving  information  to  t"he  enemy  ^ 

SECOND. — "Being  a  spy" 

THIKIX — "Disobedience  of  orders" 

The  first  and  second  charges  were  "based  on  my  pub 
lished  letter.  The  third  declared  that  I  accompanied  the 
expedition  without  proper  authority,  and  published  a 
letter  without  official  sanction.  These  were  my  alleged 
offenses. 

My  court  had  a  protracted  session.  It  decided  there 
was  nothing  in  my  letter  which  violated  the  provisions 
of  the  order  regulating  war  correspondence  for  the 
Press.  It  declared  me  innocent  of  the  first  and  second 
charges.  It  could  see  nothing  criminal  in  the  manner 
of  my  accompanying  the  expedition. 

But  I  was  guilty  of  something.  There  was  a  "  Gen 
eral  Order,  Number  67, "  issued  in  1861,  of  whose  ex 
istence  neither  myself  nor,  as  far  as  I  could  ascertain, 
any  other  journalist,  was  aware.  It  provided  that  no 
person  should  write,  print,  or  cause  to  "be  printed  "any 
information  respecting  military  movements,  without  the 
authority  and  sanction  of  the  general  in  command." 

Here  was  the  rock  on  which  I  split.  I  Tiad  written  a 
letter  respecting  military  movements,  and  caused  it  to 
"be  printed,  "without  the  sanction  of  the  general  in  com 
mand."  Correspondents  everywhere  had  done  the  same 


256  PRISON"  LIFE. 

thing,  and  continued  to  do  it  till  the  end  of  the  war. 
"  Order  Number  67"  was  as  obsolete  as  the  laws  of  the 
Medes  and  Persians,  save  on  that  single  occasion.  Dis 
patches  by  telegraph  passed  under  the  eye  of  a  Govern 
ment  censor,  but  I  never  heard  of  an  instance  wherein 
a  letter  transmitted  by  mail  received  any  official  sanc 
tion. 

My  court  was  composed  of  officers  from  General 
Sherman's  command,  and  was  carefully  watched  by 
that  distinguished  military  chieftain,  throughout  its 
whole  sitting.  It  wavered  in  deciding  upon  the  proper 
" punishment"  for  my  offense.  Should  it  banish  me 
from  that  spot,  or  should  I  receive  an  official  censure  ? 
It  concluded  to  send  me  outside  the  limits  of  the  Army 
of  the  Tennessee. 

During  the  days  I  passed  in  the  care  of  the  provost- 
marshal,  I  perused  all  the  novels  that  the  region  afford 
ed.  When  these  were  ended,  I  studied  a  copy  of  a  well- 
known  work  on  theology,  and  turned,  for  light  reading, 
to  the  "  Pirate's  Own  Book."  A  sympathizing  friend 
sent  me  a  bundle  of  tracts  and  a  copy  of  the  "Adven 
tures  of  John  A.  Murrell."  A  volume  of  lectures  upon 
temperance  and  a  dozen  bottles  of  Allsop's  pale  ale, 
were  among  the  most  welcome  contributions  that  I  re 
ceived.  The  ale  disappeared  before  the  lectures  had 
been  thoroughly  digested. 

The  chambermaid  of  the  steamboat  displayed  the 
greatest  sympathy  in  my  behalf.  She  declined  to  re 
ceive  payment  of  a  washing-bill,  and  burst  into  tears 
when  I  assured  her  the  money  was  of  no  use  to  me. 


HOW  A  MILITARY  COUET  IS  FORMED.  257 

Her  fears  for  my  welfare  were  caused  by  a  frightful 
story  that  had  "been  told  her  by  a  cabin-boy.  He 
maliciously  represented  that  I  was  to  be  executed  for 
attempting  to  purchase  cotton  from  a  Rebel  quarter 
master.  The  verdant  woman  believed  the  story  for 
several  days. 

It  may  interest  some  readers  to  know  that  the  pro 
ceedings  of  a  court-martial  are  made  in  writing.  The 
judge-advocate  (who  holds  the  same  position  as  the 
prosecuting  attorney  in  a  civil  case)  writes  his  questions, 
and  then  reads  them  aloud.  The  answers,  as  they  are 
given,  are  reduced  to  writing.  The  questions  or  objec 
tions  of  the  prisoner's  counsel  must  be  made  in  writing 
and  given  to  the  judge-advocate,  to  be  read  to  the  court. 
In  trials  where  a  large  number  of  witnesses  must  be  ex 
amined,  it  is  now  the  custom  to  make  use  of  "  short 
hand"  writers.  In  this  way  the  length  of  a  trial  is 
greatly  reduced. 

The  members  of  a  court-martial  sit  in  full  uniform, 
including  sash  and  sword,  and  preserve  a  most  severe 
and  becoming  dignity.  Whenever  the  court  wishes  to 
deliberate  upon  any  point  of  law  or  evidence,  the  room 
is  cleared,  neither  the  prisoner  nor  his  counsel  being 
allowed  to  remain.  It  frequently  occurs  that  the  court 
is  thus  closed  during  the  greater  part  of  its  sessions. 
With  the  necessity  for  recording  all  its  proceedings,  and 
frequent  stoppages  for  deliberation,  a  trial  by  a  military 
court  is  ordinarily  very  slow. 

In  obedience  to  the  order  of  the  court,  I  left  the  vicin 
ity  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  and  proceeded  North. 


258  LETTER  FROM  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN". 

In  departing  from  Young's  Point,  I  could  not  obey  a 
certain  Scriptural  injunction,  as  the  mud  of  Louisiana 
adheres  like  glue,  and  defies  all  efforts  to  shake  it  off. 
Mr.  Albert  D.  Richardson,  of  The  Tribune,  on  behalf 
of  many  of  my  professional  friends,  called  the  attention 
of  President  Lincoln  to  the  little  affair  between  General 
Sherman  and  myself. 

In  his  recently  published  book  of  experiences  during 
the  war,  Mr.  Richardson  has  given  a  full  and  graphic 
account  of  his  interview  with  the  President.  Mr.  Lin 
coln  unbent  himself  from  his  official  cares,  told  two  of 
his  best  stories,  conversed  for  an  hour  or  more  upon  the 
military  situation,  gave  his  reasons  for  the  removal  of 
General  McClellan,  and  expressed  his  hope  in  our  ulti 
mate  success.  Declaring  it  his  inflexible  determination 
not  to  interfere  with  the  conduct  of  any  military  depart 
ment,  he  wrote  the  following  document : — 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION, 
WASHINGTON,  March  20,  1863.  f 
WHOM  IT  MAT  CONCERN: 

Whereas  it  appears  to  my  satisfaction  that  Thomas  W.  Knox,  a  cor 
respondent  of  The  New  York  Herald,  has  been,  by  the  sentence  of  a 
court-martial,  excluded  from  the  Military  Department  under  command 
of  Major-General  Grant,  and  also  that  General  Thayer,  president  of  the 
court-martial,  which  rendered  the  sentence,  and  Major-General  McCler- 
nand,  in  command  of  a  corps  of  that  department,  and  many  other  re 
spectable  persons,  are  of  opinion  that  Mr.  Knox's  offense  was  technical, 
rather  than  willfully  wrong,  and  that  the  sentence  should  be  revoked  : 
Now,  therefore,  said  sentence  is  hereby  so  far  revoked  as  to  allow  Mr. 
Knox  to  return  to  General  Grant's  head-quarters,  to  remain  if  General 
Grant  shall  give  his  express  assent ;  and  to  again  leave  the  department, 
if  General  Grant  shall  refuse  such  assent. 

A.  LINCOLN. 

With  this  letter  I  returned  to  the  army.      General 


GRANT'S  MOVEMENTS.  259 

Grant  referred  the  question  to  General  Sherman.  In 
consideration  of  our  quarrel,  and  knowing  the  unamia- 
"ble  character  of  the  latter  officer,  I  should  have  been 
greatly  surprised  had  he  given  any  thing  else  than  a  re 
fusal.  I  had  fully  expected  to  return  immediately  when 
I  left  St.  Louis,  but,  like  most  persons  in  a  controversy, 
wished  to  carry  my  point. 

General  Sherman  long  since  retrieved  his  failure  at 
Chickasaw  Bayou.  Throughout  the  war  he  was  hon 
ored  with  the  confidence  and  friendship  of  General 
Grant.  The  career  of  these  officers  was  not  marked  by 
the  jealousies  that  are  too  frequent  in  military  life.  The 
hero  of  the  campaign  from  Chattanooga  to  Ealeigh  is 
destined  to  be  known  in  history.  In  those  successful 
marches,  and  in  the  victories  won  by  his  tireless  and 
never  vanquished  army,  he  has  gained  a  reputation  that 
may  well  be  enduring. 

Soon  after  my  return  from  Young's  Point,  General 
Grant  crossed  the  Mississippi  at  Grand  Gulf,  and  made 
his  daring  and  successful  movement  to  attain  the  rear  of 
Vicksburg.  Starting  with  a  force  less  than  the  one  his 
opponent  could  bring  against  him,  he  cut  loose  from  his 
communications  and  succeeded  in  severing  the  enemy' s 
line  of  supplies.  From  Grand  Gulf  to  Jackson,  and 
from  Jackson  to  the  rear  of  Vicksburg,  was  a  series  of 
brilliant  marches  and  brilliant  victories.  Once  seated 
where  he  had  his  antagonist's  army  inclosed,  General 
Grant  opened  his  lines  to  the  Yazoo,  supplied  himself 
with  every  thing  desired,  and  pressed  the  siege  at  his 
leisure.  With  the  fall  of  Vicksburg,  and  the  fall,  a  few 


260     CAPTURE  OF  THREE  CORRESPONDENTS. 

days  later,  of  Port  Hudson,  "  the  Father  of  Waters  went 
unvexed  to  the  Sea." 

While  the  army  was  crossing  the  Mississippi  at 
Grand  Gulf,  three  well-known  journalists,  Albert  D. 
Eichardson  and  Junius  H.  Browne,  of  The  Tribune,  and 
Eichard  T.  Colburn,  of  The  World,  attempted  to  run 
past  the  Eebel  batteries  at  Vicksburg,  on  board  a  tug 
at  midnight.  The  tug  was  blown  up  and  destroyed  ;  the 
journalists  were  captured  and  taken  to  the  Eebel  prison 
at  Yicksburg.  Thence  they  were  removed  to  Eichmond, 
occupying,  while  en  route,  the  prisons  of  a  half-dozen 
Eebel  cities.  Mr.  Colburn  was  soon  released,  but  the 
companions  of  his  adventure  were  destined  to  pass  near 
ly  two  years  in  the  prisons  of  the  Confederacy.  By  a 
fortunate  escape  and  a  midwinter  march  of  nearly  four 
hundred  miles,  they  reached  our  lines  in  safety.  In 
books  and  in  lecture-rooms,  they  have  since  told  the 
story  of  their  captivity  and  flight. 

I  have  sometimes  thought  my  little  quarrel  with 
General  Sherman  proved  "a  blessing  in  disguise,"  in 
saving  me  from  a  similar  experience  of  twenty  months 
in  Eebel  prisons. 


KANSAS  DURING  THE  WAR.  261 


CHAPTER  XXYI. 

KANSAS  IN  WAR-TIME. 

A  Visit  to  Kansas. — Recollections  of  Border  Feuds. — Peculiarities  of 
Kansas  Soldiers. — Foraging  as  a  Fine  Art. — Kansas  and  Missouri. — 
Settling  Old  Scores. — Depopulating  tlie  Border  Counties. — Two  Ex 
amples  of  Grand  Strategy.— Capture  of  the  "Little-More-Grape" 
Battery. — A  Woman  in  Sorrow. — Frontier  Justice. — Trial  before  a 
"Lynch"  Court. — General  Blunt's  Order. — Execution  of  Horse- 
Thieves. — Auction  Sale  of  Confiscated  Property. — Banished  to  Dixie. 

IN  May,  1863,  I  made  a  hasty  visit  to  Western  Mis 
souri  and  Kansas,  to  observe  the  effect  of  the  war  in  that 
quarter.  Seven  years  earlier  the  border  warfare  attract 
ed  much  attention.  The  great  Rebellion  caused  Kansas 
and  its  troubles  to  sink  into  insignificance.  Since  the 
first  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln  to  the  Presidency,  Kansas 
has  been  rarely  mentioned. 

I  passed  through  this  young  State  in  the  summer  of 
1860.  I  was  repeatedly  told :  "We  have  old  grudges 
that  we  wish  to  settle  ;  if  the  troubles  ever  break  out 
again  in  any  part  of  the  United  States,  we  hope  to  cross 
out  our  account."  When  the  war  opened,  the  people 
of  Kansas  saw  their  opportunity  for  "making  square 
work,"  as  they  expressed  it,  with  Missouri  and  the 
other  slave  States.  They  placed  two  regiments  of  volun 
teers  in  the  field  with  as  much  celerity  as  was  displayed 
in  many  of  the  older  and  more  populous  States.  These 


262  QUALITIES  OF  KANSAS  SOLDIERS. 

regiments  were  followed  by  others  until  fully  half  the 
able-bodied  population  of  Kansas  was  in  the  service. 
In  some  localities  the  proportion  was  even  greater  than 
this. 

The  dash  and  daring  of  these  Kansas  soldiers  became 
proverbial.  At  Wilson  Creek,  two  regiments  from 
Kansas  had  their  first  experience  of  battle,  and  bore 
themselves  most  nobly.  The  conduct  of  other  Kansas 
soldiers,  on  other  battle-fields,  was  equally  commenda 
ble.  Their  bravery  and  endurance  was  only  equaled 
by  their  ability  in  foraging. 

Horses,  mules,  cattle,  and  provisions  have,  in  all 
times,  been  considered  the  legitimate  spoils  of  war. 
The  Kansas  soldiers  did  not  confine  themselves  to  the 
above,  but  appropriated  every  thing  portable  and  val 
uable,  whether  useful  or  useless.  Their  example  was 
contagious,  and  the  entire  army  soon  learned  to  fol 
low  it. 

During  General  Grant's  campaign  in  Mississippi  in 
'62,  the  Seventh  Kansas  Cavalry  obtained  a  reputation 
for  ubiquity  and  lawlessness.  Every  man  who  engaged 
in  plundering  on  his  own  account,  no  matter  to  what 
regiment  he  belonged,  invariably  announced  himself  a 
member  of  the  Seventh  Kansas.  Every  countryman 
who  was  robbed  declared  the  robbery  was  committed 
by  the  Seventh  Kansas  "  Jayhawkers."  Uniting  all  the 
stories  of  robbery,  one  would  conclude  that  the  Seventh 
Kansas  was  about  twenty  thousand  strong,  and  constant 
ly  in  motion  by  fifty  different  roads,  leading  to  all  points 
of  the  compass. 


THE   "JAYHAWKERS."  263 

One  day  a  soldier  of  the  Second  Illinois  Cavalry  gave 
me  an  account  of  Ms  experience  in  horse- stealing. 

"Jim  and  I  went  to  an  old  farmer's  house,  and  told 
him  \ve  wanted  his  horses.  He  said  he  wanted  to  use 
them  himself,  and  couldn't  spare  them. 

"  'That  don't  make  no  sort  of  difference,'  said  I; 
4  we  want  your  horses  more  than  you  do.' 

' ;  '  What  regiment  do  you  belong  to  f 

"  i  Seventh  Kansas  Jayhawkers.  The  whole  regiment 
talks  of  coming  round  here.  I  reckon  I'll  bring 
them.' 

"  When  I  told  him  that,"  said  the  soldier,  "he  said 
I  might  take  the  horses,  if  I  would  only  go  away.  He 
offered  me  a  pint  of  whisky  if  I  would  promise  not  to 
bring  the  regiment  there.  Jim  and  me  drank  the  whis 
ky,  and  told  him  we  would  use  our  influence  for 
him." 

Before  the  war  was  ended,  the  entire  armies  of  the 
Southwest  were  able  to  equal  the  "Jayhawkers"  in 
foraging.  The  march  of  Sherman's  column  through 
Mississippi,  and  afterward  through  Georgia  and  South 
Carolina,  fully  proved  this.  Particularly  in  the  latter 
State,  which  originated  the  Eebellion,  were  the  accom 
plishments  of  the  foragers  most  conspicuously  displayed. 
Our  army  left  very  little  for  another  army  to  use. 

The  desolation  which  was  spread  through  the  South 
ern  States  was  among  the  most  effective  blows  at  the 
Eebellion.  The  Rebels  were  taught  in  the  most  practi 
cal  manner,  that  insurrection  was  not  to  be  indulged  in 
with  impunity.  Those  who  suffered  most  were  gener- 


264  TAKING  THEIR  REVENGE. 

ally  among  the  earliest  to  sue  for  peace.  Sherman's 
terse  answer  to  the  mayor  of  Atlanta,  when  the  latter 
protested  against  the  "banishment  of  the  inhabitants, 
was  appreciated  by  the  Rebels  after  our  final  cam 
paigns.  "War  is  cruelty — you  cannot  refine  it," 
speaks  a  volume  in  a  few  words. 

When  hostilities  commenced,  the  Kansas  regiments 
were  clamorous  to  be  led  into  Missouri.  During  the 
border  war  of  '55  and  '56,  Missourians  invaded  Kansas 
to  control  the  elections  by  force  of  arms,  and  killed, 
often  in  cold  blood,  many  of  the  quiet  citizens  of  the 
Territory.  The  tier  of  counties  in  Missouri  adjoining 
Kansas  were  most  anxious  to  make  the  latter  a  slave 
State,  and  used  every  possible  means  to  accomplish 
their  object. 

The  Kansas  soldiers  had  their  wish.  They  marched 
through  Missouri.  Those  who  had  taken  part  in  the 
outrages  upon  Kansas,  five  years  earlier,  were  made  to 
feel  the  hand  of  retribution.  If  they  had  burned  the 
buildings  of  free-State  settlers  in  '56,  they  found  their 
own  houses  destroyed  in  '  62.  In  the  old  troubles  they 
contended  for  their  right  to  make  whatever  warfare  they 
chose,  but  were  astounded  and  horrified  in  the  latter 
days,  when  the  tables  were  turned  against  them  by 
those  they  had  wronged. 

Along  the  frontier  of  Missouri  the  old  system  of  war 
fare  was  revived.  Guerrilla  bands  were  formed,  of 
which  Quantrel  and  similar  men  were  the  leaders.  Va 
rious  incursions  were  made  into  Kansas  by  these  ma 
rauders,  and  the  depredations  were  worse  than  ever. 


MAJOR-GENERAL  BLUNT.  265 

They  culminated  in  the  "burning  of  Lawrence  and  the 
massacre  of  its  inhabitants. 

To  break  up  these  guerrilla  bands,  it  became  neces 
sary  to  depopulate  the  western  tier  of  counties  in  Mis 
souri,  from  the  Missouri  River  down  to  the  thirty-eighth 
parallel  of  latitude.  The  most  wealthy  of  these  was 
Jackson.  County.  Before  the  war  it  had  a  slave  popula 
tion  of  not  far  from  four  thousand,  and  its  fields  were 
highly  productive.  Two  years  after  the  war  broke  out 
it  contained  less  than  three  hundred  slaves,  and  its 
wealth  had  diminished  in  almost  as  great  proportion. 
This  was  before  any  freedom  had  been  officially  de 
clared  to  the  slaves  in  the  Border  States.  The  order  of 
depopulation  had  the  desired  effect.  It  brought  peace 
to  the  border,  though  at  a  terrible  cost.  Missouri  suf 
fered  greatly,  and  so  did  Kansas. 

The  most  prominent  officer  that  Kansas  furnished 
during  the  Rebellion,  was  Brigadier-General  Blunt.  At 
the  beginning  of  the  war  he  enlisted  as  a  private  sol 
dier,  but  did  not  remain  long  in  the  ranks.  His  reputa 
tion  in  the  field  was  that  of  a  brave  and  reckless  officer, 
who  had  little  regard  to  military  forms.  His  successes 
were  due  to  audacity  and  daring,  rather  than  to  skill  in 
handling  troops,  or  a  knowledge  of  scientific  warfare. 

The  battle  of  Cane  Hill  is  said  to  have  commenced 
by  General  Blunt  and  his  orderlies  attacking  a  Rebel 
picket.  The  general  was  surveying  the  country  with 
his  orderlies  and  a  company  of  cavalry,  not  suspecting 
the  enemy  was  as  near  as  he  proved  to  be. 

At  the  moment  Blunt  came  upon  the  picket,  the  cav- 


266  TWO  BITS  OF  STRATEGY. 

airy  was  looking  in  another  direction.  Firing  "began, 
and  the  picket  was'  driven  in  and  fell  Iback  to  a  piece  of 
artillery,  which  had  an  infantry  support.  Blunt  was 
joined  by  his  cavalry,  and  the  gun  was  taken  "by  a  vigor 
ous  charge  and  turned  upon  the  Rebels.  The  latter 
were  kept  at  "bay  until  the  main  force  was  "brought  up 
and  joined  in  the  conflict.  The  Rebels  "believed  we  had 
a  much  larger  number  than  we  really  possessed,  else 
our  first  assault  might  have  proved  a  sudden  repulse. 
The  same  daring  was  kept  up  throughout  the  battle, 
and  gave  us  the  victory. 

At  this  battle  we  captured  four  guns,  two  of  which 
bore  a  history  of  more  than  ordinary  interest.  They 
were  of  the  old  "  Bragg' s  Battery"  that  turned  the  scale 
at  Buena  Yista,  in  obedience  to  General  Taylor' s  man 
date,  "  Give  them  a  little  more  grape,  captain."  After 
the  Mexican  war  they  were  sent  to  the  United  States 
Arsenal  at  Baton  Rouge,  whence  they  were  stolen  when 
the  insurrection  commenced.  They  were  used  against 
us  at  Wilson  Creek  and  Pea  Ridge. 

At  another  battle,  whose  name  I  have  forgotten,  our 
entire  force  of  about  two  thousand  men  was  deployed 
into  a  skirmish  line  that  extended  far  beyond  the  ene 
my's  flanks.  The  Rebels  were  nearly  six  thousand 
strong,  and  at  first  manifested  a  disposition  to  stand 
their  ground.  By  the  audacity  of  our  stratagem  they 
were  completely  deceived.  So  large  a  skirmish  line  was 
an  indication  of  a  proportionately  strong  force  to  support 
it.  When  they  found  us  closing  in  upon  their  flanks, 
they  concluded  we  were  far  superior  in  numbers,  and 


FEMALE  GRIEF,   AND  ITS  CAUSE.,  267 

certain  to  overwhelm  them.  With  but  slight  resistance 
they  fled  the  field,  leaving  much  of  their  transportation 
and  equipments  to  fall  into  our  hands.  We  called  in 
our  skirmishers  and  pressed  them  in  vigorous  pursuit, 
capturing  wagons  and  stragglers  as  we  moved. 

A  year  after  this  occurrence  the  Rebels  played  the 
same  trick  upon  our  own  forces  near  Fort  Smith,  Ar 
kansas,  and  were  successful  in  driving  us  before  them. 
With  about  five  hundred  cavalry  they  formed  a  skir 
mish  line  that  outflanked  our  force  of  two  thousand. 
We  fell  back  several  miles  to  the  protection  of  the  fort, 
where  we  awaited  attack.  It  is  needless  to  say  that  no 
assault  was  made. 

Van  Buren,  Arkansas,  was  captured  by  eighteen  men 
ten  miles  in  advance  of  any  support.  This  little  force 
moved  upon  the  town  in  a  deployed  line  and  entered  at 
one  side,  while  a  Rebel  regiment  moved  out  at  the  other. 
Our  men  thought  it  judicious  not  to  pursue,  but  estab 
lished  head-quarters,  and  sent  a  messenger  to  hurry  up 
the  column  before  the  Rebels  should  discover  the  true 
state  of  affairs.  The  head  of  the  column  was  five  hours 
in  making  its  appearance. 

When  the  circumstance  became  known  the  next  day, 
one  of  our  officers  found  a  lady  crying  very  bitterly,  and 
asked  what  calamity  had  befallen  her. 

As  soon  as  she  could  speak  she  said,  through  her 
sobs: 

"I  am  not  crying  because  you  have  captured  the 
place.  We  expected  that."  Then  came  a  fresh  out 
burst  of  grief. 


268  BOEDER  OUTRAGES. 

"What  are  you  crying  for,  then  1"  asked  the  officer. 

"  I  am  crying  "because  you  took  it  with  only  eighteen 
men,  when  we  had  a  thousand  that  ran  away  from  you !" 

The  officer  thought  the  reason  for  her  sorrow  was 
amply  sufficient,  and  allowed  her  to  proceed  with  her 
weeping. 

On  the  day  of  my  arrival  at  Atchison  there  was  more 
than  ordinary  excitement.  For  several  months  there 
had  been  much  disregard  of  law  outside  of  the  most 
densely  populated  portions  of  the  State.  Robberies, 
and  murders  for  the  sake  of  robbery,  were  of  frequent 
occurrence.  In  one  week  a  dozen  persons  met  violent 
deaths.  A  citizen  remarked  to  me  that  he  did  not  con 
sider  the  times  a  great  improvement  over  '55  and  '56. 

Ten  days  before  my  arrival,  a  party  of  ruffians 
visited  the  house  of  a  citizen  about  twelve  miles  from 
Atchison,  for  the  purpose  of  robbery.  The  man  was 
supposed  to  have  several  hundred  dollars  in  his  pos 
session — the  proceeds  of  a  sale  of  stock.  He  had  placed 
his  funds  in  a  bank  at  Leavenworth ;  but  his  visitors 
refused  to  believe  his  statement  to  that  effect.  They 
maltreated  the  farmer  and  his  wife,  and  ended  by  hang 
ing  the  farmer's  son  to  a  rafter  and  leaving  him  for 
dead.  In  departing,  they  took  away  all  the  horses  and 
mules  they  could  find. 

Five  of  these  men  were  arrested  on  the  following  day, 
and  taken  to  Atchison.  The  judge  before  whom  they 
were  brought  ordered  them  committed  for  trial.  On 
the  way  from  the  court-house  to  the  jail  the  men  were 
taken  from  the  sheriff  by  a  crowd  of  citizens.  Instead 


LYNCH-LAW.  269 

of  going  to  jail,  they  were  carried  to  a  grove  near  the 
town  and  placed  on  trial  before  a  "  Lynch"  court.  The 
trial  was  conducted  with  all  solemnity,  and  with  every 
display  of  impartiality  to  the  accused.  The  jury  decided 
that  two  of  the  prisoners,  who  had  "been  most  prominent 
in  the  outrage,  should  "be  hanged  on  that  day,  while  the 
others  were  remanded  to  jail  for  a  regular  trial.  One  of 
the  condemned  was  executed.  The  other,  after  having 
a  rope  around  his  neck,  was  respited  and  taken  to  jail. 

On  the  same  day  two  additional  arrests  were  made, 
of  parties  concerned  in  the  outrage.  These  men  were 
tried  Tby  a  " Lynch"  court,  as  their  companions  had 
"been  tried  on  the  previous  day.  One  of  them  was  hang 
ed,  and  the  other  sent  to  jail. 

For  some  time  the  civil  power  had  "been  inadequate 
to  the  punishment  of  crime.  The  laws  of  the  State  were 
so  loosely  framed  that  offenders  had  excellent  opportu 
nities  to  escape  their  deserts  "by  taking  advantage  of 
technicalities.  The  people  determined  to  take  the  law 
into  their  own  hands,  and  give  it  a  thorough  execution. 
For  the  good  of  society,  it  was  necessary  to  put  a  stop 
to  the  outrages  that  had  been  so  frequently  committed. 
Their  only  course  in  such  cases  was  to  administer  justice 
without  regard  to  the  ordinary  forms. 

A  delegation  of  "the  citizens  of  Atchison  visited  Leav- 
enworth  after  the  arrests  had  been  made,  to  confer  with 
General  Blunt,  the  commander  of  the  District,  on  the 
best  means  of  securing  order,  They  made  a  full  repre 
sentation  of  the  state  of  affairs,  and  requested  that  two 
of  the  prisoners,  then  in  jail,  should  be  delivered  to  the 


270  A  CURIOUS  ORDER. 

citizens  for  trial.  They  obtained  an  order  to  that  effect, 
addressed  to  the  sheriff,  who  was  holding  the  prisoners 
in  charge. 

On  the  morning  of  the  day  following  the  reception  of 
the  order,  people  began  to  assemble  in  Atchison  from  all 
parts  of  the  county  to  witness  the  trial.  As  nearly  all 
the  outrages  had  been  committed  upon  the  farmers  who 
lived  at  distances  from  each  other,  the  trial  was  conduct, 
ed  by  the  men  from  the  rural  districts.  The  residents 
of  the  city  took  little  part  in  the  affair.  About  ten 
o'clock  in  the  forenoon  a  meeting  was  called  to  order  in 
front  of  the  court-house,  where  the  following  document 
was  read : — 

HEAD-QUAETEES  DISTEICT  OF  KANSAS,  ) 
FOKT  LEAVENWOETH,  May  22,  1863.    ) 
To  THE  SHERIFF  OF  ATCHISON  COUNTY: 

SIE  : — In  view  of  the  alarming  increase  of  crime,  the  insecurity  of  life 
and  property  within  this  military  district,  the  inefficiency  of  the  civil 
law  to  punish  offenders,  and  the  small  number  of  troops  under  my  com 
mand  making  it  impossible  to  give  such  protection  to  loyal  and  law- 
abiding  citizens  as  I  would  otherwise  desire ;  you  will  therefore  deliver 
the  prisoners,  Daniel  Mooney  and  Alexander  Brewer,  now  in  your  pos 
session,  to  the  citizens  of  Atchison  County,  for  trial  and  punishment  by 
a  citizens'  court.  This  course,  which  in  ordinary  times  and  under  differ 
ent  circumstances  could  not  be  tolerated,  is  rendered  necessary  for  the 
protection  of  the  property  and  lives  of  honest  citizens  against  the  law 
less  acts  of  thieves  and  assassins,  who,  of  late,  have  been  perpetrating 
their  crimes  with  fearful  impunity,  and  to  prevent  which  nothing  but 
the  most  severe  and  summary  punishment  will  suffice.  In  conducting 
these  irregular  proceedings,  it  is  to  be  hoped  they  will  be  controlled  by 
men  of  respectability,  and  that  cool  judgment  and  discretion  will  char 
acterize  their  actions,  to  the  end  that  the  innocent  may  be  protected 
and  the  guilty  punished. 

Respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

JAMES  G.  BLUNT, 

Major-  General. 


A  TRIAL  AND  EXECUTION".  271 

After  the  reading  of  the  above  order,  resolutions  in 
dorsing  and  sustaining  the  action  of  General  Blunt  were 
passed  unanimously.  The  following  resolutions  were 
passed  separately,  their  reading  being  greeted  with  loud 
cheers.  They  are  examples  of  strength  rather  than  of 
elegance. 

"Resolved,  That  we  pledge  ourselves  not  to  stop  hanging  until  the 
thieves  stop  thieving. 

"Resolved,  That  as  this  is  a  citizens'  court,  we  have  no  use  for  law 
yers,  either  for  the  accused  or  for  the  people." 

A  judge  and  jury  were  selected  from  the  assemblage, 
and  embraced  some  of  the  best  known  and  most  re 
spected  citizens  of  the  county.  Their  selection  was 
voted  upon,  just  as  if  they  had  been  the  officers  of  a 
political  gathering.  As  soon  as  elected,  they  proceeded 
to  the  trial  of  the  prisoners. 

The  evidence  was  direct  and  conclusive,  and  the 
prisoners  were  sentenced  to  death  by  hanging.  The  ver 
dict  was  read  to  the  multitude,  and  a  vote  taken  upon  its 
acceptance  or  rejection.  Mneteen-twentieths  of  those 
present  voted  that  the  sentence  should  be  carried  into 
execution. 

The  prisoners  were  taken  from  the  court-house  to  the 
grove  where  the  preceding  executions  had  taken  place. 
They  were  made  to  stand  upon  a  high  wagon  while  ropes 
were  placed  about  their  necks  and  attached  to  the  limb 
of  a  large,  spreading  elm.  When  all  was  ready,  the 
wagon  was  suddenly  drawn  from  beneath  the  prisoners, 
and  their  earthly  career  was  ended. 

A  h^f-hour  later  the  crowd  had  dispersed.     The 


272  CONSTITUTIONAL  EIGHTS  OF  KEBELS. 

following  morning  showed  few  traces  of  the  excitement 
of  the  previous  day.  The  executions  were  effectual  in 
restoring  quiet  to  the  region  which  had  "been  so  much 
disturbed. 

The  Rebel  sympathizers  in  St.  Louis  took  many  occa 
sions  to  complain  of  the  tyranny  of  the  National  Govern 
ment.  At  the  outset  there  was  a  delusion  that  the  Gov 
ernment  had  no  rights  that  should  Ibe  respected,  while 
every  possible  right  belonged  to  the  Eebels.  General 
Lyon  removed  the  arms  from  the  St.  Louis  arsenal  to  a 
place  of  safety  at  Springfield,  Illinois.  "He  had  no 
constitutional  right  to  do  that,"  was  the  outcry  of  the 
Secessionists.  He  commenced  the  organization  of  Union 
volunteers  for  the  defense  of  the  city.  The  Constitu 
tion  made  no  provision  for  this.  He  captured  Camp 
Jackson,  and  took  his  prisoners  to  the  arsenal.  This, 
they  declared,  was  a  most  flagrant  violation  of  con 
stitutional  privileges.  He  moved  upon  the  Rebels  in 
the  interior,  and  the  same  defiance  of  law  was  alleged. 
He  suppressed  the  secession  organ  in  St.  Louis,  thus 
trampling  upon  the  liberties  of  the  Rebel  Press. 

General  Fremont  declared  the  slaves  of  Rebels  were 
free,  and  thus  infringed  upon  the  rights  of  property. 
Numbers  of  active,  persistent  traitors  were  arrested  and 
sent  to  military  prisons :  a  manifest  tyranny  on  the  part 
of  the  Government.  In  one  way  and  another  the  unfor 
tunate  and  long-suffering  Rebels  were  most  sadly  abused, 
if  their  own  stories  are  to  be  regarded. 

It  was  forbidden  to  display  Rebel  emblems  in  public : 
a  cruel  restriction  of  personal  right.  The  wealthy  Seces- 


SALE  OF  COOTISCATED  GOODS.  273 

sionists  of  St.  Louis  were  assessed  the  sum  of  ten  thou 
sand  dollars,  for  the  benefit  of  the  Union  refugees  from 
Arkansas  and  other  points  in  the  Southwest.  This  was 
another  outrage.  These*  persons  could  not  understand 
why  they  should  Tbe  called  upon  to  contribute  to  the 
support  of  Union  people  who  had  been  rendered  house 
less  and  penniless  by  Rebels  elsewhere.  They  made  a 
most  earnest  protest,  but  their  remonstrances  were  of  no 
avail.  In  default  of  payment  of  the  sums  assessed,  their 
superfluous  furniture  was  seized  and  sold  at  auction. 
This  was  a  violation  of  the  laws  that  exempt  household 
property  from  seizure. 

The  auction  sale  of  these  goods  was  largely  attended. 
The  bidding  was  very  spirited.  Pianos,  ottomans,  mir 
rors,  sofas,  chairs,  and  all  the  adornments  of  the  homes 
of  affluence,  were  sold  for  "cash  in  United  States  Treas 
ury  notes."  Some  of  the  parties  assessed  declared  they 
would  pay  nothing  on  the  assessment,  but  they  recon 
sidered  their  decisions,  and  bought  their  own  property 
at  the  auction-rooms,  without  regard  to  the  prices  they 
paid.  In  subsequent  assessments  they  found  it  better 
to  pay  without  hesitation  whatever  sums  were  demanded 
of  them.  They  spoke  and  labored  against  the  Union 
until  they  found  such  efforts  were  of  no  use.  They 
could  never  understand  why  they  should  not  enjoy  the 
protection  of  the  flag  without  being  called  upon  to  give 
it  material  aid. 

In  May,  1863,  another  grievance  was  added  to  the 
list.  It  became  necessary,  for  the  good  of  the  city,  to 
banish  some  of  the  more  prominent  Rebel  sympathizers. 

18 


274  BANISHING  REBEL  WOMEN. 

It  was  a  measure  which,  the  Rebels  and  their  friends 
opposed  in  the  strongest  terms.  These  persons  were 
anxious  to  see  the  Confederacy  established,  but  could 
not  consent  to  live  in  its  limits.  *  They  resorted  to  every 
device  to  evade  the  order,  but  were  not  allowed  to  re 
main.  Representations  of  personal  and  financial  incon 
venience  were  of  no  avail ;  go  they  must. 

The  first  exodus  took  place  on  the  13th  of  May.  An 
immense  crowd  thronged  the  levee  as  the  boat  which 
was  to  remove  the  exiles  took  its  departure.  In  all 
there  were  about  thirty  persons,  half  of  them  ladies. 
The  men  were  escorted  to  the  boat  on  foot,  but  the  ladies 
were  brought  to  the  landing  in  carriages,  and  treated 
with  every  possible  courtesy.  A  strong  guard  was 
posted  at  the  landing  to  preserve  order  and  allow  no 
insult  of  any  kind  to  the  prisoners. 

One  of  the  young  women  ascended  to  the  hurricane 
roof  of  the  steamer  and  cheered  for  the  "  Confederacy." 
As  the  boat  swung  into  the  stream,  this  lady  was  joined 
by  two  others,  and  the  trio  united  their  sweet  voices  in 
singing  " Dixie"  and  the  "Bonnie  Blue  Flag."  There 
was  no  cheering  or  other  noisy  demonstration  at  their 
departure,  though  there  was  a  little  waving  of  handker 
chiefs,  and  a  few  tokens  of  farewell  were  given.  This 
departure  was  soon  followed  by  others,  until  St.  Louis 
was  cleared  of  its  most  turbulent  spirits. 


GOING  EAST  UNDER  ORDERS.  275 


CHAPTER    XXVII. 

GETTYSBURG. 

A  Hasty  Departure. — At  Harrisburg. — En  route  for  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac. — The  Battle-Field  at  Gettysburg. — Appearance  of  the  Cem 
etery. — Importance  of  the  Position. — The  Configuration  of  Ground. 
— Traces  of  Battle. — Round  Hill. — General  Heade's  Head-Quarters. 
— Appearance  of  the  Dead. — Through  the  Forests  along  the  Line. — 
Retreat  and  Pursuit  of  Lee. 

WHILE  in  St.  Louis,  late  in  June,  1863, 1  received  the 
following  telegram  :— 

"HERALD  OFFICE,      i 
"NEW  YOKK,  June  28.  \ 

"Report  at  Harrisburg,  Pennsylvania,  at  the  earliest  possible  mo 
ment." 

Two  hours  later,  I  was  traveling  eastward  as  fast  as 
an  express  train  could  carry  me. 

The  Rebel  army,  under  General  Lee,  had  crossed 
the  Potomac,  and  was  moving  toward  Harrisburg.  The 
Army  of  the  Potomac  was  in  rapid  pursuit.  A  battle 
was  imminent  between  Harrisburg  and  Baltimore. 

Waiting  a  day  at  Harrisburg,  I  found  the  capital  of 
the  Keystone  State  greatly  excited.  The  people  were 
slow  to  move  in  their  own  behalf.  Earth-works  were 
being  thrown  up  on  the  south  bank  of  the  Susquehanna, 
principally  by  the  soldiers  from  other  parts  of  Pennsyl 
vania  and  from  New  York. 


276  ENTHUSIASM  AT  HARRISBURG. 

When  it  was  first  announced  that  the  enemy  was 
approaching,  only  seventeen  men  volunteered  to  form  a 
local  defense.  I  saw  no  such  enthusiasm  on  the  part  of 
the  inhabitants  as  I  had  witnessed  at  Cincinnati  during 
the  previous  autumn.  Pennsylvania  sent  many  regi 
ments  to  the  field  during  the  war,  and  her  soldiers 
gained  a  fine  reputation ;  but  the  best  friends  of  the 
State  will  doubtless  acknowledge  that  Harrisburg  was 
slow  to  act  when  the  Rebels  made  their  last  great 
invasion. 

I  was  ordered  to  join  the  Army  of  the  Potomac 
wherever  I  could  find  it.  As  I  left  Harrisburg,  I 
learned  that  a  battle  was  in  progress.  Before  I  could 
reach  the  field  the  great  combat  had  taken  place.  The 
two  contending  armies  had  made  Gettysburg  historic. 

I  joined  our  army  on  the  day  after  the  battle.  I 
could  find  no  person  of  my  acquaintance,  amid  the 
confusion  that  followed  the  termination  of  three  days' 
fighting.  The  army  moved  in  pursuit  of  Lee,  whose 
retreat  was  just  commencing.  As  our  long  lines 
stretched  away  toward  the  Potomac,  I  walked  over 
the  ground  where  the  battle  had  raged,  and  studied  the 
picture  that  was  presented.  I  reproduce,  in  part,  my 
letter  of  that  occasion : — 

"  GETTYSBTJKG,  PENNSYLVANIA,  July  6,  1863. 

"  To-day  I  have  passed  along  the  whole  ground 
where  the  lines  of  battle  were  drawn.  The  place  bears 
evidence  of  a  fierce  struggle.  The  shocks  of  those  two 
great  armies  surging  and  resurging,  the  one  against  the 


AT  GETTYSBURG.  277 

other,  could  hardly  pass  without  leaving  their  traces  in 
fearful  characters.  At  Waterloo,  at  Wagram,  and  at 
Jena  the  wheat  grows  more  luxuriantly,  and  the  corn 
shoots  its  stalks  further  toward  the  sky  than  before  the 
great  conflicts  that  rendered  those  fields  famous.  The 
broad  acres  of  Gettysburg  and  Antietam  will  in  future 
years  yield  the  farmer  a  richer  return  than  he  has  hith- 
to  received. 

"  Passing  out  of  Gettysburg  by  the  Baltimore  turn 
pike,  we  come  in  a  few  steps  to  the  entrance  of  the  cem 
etery.  Little  of  the  inclosure  remains,  save  the  gate 
way,  from  which  the  gates  have  been  torn.  The  neat 
wooden  fence,  first  thrown  down  to  facilitate  the  move 
ment  of  our  artillery,  was  used  for  fuel,  as  the  soldiers 
made  their  camp  on  the  spot.  A  few  scattered  palings 
are  all  that  remain.  The  cemetery  was  such  as  we 
usually  find  near  thrifty  towns  like  Gettysburg.  None 
of  the  monuments  and  adornings  were  highly  expensive, 
though  all  were  neat,  and  a  few  were  elaborate.  There 
was  considerable  taste  displayed  in  the  care  of  the 
grounds,  as  we  can  see  from  the  few  traces  that  remain. 
The  eye  is  arrested  by  a  notice,  prominently  posted, 
forbidding  the  destruction  or  mutilation  of  any  shrub, 
tree,  or  stone  about  the  place,  under  severe  penalties. 
The  defiance  that  war  gives  to  the  civil  law  is  forcibly 
apparent  as  one  peruses  those  warning  lines. 

u  Monuments  and  head- stones  lie  everywhere  over 
turned.  Graves,  which  loving  hands  once  carefully 
adorned,  have  been  trampled  by  horses'  feet  until  the 
vestiges  of  verdure  have  disappeared.  The  neat  and 


278  A  BATTLE  IN  A  CEMETERY. 

well-trained  shrubbery  has  vanished,  or  is  "but  a  broken 
and  withered  mass  of  tangled  brushwood.  On  one 
grave  lies  the  body  of  a  horse,  fast  decomposing  under 
the  July  sun.  On  another  lie  the  torn  garments  of  some 
wounded  soldier,  stained  and  saturated  with  blood. 
Across  a  small  head-stone,  bearing  the  words,  '  To  the 
memory  of  our  beloved  child,  Mary,'  lie  the  fragments 
of  a  musket  shattered  by  a  cannon-shot. 

'  i  In  the  center  of  a  space  inclosed  by  an  iron  fence, 
and  containing  a  half-dozen  graves,  a  few  rails  are  stand 
ing  where  they  were  erected  .by  our  soldiers  to  form 
their  shelter  in  bivouac.  A  family  shaft  has  been  bro 
ken  in  fragments  by  a  shell.  Stone  after  stone  felt  the 
eifects  of  ihefeu  $  enfer  that  was  poured  upon  the  crest 
of  the  hill.  Cannon  thundered,  and  foot  and  horse 
soldiers  tramped  over  the  resting-place  of  the  dead. 
Other  dead  were  added  to  those  who  are  resting  here. 
Many  a  wounded  soldier  lives  to  remember  the  contest 
above  those  silent  graves. 

"  The  hill  on  which  this  cemetery  is  located  was  the 
center  of  our  line  of  battle  and  the  key  to  our  position. 
Had  the  Rebels  been  able  to  carry  this  point,  they 
would  have  forced  us  into  retreat,  and  the  battle  would 
have  been  lost.  To  pierce  our  line  in  this  locality  was 
Lee's  great  endeavor,  and  he  threw  his  best  brigades 
against  it.  Wave  after  wave  of  living  valor  rolled  up 
that  slope,  only  to  roll  back  again  under  the  deadly  fire 
of  our  artillery  and  infantry.  It  was  on  this  hill,  a 
little  to  the  right  of  the  cemetery,  where  the  '  Louisiana 
Tigers'  made  their  famous  charge.  It  was  their  boast 


THE  FIELD  OF  BATTLE.  279 

that  they  were  never  yet  foiled  in  an  attempt  to  take  a 
battery  ;  "but  on  this  occasion  they  suffered  a  defeat,  and 
were  nearly  annihilated.  Sad  and  dispirited,  they 
mourn  their  repulse  and  their  terrible  losses  in  the 
assault. 

"  From  the  summit  of  this  hill  a  large  portion  of  the 
battle-ground  is  spread  out  before  the  spectator.  In 
front  and  at  his  feet  lies  the  town  of  Gettysburg,  con 
taining,  in  quiet  times,  a  population  of  four  or  five  thou 
sand  souls.  It  is  not  more  than  a  hundred  yards  to  the 
houses  in  the  edge  of  the  village,  where  the  contest  with 
the  Rebel  sharp-shooters  took  place.  To  the  left  of  the 
town  stretches  a  long  valley,  bounded  on  each  side  by  a 
gently- sloping  ridge.  The  crest  of  each  ridge  is  distant 
nearly  a  mile  from  the  other.  It  was  on  these  ridges 
that  the  lines  of  battle  on  the  second  and  third  days 
were  formed,  the  Rebel  line  being  on  the  ridge  to  the 
westward.  The  one  stretching  directly  from  our  left  hand, 
and  occupied  by  our  own  men,  has  but  little  timber 
upon  it,  while  that  held  by  the  rebels  can  boast  of 
several  groves  of  greater  or  less  extent.  In  one  of  these 
the  Pennsylvania  College  is  embowered,  while  in  anoth 
er  is  seen  the  Theological  Seminary.  Half-way  between 
the  ridges  are  the  ruins  of  a  large  brick  building  burned 
during  the  engagement.  Dotted  about,  here  and  there, 
are  various  brick  and  frame  structures.  Two  miles  at 
our  left  rises  a  sharp-pointed  elevation,  known  to  the 
inhabitants  of  the  region  as  Round  Hill.  Its  sides  are 
wooded,  and  the  forest  stretches  from  its  base  across  the 
valley  to  the  crest  of  the  western  ridge. 


280  TRACES  OF  A  SHARP  CONTEST. 

"It  must  not  be  supposed  that  the  space  "between 
the  ridges  is  an  even  plain,  shaven  with  the  scythe 
and  leveled  with  the  roller.  It  rises  and  falls  gently, 
and  with  little  regularity,  but  in  no  place  is  it  steep  of 
ascent.  Were  it  not  for  its  ununiformity  and  for  the 
occasional  sprinkling  of  trees  over  its  surface,  it  could 
be  compared  to  a  patch  of  rolling  prairie  in  miniature. 
To  the  southwest  of  the  further  ridge  is  seen  the  mount 
ain  region  of  Western  Maryland,  behind  which  the 
Rebels  had  their  line  of  retreat.  It  is  not  a  wild,  rough 
mass  of  mountains,  but  a  region  of  hills  of  the  larger 
and  more  inaccessible  sort.  They  are  traversed  by 
roads  only  in  a  few  localities,  and  their  passage,  except 
through  the  gaps,  is  difficult  for  a  single  team,  and  im 
possible  for  an  army. 

"The  Theological  Seminary  was  the  scene  of  a  fierce 
struggle.  It  was  beyond  it  where  the  First  and  Eleventh 
Corps  contended  with  Ewell  and  Longstreet  on  the  first 
day  of  the  engagement.  Afterward,  finding  the  Rebels 
were  too  strong  for  them,  they  fell  back  to  a  new  posi 
tion,  this  building  being  included  in  the  line.  The 
walls  of  the  Seminary  were  perforated  by  shot  and 
shell,  and  the  bricks  are  indented  with  numerous  bullet- 
marks.  Its  windows  show  the  effects  of  the  musketry, 
and  but  little  glass  remains  to  shut  out  the  cold  and 
rain.  The  building  is  now  occupied  as  a  hospital  by 
the  Rebels.  The  Pennsylvania  College  is  similarly  oc 
cupied,  and  the  instruction  of  its  students  is  neglected 
for  the  present. 

"In  passing  from  the  cemetery  along  the  crest  of  the 


THE  EMMETSBURG  ROAD.  281 

ridge  where  our  line  of  "battle  stood,  I  first  came  upon 
the  position  occupied  "by  some  of  our  "batteries.  This 
is  shown  by  the  many  dead  horses  lying  unburied, 
and  by  the  mounds  which  mark  where  others  have 
been  slightly  covered  up.  There  are  additional  traces 
of  an  artillery  fight.  Here  is  a  broken  wheel  of  a  gun- 
carriage,  an  exploded  caisson,  a  handspike,  and  some 
of  the  accoutrements  of  the  men.  In  the  fork  of  a  tree  I 
found  a  Testament,  with  the  words,  l  Charles  Durrale, 
Corporal  of  Company  Gr,'  written  on  the  fly-leaf.  The 
guns  and  the  gunners  have,  disappeared.  Some  of  the 
latter  are  now  with  the  column  moving  in  pursuit  of  the 
enemy,  others  are  suffering  in  the  hospitals,  and  still 
others  are  resting  where  the  bugle's  reveille  shall  never 
wake  them. 

"  Between  the  cemetery  and  the  town  and  at  the  foot 
of  the  ridge  where  I  stand,  runs  the  road  leading  to  Em- 
metsburg.  It  is  not  a  turnpike,  but  a  common  dirt-road, 
and,  as  it  leaves  the  main  street  leading  into  town,  it 
makes  a  diagonal  ascent  of  the  hill.  On  the  eastern  side, 
this  road  is  bordered  by  a  stone  wall  for  a  short  distance. 
Elsewhere  on  both  sides  there  is  only  a  rail  fence.  A 
portion  of  our  sharp-shooters  took  position  behind  this 
wall,  and  erected  traverses  to  protect  them  from  a  flank 
ing  fire,  should  the  enemy  attempt  to  move  up  the  road 
from  Gettysburg.'  These  traverses  are  constructed  at 
right  angles  to  the  wall,  by  making  a  'crib'  of  fence- 
rails,  two  feet  high  and  the  same  distance  apart,  and 
then  filling  the  crib  with  dirt.  Further  along  I  find  the 
rails  from  the  western  side  of  the  road,  piled  against  the 


282  THE  DEBRIS  OF  BATTLE.          , 

fence  on  the  east,  so  as  to  form  a  "breast-work  two  or  three 
feet  in  height — a  few  spadesful  of  dirt  serve  to  fill  the 
interstices.  This  defense  was  thrown  up  by  the  Rebels 
at  the  time  they  were  holding  the  line  of  the  roads. 

i  l  Moving  to  the  left,  I  find  still  more  severe  traces  of 
artillery  fighting.  Twenty-seven  dead  horses  on  a  space 
of  little  more  than  one  acre  is  evidence  of  heavy  work. 
Here  are  a  few  scattered  trees,  which  were  evidently 
used  as  a  screen  for  our  batteries.  These  trees  did  not 
escape  the  storm  of  shot  and  shell  that  was  rained  in 
that  direction.  Some  of  them  were  perforated  by  can 
non-shot,  or  have  been  completely  cut  off  in  that  pecu 
liar  splintering  that  marks  the  course  of  a  projectile 
through  green  wood.  Near  the  scene  of  this  fighting  is 
a  large  pile  of  muskets  and  cartridge-boxes  collected 
from  the  field.  Considerable  work  has  been  done  in 
thus  gathering  the  debris  of  the  battle,  but  it  is  by  no 
means  complete.  Muskets,  bayonets,  and  sabers  are 
scattered  everywhere. 

"My  next  advance  to  the  left  carries  me  where  the 
ground  is  thickly  studded  with  graves.  In  one  group  I 
count  a  dozen  graves  of  soldiers  belonging  to  the  Twen 
tieth  Massachusetts ;  near  them  are  buried  the  dead  of 
the  One  Hundred  and  Thirty- seventh  New  York,  and 
close  at  hand  an  equal  number  from  the  Twelfth  New 
Jersey.  Care  has  been  taken  to  place  a  head-board  at 
each  grave,  with  a  legible  inscription  thereon,  showing 
whose  remains  are  resting  beneath.  On  one  board  the 
comrades  of  the  dead  soldier  had  nailed  the  back  of  his 
knapsack,  which  bore  his  name.  On  another  was  a  brass 


WHEATFIELDS  AND   COKNFIELDS.  283 

plate,  bearing  the  soldier's  name  in  heavily  stamped 
letters. 

"  Moving  still  to  the  left,  I  found  an  orchard  in  which 
the  fighting  appears  to  have  Ibeen  desperate  in  the  ex 
treme.  Artillery  shot  had  plowed  the  ground  in  every 
direction,  and  the  trees  did  not  escape  the  fury  of  the 
storm.  The  long  bolts  of  iron,  said  by  our  officers  to  be 
a  modification  of  the  Whitworth  projectile,  were  quite 
numerous.  The  Eebels  must  have  been  well  supplied 
with  this  species  of  ammunition,  and  they  evidently 
used  it  with  no  sparing  hand.  At  one  time  I  counted 
twelve  of  these  bolts  lying  on  a  space  not  fifty  feet 
square.  I  am  told  that  many  shot  and  shell  passed 
over  the  heads  of  our  soldiers  during  the  action. 

6  i  A  mile  from  our  central  position  at  the  cemetery, 
was  a  field  of  wheat,  and  near  it  a  large  tract,  on  which 
corn  had  been  growing.  The  wheat  was  trampled  by 
the  hurrying  feet  of  the  dense  masses  of  infantry,  as 
they  changed  their  positions  during  the  battle.  In  the 
cornfield  artillery  had  been  stationed,  and  moved  about 
as  often  as  the  enemy  obtained  its  range.  Hardly  a  hill 
of  corn  is  left  in  its  pristine  luxuriance.  The  little  that 
escaped  the  hoof  or  the  wheel,  as  the  guns  moved  from 
place  to  place,  was  nibbled  by  hungry  horses  during 
the  bivouac  subsequent  to  the  battle.  JSTot  a  stalk  of 
wheat  is  upright ;  not  a  blade  of  corn  remains  unin 
jured  ;  all  has  fallen  long  before  the  time  of  harvest. 
Another  harvest,  in  which  Death  was  the  reaper,  has 
been  gathered  above  it. 

"On  our  extreme  left  the  pointed  summit  of  a  hill,  a 


284          "STORMED  AT  WITH  SHOT  AND  SHELL." 

thousand  feet  in  elevation,  rises  toward  the  sky.  Be 
yond  it,  the  country  falls  off  into  the  mountain  region 
that  extends  to  the  Potomac  and  across  it  into  Virginia. 
This  hill  is  quite  difficult  of  ascent,  and  formed  a  strong 
position,  on  which  the  left  of  our  line  rested.  The 
enemy  assaulted  this  point  with  great  fury,  throwing 
his  divisions,  one  after  the  other,  against  it.  Their 
efforts  were  of  no  avail.  Our  men  defended  their 
ground  against  every  attack.  It  was  like  the  dash  of 
the  French  at  Waterloo  against  the  immovable  columns 
of  the  English.  Stubborn  resistance  overcame  the  valor 
of  the  assailants.  Again  and  again  they  came  to  the 
assault,  only  to  fall  back  as  they  had  advanced.  Our 
left  held  its  ground,  though  it  lost  heavily. 

"  On  this  portion  of  the  line,  about  midway  between 
the  crests  of  the  ridges,  is  a  neat  farm-house.  Around 
this  dwelling  the  battle  raged,  as  around  Hougoumont 
at  Waterloo.  At  one  time  it  was  in  the  possession  of 
the  Rebels,  and  was  fiercely  attacked  by  our  men.  The 
walls  were  pierced  by  shot  and  shell,  many  of  the 
latter  exploding  within,  and  making  a  scene  of  devasta 
tion.  The  glass  was  shattered  by  rifle  bullets  on  Qvery 
side,  and  the  wood- work  bears  testimony  to  the  struggle. 
The  sharp-shooters  were  in  every  room,  and  added  to  the 
disorder  caused  by  the  explosion  of  shells.  The  sol 
diers  destroyed  what  the  missiles  spared.  The  Rebels 
were  driven  from  the  house,  and  tile  position  was  taken 
by  our  own  men.  They,  in  turn,  were  dislodged,  but 
finally  secured  a  permanent  footing  in  the  place. 

"  Retracing  my  steps  from  the  extreme  left,  I  return 


THE  REBEL  DEAD.  285 

to  the  center  of  our  position  on  Cemetery  Hill.  I  do  not 
follow  the  path  by  which  I  came,  but  take  a  route  along 
the  hollow,  between  the  two  ridges.  It  was  across  this 
hollow  that  the  Rebels  made  their  assaults  upon  our 
position.  Much  blood  was  poured  out  between  these 
two  swells  of  land.  '  Most  of  the  dead  were  buried 
where  they  fell,  or  gathered  in  little  clusters  beneath 
some'  spreading  tree  or  beside  clumps  of  bushes.  Some 
of  the  Rebel  dead  are  still  unburied.  I  find  one  of  these 
as  I  descend  a  low  bank  to  the  side  of  a  small  spring. 
The  body  is  lying  near  the  spring,  as  if  the  man  had 
crawled  there  to  obtain  a  draught  of  water.  Its  hands 
are  outspread  upon  the  earth,  and  clutching  at  the  little 
tufts  of  grass  beneath  them.  The  soldier's  haversack 
and  canteen  are  still  remaining,  and  his  hat  is  lying  not 
far  away. 

"  A  few  paces  distant  is  another  corpse,  with  its  hands 
thrown  upward  in  the  position  the  soldier  occupied 
when  he  received  Ms  fatal  wound.  The  clothing  is  not 
torn,  no  blood  appears  upon  the  garments,  and  the  face, 
though  swollen,  bears  no  expression  of  anguish.  Twen 
ty  yards  away  are  the  remains  of  a  body  cut  in  two  by 
a  shell.  The  grass  is  drenched  in  blood,  that  the  rain  of 
yesterday  has  not  washed  away.  As  I  move  forward  I 
find  the  body  of  a  Rebel  soldier,  evidently  slain  while 
taking  aim  over  a  musket.  The  hands  are  raised,  the 
left  extended  beyond  the  right,  and  the  fingers  of  the 
former  partly  bent,  as  if  they  had  just  been  grasping  the 
stock  of  a  gun.  One  foot  is  advanced,  and  the  body  is 
lying  on  its  right  side.  To  appearances  it  did  not  move 


286  SHELLING  MEADE'S  HEAD-QUARTERS. 

a  muscle  after  receiving  its  death-wound.  Another 
"body  attracts  my  attention  "by  its  delicate  white  hands, 
and  its  face  black  as  that  of  a  negro. 

"The  farm-house  on  the  Emmetsburg  road,  where 
General  Meade  held  his  head-quarters  during  the  can 
nonade,  is  most  fearfully  cut  up.  General  Lee  masked 
his  artillery,  and  opened  with  one  hundred  and  thirty 
pieces  at  the  same  moment.  Two  shells  in  every  second 
of  time  fell  around  those  head-quarters.  They  tore 
through  the  little  white  building,  exploding  and  scatter 
ing  their  fragments  in  every  direction.  Not  a  spot  in  its 
vicinity  was  safe.  One  shell  through  the  door-step, 
another  in  the  chimney,  a  third  shattering  a  rafter,  a 
fourth  carrying  away  the  legs  of  a  chair  in  which  an 
officer  was  seated ;  others  severing  and  splintering  the 
posts  in  front  of  the  house,  howling  through  the  trees 
by  which  the  dwelling  was  surrounded,  and  raising 
deep  furrows  in  the  soft  earth.  One  officer,  and  another, 
and  another  were  wounded.  Strange  to  say,  amid  all 
this  iron  hail,  no  one  of  the  staff  was  killed. 

6 '  Once  more  at  the  cemetery,  I  crossed  the  Baltimore 
turnpike  to  the  hill  that  forms  the  extremity  of  the 
ridge,  on  which  the  main  portion  of  our  line  of  battle 
was  located.  I  followed  this  ridge  to  the  point  held  by 
our  extreme  right.  About  midway  along  the  ridge  was 
the  scene  of  the  fiercest  attack  upon  that  portion  of  the 
field.  Tree  after  tree  was  scarred  from  base  to  limbs  so 
thickly  that  it  would  have  been  impossible  to  place 
one's  hand  upon  the  trunk  without  covering  the  marks 
of  a  bullet.  One  tree  was  stripped  of  more  than  half 


CUEIOUS    DEFENSES.  287 

its  leaves ;  many  of  its  twigs  were  partially  severed, 
and  hanging  wilted  and  nearly  ready  to  drop  to  the 
ground.  The  trunk  of  the  tree,  about  ten  inches  in 
diameter,  was  cut  and  scarred  in  every  part.  The  fire 
which  struck  these  trees  was  that  from  our  muskets 
upon  the  advancing  Rebels.  Every  tree  and  bush  for 
the  distance  of  half  a  mile  along  these  works  was  nearly 
as  badly  marked.  The  rocks,  wherever  they  faced  our 
breast-works,  were  thickly  stippled  with  dots  like  snow- 
flakes.  The  missiles,  flattened  by  contact  with  the 
rock,  were  lying  among  the  leaves,  giving  little  indica 
tion  of  their  former  character. 

"Our  sharp-shooters  occupied  novel  positions.  One 
of  them  found  half  a  hollow  log,  standing  upright,  with 
a  hole  left  by  the  removal  of  a  knot,  which  gave  him  an 
excellent  embrasure.  Some  were  in  tree-tops,  others  in 
nooks  among  the  rocks,  and  others  bedrid  temporary 
barricades  of  their  own  construction.  Owing  to  the 
excellence  of  our  defenses,  the  Rebels  lost  heavily." 

A  few  days  after  visiting  this  field,  I  joined  the  army 
in  Western  Maryland.  The  Rebels  were  between  us  and 
the  Potomac.  We  were  steadily  pressing  them,  rather 
with  a  design  of  driving  them  across  the  Potomac  with 
out  further  fighting,  than  of  bringing  on  an  engagement. 
Lee  effected  his  crossing  in  safety,  only  a  few  hundred 
men  of  his  rear-guard  being  captured  on  the  left  bank  of 
the  Potomac. 

The  Maryland  campaign  was  ended  when  Lee  was 
driven  out.  Our  army  crossed  the  Potomac  further 
down  that  stream,  but  made  no  vigorous  pursuit.  I  re- 


288  THE  GREAT  VICTORIES  OF  '63. 

turned  to  Xew  York,  and  once  more  proceeded  to  the 
West. 

Our  victory  in  Pennsylvania  was  accompanied  by  the 
fall  of  Vicksburg  and  the  surrender  of  Pemberton's 
army.  A  few  days  later,  the  capture  of  Port  Hudson 
was  announced.  The  struggle  for  the  possession  of  the 
Mississippi  was  substantially  ended  when  the  Eebel 
fortifications  along  its  banks  fell  into  our  hands. 


A  NORTHWESTERN  JOURNEY.  289 


CHAPTER   XXVIII. 

IN  THE   NORTHWEST. 

From  Chicago  to  Minnesota. — Curiosities  of  Low-Water  Navigation. — St. 
Paul  and  its  Sufferings  in  Earlier  Days. — The  Indian  War. — A  Brief 
History  of  our  Troubles  in  that  Region. — General  Pope's  Expeditions 
to  Chastise  the  Red  Man. — Honesty  in  the  Indian  Department. — The 
End  of  the  Warfare. — The  Pacific  Railway. — A  Bold  Undertaking. — 
Penetrating  British  Territory. — The  Hudson  Bay  Company. — Pecu 
liarities  of  a  Trapper's  Life. 

EARLY  in  September,  1863,  I  found  myself  in  Chica 
go,  breathing  the  cool,  fresh  air  from  Lake  Michigan. 
From  Chicago  to  Milwaukee  I  skirted  the  shores  of  the 
lake,  and  from  the  latter  city  pushed  across  "Wisconsin 
to  the  Mississippi  River.  Here  it  was  really  the  blue 
Mississippi :  its  appearance  was  a  pleasing  contrast  to  the 
general  features  of  the  riyer  a  thousand  miles  below. 
The  banks,  rough  and  picturesque,  rose  abruptly  from 
the  water' s  edge,  forming  cliffs  that  overtopped  the  ta 
ble-land  beyond.  These  cliffs  appeared  in  endless  suc 
cession,  as  the  boat  on  which  I  traveled  steamed  up  the 
river  toward  St.  Paul.  Where  the  stream  widened  into 
Lake  Pepin,  they  seemed  more  prominent  and  more  pre 
cipitous  than  elsewhere,  as  the  larger  expanse  of  water 
was  spread  at  their  base.  The  promontory  known  as 
" Maiden's  Rock"  is  the  most  conspicuous  of  all.  The 
Indians  relate  that  some  daughter  of  the  forest,  disap- 

19 


290  LOW-WATEK  NAVIGATION. 

pointed  in  love,  once  leaped  from  its  summit  to  the 
rough  rocks,  two  hundred  feet  below.  Her  lover,  learn 
ing  her  fate,  visited  the  spot,  gazed  from  the  fearful 
height,  and,  after  a  prayer  to  the  Great  Spirit  who 
watches  over  the  Red  Man — returned  to  his  friends  and 
broke  the  heart  of  another  Indian  maid. 

Passing  Lake  Pepin  and  approaching  St.  Paul,  the 
river  became  very  shallow.  There  had  been  little  rain 
during  the  summer,  and  the  previous  spring  witnessed 
no  freshet  in  that  region.  The  effect  was  apparent  in 
the  condition  of  the  Mississippi.  In  the  upper  waters 
boats  moved  with  difficulty.  The  class  that  is  said 
to  steam  wherever  there  is  a  heavy  dew,  was  brought 
into  active  use.  From  St.  Paul  to  a  point  forty  miles 
below,  only  the  lightest  of  the  "  stern-wheel"  boats  could 
make  any  headway.  The  inhabitants  declared  they  had 
never  before  known  such  a  low  stage  of  water,  and  earn 
estly  hoped  it  would  not  occur  again.  It  was  paralyz 
ing  much  of  the  business  of  the  State.  Many  flouring 
and  lumber  mills  were  lying  idle.  Transportation  was 
difficult,  and  the  rates  very  high.  A  railway  was  being 
constructed  to  connect  with  the  roads  from  Chicago,  but 
it  was  not  sufficiently  advanced  to  be  of  any  service. 

Various  stories  were  in  circulation  concerning  the 
difficulties  of  navigation  on  the  Upper  Mississippi  in  a 
low  stage  of  water.  One  pilot  declared  the  wheels  of 
his  boat  actually  raised  a  cloud  of  dust  in  many  places. 
Another  said  his  boat  could  run  easily  in  the  moisture 
on  the  outside  of  a  pitcher  of  ice-water,  but  could  not  j 
move  to  advantage  in  the  river  between  Lake  Pepin  and  , 


SAINT  PAUL.  291 

St.  Paul.  A  person  interested  in  the  railway  proposed 
to  secure  a  charter  for  laying  the  track  in  the  bed  of 
the  Mississippi,  "but  feared  the  company  would  Ibe  un- 
alble  to  supply  the  locomotives  with  water  on  many  por 
tions  of  the  route.  Many  other  jests  were  indulged  in, 
all  of  which  were  heartily  appreciated  by  the  people  of 
St.  Paul. 

The  day  after  my  arrival  at  St.  Paul,  I  visited  the 
famous  Falls  of  the  Minnehaha.  I  am  unable  to  give 
them  a  minute  description,  my  visit  being  very  brief. 
Its  brevity  arose  from  the  entire  albsence  of  water  in  the 
stream  which  supplies  the  fall.  That  fluid  is  every 
where  admitted  to  be  useful  for  purposes  of  navigation, 
and  I  think  it  equally  desirable  in  the  formation  of  a 
cascade. 

The  inhabitants  of  St.  Paul  have  reason  to  bless  the 
founders  of  their  rity  for  the  excellent  site  of  the  future 
metropolis  of  the  Northwest.  Overlooking  and  almost 
overhanging  the  river  in  one  part,  in  another  it  slopes 
gently  down  to  the  water' s  edge,  to  the  levee  where  the 
steamers  congregate.  Back  from  the  river  the  limits  of 
the  city  extend  for  several  miles,  and  admit  of  great  ex 
pansion.  With  a  hundred  years  of  prosperity  there 
would  still  be  ample  room  for  growth. 

Before  the  financial  crash  in  '57,  this  levee  was 
crowded  with  merchandise  from  St.  Louis  and  Chicago. 
Storage  was  not  always  to  be  had,  though  the  construc 
tion  of  buildings  was  rapidly  pushed.  Business  was 
active,  speculation  was  carried  to  the  furthest  limit, 
everybody  had  money  in  abundance,  and  scattered  it 


292  THE  FLUSH  TIMES  IN  MINKESOTA. 

with  no  niggard  hand.  In  many  of  the  brokers'  win 
dows,  placards  were  posted  offering  alluring  induce 
ments  to"  capitalists.  "  FIFTY  PEE  CENT.  GTJAKANTEED 
ox  INVESTMENTS,"  was  set  forth  on  these  placards,  the 
offers  coming  from  parties  considered  perfectly  sound. 
Fabulous  sums  were  paid  for  wild  land  and  for  lots  in 
apocryphal  towns.  All  was  prosperity  and  activity. 

By-and-by  came  the  crash,  and  this  well-founded 
town  passed  through  a  period  of  mourning  and  fasting. 
St.  Paul  saw  many  of  its  best  and  heaviest  houses  van 
ish  into  thin  air ;  merchants,  bankers,  land- speculators, 
lumbermen,  all  suffered  alike.  Some  disappeared  for 
ever  ;  others  survived  the  shock,  but  never  recovered 
their  former  footing.  Large  amounts  of  property  went 
under  the  auctioneer's  hammer,  "to  be  sold  without 
limit."  Lots  of  land  which  cost  two  or  three  hundred 
dollars  in  '56,  were  sold  at  auction  in  '58  for  five  or  six 
dollars  each.  Thousands  of  people  lost  their  all  in  these 
unfortunate  land-speculations.  Others  who  survived 
the  crash  have  clung  to  their  acres,  hoping  that  pros 
perity  may  return  to  the  Northwest.  At  present  their 
wealth  consists  mainly  of  Great  Expectations. 

Though  suffering  greatly,  the  capital  and  business 
center  of  Minnesota  was  by  no  means  ruined.  The 
speculators  departed,  but  the  farmers  and  other  work 
ing  classes  remained.  Business  ' i  touched  bottom ' '  and 
then  slowly  revived.  St.  Paul  existed  through  all  the 
calamity,  and  its  people  seon  learned  the  actual  neces 
sities  of  Minnesota.  While  they  mourn  the  departure 
of  the  "good  times,"  many  of  them  express  a  belief 


THE  INDIAN  WAR.  293 

that  those  happy  days  were  injurious  to  the  permanent 
prosperity  of  the  State. 

St.  Paul  is  one  of  the  few  cities  of  the  world  whose 
foundation  furnishes  the  material  for  their  construction. 
The  limestone  rock  on  which  it  is  "built  is  in  layers  of 
about  a  foot  in  thickness,  and  very  easy  to  quarry. 
The  blocks  require  little  dressing  to  fit  them  for  use. 
Though  very  soft  at  first,  the  stone  soon  hardens  "by 
exposure  to  the  air,  and  forms  a  neat  and  durable  wall. 
In  digging  a  cellar  one  will  obtain  more  than  sufficient 
stone  for  the  walls  of  his  house. 

At  the  time  of  my  visit  the  Indian  expedition  of  1863 
had  just  returned,  and  was  camped  near  Fort  Snelling. 
This  expedition  was  sent  out  by  General  Pope,  for  the 
purpose  of  chastising  the  Sioux  Indians.  It  was  under 
command  of  General  Sibley,  and  accomplished  a  march 
of  nearly  six  hundred  miles.  As  it  lay  in  camp  at  Fort 
Snelling,  the  men  and  animals  presented  the  finest  ap 
pearance  I  had  ever  observed  in  an  army  just  returned 
from  a  long  campaign. 

The  Sioux  massacres  of  1862,  and  the  campaign  of 
General  Pope  in  the  autumn  of  that  year,  attracted  much 
attention.  Nearly  all  the  settlers  in  the  valley  of  the 
Minnesota  above  Fort  Snelling  were  killed  or  driven 
off.  Other  localities  suffered  to  a  considerable  extent. 
The  murders — like  nearly  all  murders  of  whites  by  the 
Indians — were  of  the  most  atrocious  character.  The  his 
tory  of  those  massacres  is  a  chronicle  of  horrors  rarely 
equaled  during  the  present  century.  Whole  counties 
were  made  desolate,  and  the  young  State,  just  recover- 


294  CAUSE  OF  THE  SIOUX  MASSACRES. 

ing  from  its  financial  misfortunes,  received  a  severe  blow 
to  its  prosperity. 

Various  causes  were  assigned  for  the  outbreak  of 
hostilities  on  the  part  of  the  Sioux  Indians.  Very  few 
residents  of  Minnesota,  in  view  of  the  atrocities  commit 
ted  by  the  Indians,  could  speak  calmly  of  the  troubles. 
All  were  agreed  that  there  could  be  no  peace  and  secu 
rity  until  the  white  men  were  the  undisputed  possessors 
of  the  land. 

Before  the  difficulties  began,  there  was  for  some  time 
a  growing  discontent  on  the  part  of  the  Indians,  on  ac 
count  of  repeated  grievances.  Just  previous  to  the 
outbreak,  these  Indians  were  summoned  to  one  of  the 
Government  Agencies  to  receive  their  annuities.  These 
annuities  had  been  promised  them  at  a  certain  time,  but 
were  not  forthcoming.  The  agents,  as  I  was  informed, 
had  the  money  (in  coin)  as  it  was  sent  from  Washington, 
but  were  arranging  to  pay  the  Indians  in  Treasury  notes 
and  pocket  the  premium  on  the  gold.  The  Indians  were 
kept  waiting  while  the  gold  was  being  exchanged  for 
greenbacks.  There  was  a  delay  in  making  this  ex 
change,  and  the  Indians  were  put  off  from  day  to  day 
with  promises  instead  of  money. 

An  Indian  knows  nothing  about  days  of  grace,  pro 
tests,  insolvency,  expansions,  and  the  other  technical 
terms  with  which  Wall  Street  is  familiar.  He  can  take 
no  explanation  of  broken  promises,  especially  when 
those  promises  are  made  by  individuals  who  claim  to 
represent  the  Great  Father  at  Washington.  In  this  case 
the  Sioux  lost  all  confidence  in  the  agents,  who  had 


BEGINNING  OF  THE  TROUBLES.  295 

broken  their  word  from  day  to  day.  Added  to  the 
mental  annoyance,  there  was  great  physical  suffering. 
The  traders  at  the  post  would  sell  nothing  without 
cash  payment,  and,  without  money,  the  Indians  were 
unable  to  procure  what  the  stores  contained  in  abund 
ance. 

The  annuities  were  not  paid,  and  the  traders  refused 
to  sell  on  credit.  Some  of  the  Indians  were  actually 
starving,  and  one  day  they  forced  their  way  into  a  store 
to  obtain  food.  Taking  possession,  they  supplied  them 
selves  with  what  they  desired.  Among  other  things, 
they  found  whisky,  of  the  worst  and  most  fiery  quality. 
Once  intoxicated,  all  the  bad  passions  of  the  savages 
were  let  loose.  In  their  drunken  frenzy,  the  Indians 
killed  one  of  the  traders.  The  sight  of  blood  made 
them  furious.  Other  white  men  at  the  Agency  were 
killed,  and  thus  the  contagion  spread. 

From  the  Agency  the  murderers  spread  through  the 
valley  of  the  St.  Peter's,  proclaiming  war  against  the 
whites.  They  made  no  distinction  of  age  or  sex.  The 
atrocities  they  committed  are  among  the  most  fiendish 
ever  recorded. 

The  outbreak  of  these  troubles  was  due  to  the  con 
duct  of  the  agents  who  were  dealing  with  the  Indians. 
Knowing,  as  they  should  have  known,  the  character  of 
the  red  man  everywhere,  and  aware  that  the  Sioux  were 
at  that  time  discontented,  it  was  the  duty  of  those  agents 
to  treat  them  with  the  utmost  kindness  and  generosity. 
I  do  not  believe  the  Indians,  when  they  plundered  the 
store  at  the  Agency,  had  any  design  beyond  satisfying 


296  BRITISH  POLICY. 

their  hunger.  But  with  one  murder  committed,  there 
was  no  restraint  upon  their  passions. 

Many  of  our  transactions  with  the  Indians,  in  the 
past  twenty  years,  have  not  been  characterized  "by  the 
most  scrupulous  honesty.  The  Department  of  the  Inte 
rior  has  an  interior  history  that  would  not  "bear  investi 
gation.  It  is  well  known  that  the  furnishing  of  supplies 
to  the  Indians  often  enriches  the  agents  and  their  po 
litical  friends.  There  is  hardly  a  tribe  along  our  whole 
frontier  that  has  not  been  defrauded.  Dishonesty  in 
our  Indian  Department  was  notorious  during  Buchan 
an's  Administration.  The  retirement  of  Buchanan  and 
his  cabinet  did  not  entirely  bring  this  dishonesty  to  an 
end. 

An  officer  of  the  Hudson  Bay  Company  told  me,  in 
St.  Paul,  that  it  was  the  strict  order  of  the  British  Gov 
ernment,  enforced  in  letter  and  spirit  by  the  Company, 
to  keep  full  faith  with  the  Indians.  Every  stipulation 
is  most  scrupulously  carried  out.  The  slightest  in 
fringement  by  a  white  man  upon  the  rights  of  the  In 
dians  is  punished  with  great  severity.  They  are  fur 
nished  with  the  best  qualities  of  goods,  and  the  quantity 
never  falls  below  the  stipulations.  Consequently  the 
Indian  has  no  cause  of  complaint,  and  is  kept  on  the 
most  friendly  terms.  This  officer  said,  "A  white  man 
can  travel  from  one  end  to  the  other  of  our  territory, 
with  no  fear  of  molestation.  It  is  forty  years  since  any 
trouble  occurred  between  us  and  the  Indians,  while  on 
your  side  of  the  line  you  have  frequent  difficulties." 

The  autumn  of  '62  witnessed  the  campaign  for  the 


GENEEAL  POPE  IN  THE  NORTHWEST.  297 

chastisement  of  these  Indians.  Twenty-five  thousand 
men  were  sent  to  Minnesota,  under  General  Pope,  and 
employed  against  the  Sioux.  In  a  wild  country,  like 
the  interior  of  Minnesota,  infantry  cannot  Ibe  used  to  ad 
vantage.  On  this  account,  the  punishment  of  the  In 
dians  was  not  as  complete  as  our  authorities  desired. 

Some  of  the  Indians  were  captured,  some  killed,  and 
others  surrendered.  Thirty-nine  of  the  captives  were 
hanged.  A  hundred  others  were  sent  to  prison  at  Da. 
venport,  Iowa,  for  confinement  during  life.  The  coming 
of  winter  caused  a  suspension  of  hostilities. 

The  spring  of  1863  opened  with  the  outfitting  of  two 
expeditions — one  to  proceed  through  Minnesota,  under 
General  Sibley,  and  the  other  up  the  Missouri  Biver, 
under  General  Sully.  These  expeditions  were  designed 
to  unite  somewhere  on  the  Missouri  River,  and,  "by  in 
closing  the  Indians  Ibetween  them,  to  bring  them  to  battle. 
If  the  plan  was  successful,  the  Indians  would  "be  se 
verely  chastised. 

General  Sibley  moved  across  Minnesota,  according 
to  agreement,  and  General  Sully  advanced  up  the  Mis 
souri.  The  march  of  the  latter  was  delayed  on  account 
of  the  unprecedented  low  water  in  the  Missouri,  which 
retarded  the  "boats  laden  with  supplies.  Although  the 
two  columns  failed  to  unite,  they  were  partially  success 
ful  in  their  primary  object.  Each  column  engaged  the 
Indians  and  routed  them  with  considerable  loss. 

After  the  return  of  General  Sibley' s  expedition,  a  por 
tion  of  the  troops  composing  it  were  sent  to  the  South 
west,  and  attached  to  the  armies  operating  in  Louisiana. 


298  WHAT  TO  DO  WITH  THE  INDIANS. 

The  Indian  war  in  Minnesota  dwindled  to  a  fight  on  the 
part  of  politicians  respecting  its  merits  in  the  past,  and 
the  "best  mode  of  conducting  it  in  the  future.  General 
Pope,  General  Sibley,  and  General  Sully  were  praised 
and  abused  to  the  satisfaction  of  every  resident  of  the 
State.  Laudation  and  denunciation  were  poured  out 
with  equal  liberality.  The  contest  was  nearly  as  fierce 
as  the  struggle  between  the  whites  and  Indians.  If  epi 
thets  had  been  as  fatal  as  bullets,  the  loss  of  life  would 
have  been  terrible.  Happily,  the  wordy  battle  was  de 
void  of  danger,  and  the  State  of  Minnesota,  her  poli 
ticians,  her  generals,  and  her  men  emerged  from  it  with 
out  harm. 

Various  schemes  have  been  devised  for  placing  the 
Sioux  Indians  where  they  will  not  be  in  our  way. 
No  spot  of  land  can  be  found  between  the  Mississippi 
and  the  Pacific  where  their  presence  would  not  be  an 
annoyance  to  somebody.  General  Pope  proposed  to 
disarm  these  Indians,  allot  no  more  reservations  to 
them,  and  allow  no  traders  among  them.  He  recom 
mended  that  they  be  placed  on  Isle  Royale,  in  Lake 
Superior,  and  there  furnished  with  barracks,  rations, 
and  clothing,  just  as  the  same  number  of  soldiers 
would  be  furnished.  They  should  have  no  arms,  and 
no  means  of  escaping  to  the  main-land.  They  would 
thus  be  secluded  from  all  evil  influence,  and  comfortably 
housed  and  cared  for  at  Government  expense.  If  this 
plan  should  be  adopted,  it  would  be  a  great  relief  to  the 
people  of  our  Northwestern  frontier. 

Minnesota  has  fixed  its  desires  upon  a  railway  to  the 


YAltfKEE  ENTERPRISE.  299 

Pacific.  The  "St.  Paul  and  Pacific  Kailway"  is  al 
ready  in  operation  about  forty  miles  west  of  St.  Paul, 
and  its  projectors  hope,  in  time,  to  extend  it  to  the 
shores  of  the  "peaceful  sea."  It  has  called  British 
capital  to  its  aid,  and  is  slowly  Ibut  steadily  pro 
gressing. 

In  the  latter  part  of  1858  several  enterprising  citizens 
of  St.  Paul  took  a  small  steamer  in  midwinter  from  the 
upper  waters  of  the  Mississippi  to  the  head  of  naviga 
tion,  on  the  Eed  River  of  the  North.  The  distance  was 
two  hundred  and  fifty  miles,  and  the  route  lay  through 
a  wilderness.  Forty  yoke  of  oxen  were  required  for 
moving  the  Iboat.  When  navigation  was  open  in  the 
spring  of  1859,  the  "boat  (the  Anson  Nortlirup)  steamed 
down  to  Fort  Garry,  the  principal  post  of  the  Hudson 
Bay  Company,  taking  all  the  inhabitants  "by  'surprise. 
None  of  them  had  any  intimation  of  its  coming,  and  were, 
consequently,  as  much  astonished  as  if  the  steamer  had 
dropped  from  the  clouds. 

The  agents  of  the  Hudson  Bay  Company  purchased 
the  steamer,  a  few  hours  after  its  arrival,  for  albout  four 
times  its  value.  They  hoped  to  continue  their  seclusion 
by  so  doing  $  but  were  doomed  to  disappointment. 
Another  and  larger  boat  was  built  in  the  following  year 
at  Georgetown,  Minnesota,  the  spot  where  the  Nortlirup 
was  launched.  The  isolation  of  the  fur-traders  was 
ended.  The  owners  of  the 'second  steamer  (the  Interna 
tional)  were  the  proprietors  of  a  stage  and  express  line 
to  all  parts  of  Minnesota.  They  extended  their  line  to 
Fort  Garry,  and  soon  established  a  profitable  business. 


300  THE  HUDSON"  BAY  COMPANY. 

From  its  organization  in  1670,  down  to  I860,  the  Hud 
son  Bay  Company  sent  its  supplies,  and  received  its 
furs  in  return,  by  way  of  the  Arctic  Ocean  and  Hudson' s 
Bay.  There  are  only  two  months  in  the  year  in  which 
a  ship  can  enter  or  leave  Hudson's  Bay.  A  ship  sailing 
from  London  in  January,  enters  the  Bay  in  August. 
When  the  cargo  is  delivered  at  York  Factory,  at  the 
mouth  of  Nelson's  Kiver,  it  is  too  late  in  the  season  to 
send  the  goods  to  the  great  lakes  of  Northwestern  Amer 
ica,  where  the  trading  posts  are  located.  In  the  follow 
ing  May  the  goods  are  forwarded.  They  go  by  canoes 
where  the  river  is  navigable, .  and  are  carried  on  the 
backs  of  men  around  the  frequent  and  sometimes  long 
rapids.  The  journey  requires  three  months. 

The  furs  purchased  with  these  goods  cannot  be  sent 
to  York  Factory  until  a  year  later,  and  another  year 
passes  away  before  they  leave  Hudson' s  Bay.  Thus,  re 
turns  for  a  cargo  were  not  received  in  London  until  four 
years  after  its  shipment  from  that  port. 

Since  American  enterprise  took  control  of  the  carry 
ing  trade,  goods  are  sent  from  London  to  Fort  Garry  by 
way  of  New  York  and  St.  Paiul,  and  are  only  four 
months  in  transit.  Four  or  five  months  will  be  re 
quired  to  return  a  cargo  of  furs  to  London,  making  a 
saving  of  three  years  over  the  old  route.  Stupid  as  our 
English  cousin  sometimes  shows  himself,  he  cannot  fail 
to  perceive  the  advantages  of  the  new  route,  and  has 
promptly  embraced  them.  The  people  of  Minnesota  are 
becoming  well  acquainted  with  the  residents  of  the 
country  on  their  northern  boundary.  Many  of  the 


EED  RIVER  CARTS.  301 

Northwestern  politicians  are  studying  the  policy  of 
"  annexation." 

The  settlement  at  Pembina,  near  Pemlbina  Mountain, 
lies  in  Minnesota,  a  few  miles  only  from  the  international 
line.  The  settlers  supposed  they  were  on  British  soil 
until  the  establishment  of  the  boundary  showed  them 
their  mistake.  Every  year  the  settlement  sends  a  train 
to  St.  Paul,  nearly  seven  hundred  miles  distant,  to  ex 
change  its  buffalo-robes,  furs,  etc.,  for  various  articles 
of  necessity  that  the  Pembina  region  does  not  produce. 
This  annual  train  is  made  up  of  "Red  River  carts" — 
vehicles  that  would  be  regarded  with  curiosity  in  New 
York  or  Washington. 

A  Red  River  cart  is  about  the  size  of  a  two-wheeled 
dray,  and  is  built  entirely  of  wood — not  a  particle  of 
iron  entering  into  its  composition.  It  is  propelled  by  a 
single  ox  or  horse,  generally  the  former,  driven  by  a 
half-breed  native.  Sometimes,  though  not  usually,  the 
wheels  are  furnished  with  tires  of  rawhide,  placed  upon 
them  when  green  and  shrunk  closely  in  drying.  Each 
cart  carries  about  a  thousand  pounds  of  freight,  and  the 
train  will  ordinarily1  make  from  fifteen  to  twenty  miles  a 
day.  It  was  estimated  that  five  hundred  of  these  carts 
would  visit  St.  Paul  and  St.  Cloud  in  the  autumn  of 
1863. 

The  settlements  of  which  Fort  Garry  is  the  center 
are  scattered  for  several  miles  along  the  Red  River  of 
the  North.  They  have  schools,  churches^  flouring  and 
saw  mills,  and  their  houses  are  comfortably  and  often 
luxuriously  furnished.  They  have  pianos  imported 


\ 
302  PKOFITS  OF  THE  FUE-TEADE. 

from  St.  Paul,  and  their  principal  church,  has  an  organ. 
At  St.  Cloud  I  saw  evidences  of  extreme  civilization  on 
their  way  to  Fort  Garry.  These  were  a  whisky-still, 
two  sewing-machines,  and  a  grain-reaper.  No  people 
can  remain  in  darkness  after  adopting  these  modern 
inventions. 

The  monopoly  which  the  Hudson  Bay  Company 
formerly  held,  has  ceased  to  exist.  Under  its  charter, 
granted  by  Charles  II.  in  1670,  it  had  exclusive  control 
of  all  the  country  drained  by  Hudson' s  Bay.  In  addition 
to  its  privilege  of  trade,  it  possessed  the  "right  of  emi 
nent  domain"  and  the  full  political  management  of  the 
country.  Crime  in  this  territory  was  not  punished  by 
the  officers  of  the  British  Government,  but  by  the  courts 
and  officers  of  the  Company.  All  settlements  of  farmers 
and  artisans  were  discouraged,  as  it  was  the  desire  of 
the  Company  to  maintain  the  territory  solely  as  a  fur 
preserve,  from  the  Arctic  Ocean  to  the  United  States 
boundary. 

The  profits  of  this  fur- trade  were  enormous,  as  the 
Company  had  it  under  full  control.  The  furs  were  pur 
chased  of  the  Indians  and  trappers  at  very  low  rates,  and 
paid  for  in  goods  at  enormous  prices.  An  industrious 
trapper  could  earn  a  comfortable  support,  and  nothing 
more. 

Having  full  control  of  the  fur  market  in  Europe,  the 
directors  could  regulate  the  selling  prices  as  they  chose. 
Frequently  they  issued  orders  forbidding  the  killing  of 
a  certain  class  of  animals  for  several  years.  The  fur 
from  these  animals  would  become  scarce  and  very  high, 


HOW  IT  WAS  MANAGED.  303 

and  at  the  same  time  the  animals  would  increase  in 
numbers.  Suddenly,  when  the  market  was  at  its  upper 
most  point,  the  order  would  be  countermanded  and  a 
large  supply  brought  forward  for  sale.  This  course  was 
followed  with  all  classes  of  fur  in  succession.  The  Com 
pany'  s  dividends  in  the  prosperous  days  would  shame 
the  best  oil  wells  or  Nevada  silver  mines  of  our 
time. 

Though  its  charter  was  perpetual,  the  Hudson  Bay 
Company  was  obliged  to  obtain  once  in  twenty-one 
years  a  renewal  of  its  license  for  exclusive  trade.  From 
1670  to  1838  it  had  no  difficulty  in  obtaining  the  desired 
renewal.  The  last  license  expired  in  1859.  Though  a 
renewal  was  earnestly  sought,  it  was  not  attained.  The 
territory  is  now  open  to  all  traders,  and  the  power  of 
the  old  Company  is  practically  extinguished. 

The  first  explorations  in  Minnesota  were  made  shortly 
after  the  discovery  of  the  Mississippi  River  by  Mar- 
quette  and  Hennepin.  St.  Paul  was  originally  a  French 
trading  post,  and  the  resort  of  the  Indians  throughout 
the  Northwest.  Fort  Snelling  was  established  by  the 
United  States  Government  in  1819,  but  no  settlements 
were  made  until  1844.  After  the  current  of  emigration 
began,  the  territory  was  rapidly  filled. 

While  Minnesota  was  a  wilderness,  the  American  Fur 
Company  established  posts  on  the  upper  waters  of  the 
Mississippi.  The  old  trading-house  below  the  Falls  of 
St.  Anthony,  the  first  frame  building  erected  in  the  ter 
ritory,  is  yet  standing,  though  it  exhibits  many  symp 
toms  of  decay. 


304  SETTLEMENT  OF  MINNESOTA. 

At  one  time  tlie  emigration  to  Minnesota  was  very 
great,  but  it  has  considerably  fallen  off  during  the  last 
eight  years.  The  State  is  too  far  north  to  hold  out  great 
inducements  to  settlers.  The  winters  are  long  and  severe, 
and  the  productions  of  the  soil  are  limited  in  character 
and  quantity.  In  summer  the  climate  is  excellent, 
attracting  large  numbers  of  pleasure-seekers.  The  Falls 
of  St.  Anthony  and  the  Minnehaha  have  a  world- wide 
reputation. 


ARMING  THE  NEGROES.  305 


CHAPTER    XXIX. 

INAUGURATION  OF  A  GREAT  ENTERPRISE. 

Plans  for  Arming  the  Negroes  along  the  Mississippi. — Opposition  to  the 
Movement. — Plantations  Deserted  by  their  Owners. — Gathering 
Abandoned  Cotton. — Rules  and  Regulations. — Speculation. — Widows 
and  Orphans  in  Demand. — Arrival  of  Adjutant- General  Thomas. — 
Designs  of  the  Government. 

I  HAVE  elsewhere  alluded  to  the  orders  of  General 
Grant  at  Lagrange,  Tennessee,  in  the  autumn  of  1862, 
relative  to  the  care  of  the  negroes  where  his  army  was 
then  operating. 

The  plan  was  successful  in  providing  for  the  negroes 
in  Tennessee  and  Northern  Mississippi,  where  the  num 
ber,  though  large,  was  not  excessive.  At  that  time,  the 
policy  of  arming  the  "blacks  was  "being  discussed  in 
various  quarters.  It  found  .much  opposition.  Many 
persons  thought  it  would  "be  an  infringement  upon  the 
" rights"  of  the  South,  Iboth  unconstitutional  and  un 
just.  Others  cared  nothing  for  the  South,  or  its  likes 
and  dislikes,  but  opposed  the  measure  on  the  ground  of 
policy.  They  feared  its  adoption  would  "breed  discon 
tent  among  the  white  soldiers  of  the  army,  and  cause 
so  many  desertions  and  so  much  uneasiness  that  the 
importance  of  the  new  element  would  "be  more  than 
neutralized.  Others,  again,  doubted  the  courage  of  the 
negroes,  and  thought  their  first  use  under  fire  would 

20 


306  THE  SITUATION  IN  LOUISIANA. 

result  in  disgrace  and  disaster  to  our  arms.  They  op 
posed  the  experiment  on  account  of  this  fear. 

In  South  Carolina  and  in  Kansas  the  negroes  had 
been  put  under  arms  and  mustered  into  service  as  Union 
soldiers.  In  engagements  of  a  minor  character  they  had 
shown  coolness  and  courage  worthy  of  veterans.  There 
was  no  valid  reason  why  the  negroes  along  the  Missis 
sippi  would  not  "be  just  as  valuable  in  the  army,  as  the 
men  of  the  same  race  in  other  parts  of  the  country.  Our 
Government  determined  to  try  the  experiment,  and  make 
the  Corps  d?  Afrique  a  recognized  and  important  adjunct 
of  our  forces  in  the  field. 

When  General  Grant  encamped  his  army  at  Milli- 
ken's  Bend  and  Young's  Point,  preparatory  to  com 
mencing  the  siege  of  Vicksburg,  many  of  the  cotton  plan 
tations  were  abandoned  by  their  owners.  Before  our 
advent  nearly  all  the  white  males  able  to  bear  arms 
had,  willingly  or  unwillingly,  gone  to  aid  in  filling  the 
ranks  of  the  insurgents.  On  nearly  every  plantation 
there  was  a  white  man  not  liable  to  military  service,  who 
remained  to  look  after  the  interests  of  the  property. 
When  our  army  appeared,  the  majority  of  these  white 
men  fled  to  the  interior  of  Louisiana,  leaving  the  planta 
tions  and  the  negroes  to  the  tender  mercy  of  the  in 
vaders.  In  some  cases  the  fugitives  took  the  ne 
groes  with  them,  thus  leaving  the  plantations  entirely 
deserted. 

When  the  negroes  remained,  and  the  plantations 
were  not  supplied  with  provisions,  it  became  necessary 
for  the  Commissary  Department  to  issue  rations  for  the 


GATHERING  ABANDONED  COTTON.  307 

• 
subsistence  of  the  blacks.     As  nearly  all  the  planters 

cared  nothing  for  the  negroes  they  had  abandoned,  there 
was  a  very  large  number  that  required  the  attention  of 
the  Government. 

On  many  plantations  the  cotton  crop  of  1862  was 
still  in  the  field,  somewhat  damaged  by  the  winter  rains  ; 
but  well  worth  gathering  at  the  prices  which  then  ruled 
the  market.  General  Grant  gave  authority  for  the  gath 
ering  of  this  cotton  by  any  parties  who  were  willing  to 
take  the  contract.  The  contractors  were  required  to 
feed  the  negroes  and  pay  them  for  their  labor.  One-half 
the  cotton  went  to  the  Government,  the  balance  to  the 
contractor.  There  was  no  lack  of  men  to  undertake 
the  collection  of  abandoned  cotton  on  these  terms,  as 
the  enterprise  could  not  fail  to  be  exceedingly  remuner 
ative. 

This  cotton,  gathered  by  Government  authority,  was, 
with  a  few  exceptions,  the  only  cotton  which  could  be 
shipped  to  market.  There  were  large  quantities  of 
"  old"  cotton — gathered  and  baled  in  previous  years— 
which  the  owners  were  anxious  to  sell,  and  speculators 
ready  to  buy.  Numerous  applications  were  made  for 
shipping-permits,  but  nearly  all  were  rejected.  A  few 
cases  were  pressed  upon  General  Grant's  attention,  as 
deserving  exception  from  the  ordinary  rule. 

.  There  was  one  case  of  two  young  girls,  whose  parents 
had  recently  died,  and  who  were  destitute  of  all  com 
forts  on  the  plantation  where  they  lived.  They  had 
a  quantity  of  cotton  which  they  wished  to  take  to  Mem 
phis,  for  sale  in  that  market.  Thus  provided  with 


308  WIDOWS  AND  ORPHANS  IN  DEMAND. 

money,  they  would  proceed  North,  and  remain  there 
till  the  end  of  the  war. 

A  speculator  became  interested  in  these  girls,  and 
plead  with  all  his  eloquence  for  official  fayor  in  their  "be 
half.  General  Grant  softened  his  heart  and  gave  this 
man  a  written  permit  to  ship  whatever  cotton  belonged 
to  the  orphans.  It  was  understood,  and  so  stated  in  the 
application,  that  the  amount  was  between  two  hundred 
and  three  hundred  bales.  The  exact  number  not  being 
known,  there  was  no  quantity  specified  in  the  permit. 

The  speculator  soon  discovered  that  the  penniless  or 
phans  could  claim  two  thousand  instead  of  two  hundred 
bales,  and  thought  it  possible  they  would  find  three 
thousand  bales  and  upward.  On  the  strength  of  his 
permit  without  special  limit,  he  had  purchased,  or  other 
wise  procured,  all  the  cotton  he  could  find  in  the  imme 
diate  vicinity.  He  was  allowed  to  make  shipment  of  a 
few  hundred  bales  ;  the  balance  was  detained. 

Immediately,  as  this  transaction  became  known, 
every  speculator  was  on  the  gui  mve  to  discover  a 
widow  or  an  orphan.  Each  plantation  was  visited,  and 
the  status  of  the  owners,  if  any  remained,  became  speed 
ily  known.  Orphans  and  widows,  the  former  in  par 
ticular,  were  at  a  high  premium.  Never  in  the  history 
of  Louisiana  did  the  children  of  tender  years,  bereft  of 
parents,  receive  such  attention  from  strangers.  A  spec 
tator  might  have  imagined  the  Millennium  close  at  hand, 
and  the  dealers  in  cotton  about  to  be  humbled  at  the 
feet  of  babes  and  sucklings.  Widows,  neither  young 
nor  comely,  received  the  warmest  attention  from  men  of 


MYSTERIES  OF  SPECULATION.  309 

Northern  "birth.  The  family  of  John  Rodgers,  had  it 
then  lived  at  Milliken'  s  Bend,  would  have  "been  hailed 
as  a  "big  thing."  Everywhere  in  that  region  there 
were  men  seeking  "healthy  orphans  for  adoption." 

The  majority  of  the  speculators  found  the  widows 
and  orphans  of  whom  they  were  in  search.  Some  were 
able  to  obtain  permits,  while  others  were  not.  Several 
officers  of  the  army  became  interested  in  these  specula 
tions,  and  gave  their  aid  to  obtain  shipping  privileges. 
Some  who  were  innocent  were  accused  of  dealing  in  the 
forbidden  fiber,  while  others,  guilty  of  the  transaction, 
escaped  without  suspicion.  The  temptation  was  great. 
Many  refused  to  be  concerned  in  the  traffic  ;  but  there 
were  some  who  yielded. 

The  contractors  who  gathered  the  abandoned  cotton 
were  enabled  to  accumulate  small  fortunes.  Some  of 
them  acted  honestly,  but  others  made  use  of  their  con 
tracts  to  cover  large  shipments  of  purchased  or  stolen 
cotton,  baled  two  or  three  years  before.  The  ordinary 
yield  of  an  acre  of  ground  is  from  a  bale  to  a  bale  and  a 
half.  The  contractors  were  sometimes  able  to  show  a 
yield  of  ten  or  twenty  bales  to  the  acre. 

About  the  first  of  April,  Adjutant- General  Thomas 
arrived  at  Milliken' s  Bend,  bringing,  as  he  declared, 
authority  to  regulate  every  thing  as  he  saw  fit.  Under 
his  auspices,  arrangements  were  made  for  putting  the 
able-bodied  male  negroes  into  the  army.  In  a  speech 
delivered  at  a  review  of  the  troops  at  Lake  Providence, 
he  announced  the  determination  of  the  Government  to 
use  every  just  measure  to  suppress  the  Rebellion. 


310  PLANS  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT. 

The  Kebels  indirectly  made  use  of  the  negroes 
against  the  Government,  by  employing  them  in  the  pro 
duction  of  supplies  for  their  armies  in  the  field.  "In 
this  way,"  he  said,  "they  can  bring  to  bear  against  us 
all  the  power  of  their  so-called  Confederacy.  At  the 
same  time  we  are  compelled  to  retain  at  home  a  portion 
of  our  fighting  force  to  furnish  supplies  for  the  men  at 
the  front.  The  Administration  has  determined  to  take 
the  negroes  belonging  to  disloyal  men,  and  make  them 
a  part  of  the  army.  This  is.  the  pcJlicy  that  has  been 
fixed  and  will  be  fully  carried  out." 

General  Thomas  announced  that  he  brought  author 
ity  to  raise  as  many  regiments  as  possible,  and  to  give 
commissions  to  all  proper  persons  who  desired  them- 
The  speech  was  listened  to  with  attention,  and  loudly 
cheered  at  its  close.  The  general  officers  declared  them 
selves  favorable  to  the  new  movement,  and  gave  it  their 
co-operation.  In  a  few  days  a  half-dozen  regiments 
were  in  process  of  organization.  This  was  the  begin 
ning  of  the  scheme  for  raising  a  large  force  of  colored 
soldiers  along  the  Mississippi. 

The  disposition  to  be  made  of  the  negro  women  and 
children  in  our  lines,  was  a  subject  of  great  importance. 
Their  numbers  were  very  large,  and  constantly  increas 
ing.  Not  a  tenth  of  these  persons  could  find  employ 
ment  in  gathering  abandoned  cotton.  Those  that  found 
such  employment  were  only  temporarily  provided  for. 
It  would  be  a  heavy  burden  upon  the  Government  to 
support  them  in  idleness  during  the  entire  summer.  It 
would  be  manifestly  wrong  to  send  them  to  the  already 


LEASING  PLANTATIONS.  311 

overcrowded  camps  at  Memphis  and  Helena.  They 
were  upon  our  hands  by  the  fortune  of  war,  and  must 
be  cared  for  in  some  way. 

The  plantations  which  their  owners  had  abandoned 
were  supposed  to  afford  the  means  of  providing  homes 
for  the  negroes,  where  they  could  be  sheltered,  fed,  and 
clothed  without  expense  to  the  Government.  It  was 
proposed  to  lease  these  plantations  for  the  term  of  one 
year,  to  persons  who  would  undertake  the  production 
of  a  crop  of  cotton.  Those  negroes  who  were  unfit  for 
military  service  were  to  be  distributed  on  these  plan 
tations,  where  the  lessees  would  furnish  them  all  needed 
supplies,  and  pay  them  for  their  labor  at  certain  stipu 
lated  rates. 

The  farming  tools  and  other  necessary  property  on 
the  plantations  were  to  be  appraised  at  a  fair  valuation, 
and  turned  over  to  the  lessees.  Where  the  plantations 
were  destitute  of  the  requisite  number  of  mules  for 
working  them,  condemned  horses  and  mules  were  loaned 
to  the  lessees,  who  should  return  them  whenever  called 
for.  There  were  promises  of  protection  against  Rebel 
raids,  and  of  all  assistance  that  the  Government  could 
consistently  give.  General  Thomas  announced  that  the 
measure  was  fully  decided  upon  at  Washington,  and 
should  receive  every  support. 

The  plantations  were  readily  taken,  the  prospects 
being  excellent  for  enormous  profits  if  the  scheme 
proved  successful.  The  cost  of  producing  cotton  varies 
from  three  to  eight  cents  a  pound.  The  staple  would 
find  ready  sale  at  fifty  cents,  and  might  possibly  com- 


312  THE  ESTIMATED  PKOFITS. 

mand  a  higher  figure.  The  prospects  of  a  large  percent 
age  on  the  investment  were  allnring  in  the  extreme. 
The  plantations,  the  negroes,  the  farming  utensils,  and 
the  working  stock  were  to  require  no  outlay.  All  that 
was  demanded  before  returns  would  Ibe  received,  were 
the  necessary  expenditures  for  feeding  and  clothing  the 
negroes  until  the  crop  was  made  and  gathered.  From 
five  to  thirty  thousand  dollars  was  the  estimated  yearly 
expense  of  a  plantation  of  a  thousand  acres.  If  success 
ful,  the  products  for  a  year  might  "be  set  down  at  two 
hundred  thousand  dollars ;  and  should  cotton  appre 
ciate,  the  return  would  Ibe  still  greater. 


HOW  THE  EEBELS  -FELT.  313 


CHAPTER   XXX. 

COTTON-PLANTING   IN   1863. 

Leasing  the  Plantations. — Interference  of  the  Rebels, — Raids. — Treat 
ment  of  Prisoners. — The  Attack  upon  Milliken's  Bend. — A  Novel 
Bre'ast- Work.— Murder  o  four  Officers.— Profits  of  Cotton-Planting.— 
Dishonesty  of  Lessees. — Negroes  Planting  on  their  own  Account. 

IT  was  late  in  the  season  before  the  plantations  were 
leased  and  the  work  of  planting  commenced.  The 
gronnd  was  hastily  plowed  and  the  seed  as  hastily 
sown.  The  work  was  prosecuted  with  the  design  of 
obtaining  as  much  as  possible  in  a  single  season.  In 
their  eagerness  to  accumulate  fortunes,  the  lessees  fre 
quently  planted  more  ground  than  they  could  care  for, 
and  allowed  much  of  it  to  run  to  waste. 

Of  course,  it  could  not  be  expected  the  Kebels  would 
favor  the  enterprise.  They  had  prophesied  the  negro 
would  not  work  when  free,  and  were  determined  to 
break  up  any  effort  to  induce  him  to  labor.  They  were 
not  even  willing  to  give  him  a  fair  trial.  Late  in  June 
they  visited  the  plantations  at  Milliken's  Bend  and  vi 
cinity. 

They  stripped  many  of  the  plantations  of  all  the 
mules  and  horses  that  could  be  found,  frightened  some 
of  the  negroes  into  seeking  safety  at  the  nearest  military 
posts,  and  carried  away  others.  Some  of  the  lessees 


314  RAIDS  UPON  PLANTATIONS. 

were  captured ;  others,  having  timely  warning,  made 
good  their  escape.  Of  those  captured,  some  were  re 
leased  on  a  regular  parole  not  to  take  up  arms  against 
the  "  Confederacy."  Others  were  liberated  on  a  promise 
to  go  North  and  remain  there,  after  "being  allowed  a 
reasonable  time  for  settling  their  "business.  Others  were 
carried  into  captivity  and  retained  as  prisoners  of  war 
until  late  in  the  summer.  A  Mr.  Walker  was  taken  to 
Brownsville,  Texas,  and  there  released,  with  the  privi 
lege  of  crossing  to  Matamoras,  and  sailing  thence  to 
New  Orleans.  It  was  six  months  from  the  time  of  his 
capture  before  he  reached  New  Orleans  on  Ms  return 
home. 

The  Rebels  made  a  fierce  attack  upon  the  garrison  at 
Milliken'  s  Bend.  For  a  few  moments  during  the  fight 
the  prospects  of  their  success  were  very  good.  The 
negroes  composing  the  garrison  had  not  been  long  under 
arms,  and  their  discipline  was  far  from  perfect.  The 
Eebels  obtained  possession  of  a  part  of  our  works,  but 
were  held  at  bay  by  the  garrison,  until  the  arrival  of  a 
gun-boat  turned  the  scale  in  our  favor.  The  odds  were 
against  us  at  the  outset,  but  we  succeeded  in  putting  the 
enemy  to  flight. 

In  this  attack  the  Rebels  made  use  of  a  movable 
breast- work,  consisting  of  a  large  drove  of  mules,  which 
they  kept  in  their  front  as  they  advanced  upon  the  fort. 
This  breast- work  served  very  well  at  first,  but  grew 
unmanageable  as  our  fire  became  severe.  It  finally 
broke  and  fled  to  the  rear,  throwing  the  Rebel  lines  into 
confusion.  I  believe  it  was  the  first  instance  on  record 


MURDER  OF  OFFICERS,  315 

where  the  defenses  ran  away,  leaving  the  defenders 
uncovered.  It  marked  a  new,  "but  unsuccessful,  phase 
of  war.  An  officer  who  was  present  at  the  defense  of 
Milliken'  s  Bend  vouches  for  the  truth  of  the  story. 

.  The  Rebels  captured  a  portion  of  the  garrison,  in 
cluding  some  of  the  white  officers  holding  commissions 
in  negro  regiments.  The  negro  prisoners  were  variously 
disposed  of.  Some  were  butchered  on  the  spot  while 
pleading  for  quarter  ;  others  were  taken  a  few  miles  on 
the  retreat,  and  then  shot  by  the  wayside.  A  few  were 
driven  away  by  their  masters,  who  formed  a  part  of  the 
raiding  force,  but  they  soon  escaped  and  returned  to  our 
lines.  Of  the  officers  who  surrendered  as  prisoners  of 
war,  some  were  shot  or  hanged  within  a  short  distance 
of  their  place  of  capture.  Two  were  taken  to  Shreve- 
port  and  lodged  in  jail  with  one  of  the  captured  lessees. 
One  night  these  officers  were  taken  from  the  jail  by  order 
of  General  Kirby  Smith,  and  delivered  into  the  hands  of 
the  provost-marshal,  to  be  shot  for  the  crime  of  accept 
ing  commissions  in  negro  regiments.  Before  morning 
they  were  dead. 

Similar  raids  were  made  at  other  points  along  the 
river,  where  plantations  were  being  cultivated  under  the 
new  system.  At  all  these  places  the  mules  were  stolen 
and  the  negroes  either  frightened  or  driven  away.  Work 
was  suspended  until  the  ^plantations  could  be  newly 
stocked  and  equipped.  This  suspension  occurred  at  the 
busiest  time  in  the  season.  The  production  of  the  cot 
ton  was,  consequently,  greatly  retarded.  On  some  plan 
tations  the  weeds  grew  faster  than  the  cotton,  and  re- 


316  SUCCESS  IX  1863. 

fused  to  Ibe  put  down.  On  others,  the  excellent  prog 
ress  the  weeds  had  made,  during  the  period  of  idleness, 
rendered  the  yield  of  the  cotton-plant  very  small.  Some 
of  the  plantations  were  not  restocked  after  the  raid,  and 
speedily  ran  to  waste. 

In  1863,  no  lessee  made  more  than  half  an  ordinary 
crop  of  cotton,  and  very  few  secured  even  this  return. 
Some  obtained  a  quarter  or  an  eighth  of  a  "bale  to  the 
acre,  and  some  gathered  only  one  Ibale  where  they  should 
have  gathered  twelve  or  twenty.  A  few  lost  money  in 
the  speculation.  Some  made  a  fair  profit  on  their  invest 
ment,  and  others  realized  their  expectations  of  an  enor 
mous  reward.  Several  parties  united  their  interest  on 
three  or  four  plantations  in  different  localities,  so  that  a 
failure  in  one  quarter  was  offset  Iby  success  in  another. 

The  majority  of  the  lessees  were  unprincipled  men, 
who  undertook  the  enterprise  solely  as  a  speculation. 
They  had  as  little  regard  for  the  rights  of  the  negro  as 
the  most  "brutal  slaveholder  had  ever  shown.  Very  few 
of  them  paid  the  negroes  for  their  labor,  except  in  fur 
nishing  them  small  quantities  of  goods,  for  which  they 
charged  five  times  the  value.  One  man,  who  realized  a 
profit  of  eighty  thousand  dollars,  never  paid  his  negroes 
a  penny.  Some  of  the  lessees  made  open  boast  of  hav 
ing  swindled  their  negroes  out  of  their  summer's  wages, 
by  taking  advantage  of  their  ignorance. 

The  experiment  did  not  materially  improve  the  con 
dition  of  the  negro,  save  in  the  matter  of  physical  treat 
ment.  As  a  slave  the  black  man  received  no  compensa 
tion  for  his  labor.  As  a  free  man,  he  received  none. 


PROFIT  AND  LOSS.  317 

He  was  well  fed,  and,  generally,  well  clothed.  He  re 
ceived  no  severe  punishment  for  non-performance  of 
duty,  as  had  "been  the  case  "before  the  war.  The  differ 
ence  between  working  for  nothing  as  a  slave,  and  work 
ing  for  the  same  wages  under  the  Yankees,  was  no.t  al 
ways  perceptible  to  the  unsophisticated  negro. 

Several  persons  leased  plantations  that  they  might 
use  them  as  points  for  shipping  purchased  or  stolen  cot 
ton.  Some  were  quite  successful  in  this,  while  others 
were  unable  to  find  any  cotton  to  bring  out.  Various 
parties  united  with  the  plantation-owners,  and  agreed  to 
obtain  all  facilities  from  the  Government  officials,  if 
their  associates  would  secure  protection  against  Rebel 
raids.  In  some  cases  this  experiment  was  successful, 
and  the  plantations  prospered,  while  those  around  them 
were  repeatedly  plundered.  In  others,  the  Rebels  were 
enraged  at  the  plantation- owners  for  making  any  ar 
rangements  with  "the  Yankees,"  and  treated  them  with 
merciless  severity.  There  was  no  course  that  promised 
absolute  safety,  and  there  was  no  man  who  could  devise 
a  plan  of  operations  that  would  cover  all  contingencies. 

Every  thing  considered,  the  result  of  the  free-labor 
enterprise  was  favorable  to  the  pockets  of  the  avaricious 
lessees,  though  it  was  not  encouraging  to  the  negro  and 
to  the  friends  of  justice  and  humanity.  All  who  had 
been  successful  desired  to  renew  their  leases  for  another 
season.  Some  who  were  losers  were  willing  to  try 
again  and  hope  for  better  fortune. 

All  the  available  plantations  in  the  vicinity  of  Yicks- 
burg,  Milliken's  Bend,  and  other  points  along  that 


318  A  EAPACIOUS  AGENT. 

portion  of  the  Mississippi  were  applied  for  "before  the 
beginning  of  the  New  Year.  Application  for  these 
places  were  generally  made  "by  the  former  lessees  or 
their  friends.  The  prospects  were  good  for  a  vigorous 
prosecution  of  the  free-labor  enterprise  during  1864. 

In  the  latter  part  of  1863,  I  passed  down  the  Missis 
sippi,  en  route  to  New  Orleans.  At  Yicksburg  I  met  a 
gentleman  who  had  been  investigating  the  treatment  of 
the  negroes  under  the  new  system,  and  was  about 
making  a  report  to  the  proper  authorities.  He  claimed 
to  have  proof  that  the  agents  appointed  by  General 
Thomas  had  not  been  honest  in  their  administration 
of  affairs. 

One  of  these  agents  had  taken  five  plantations  under 
his  control,  and  was  proposing  to  retain  them  for 
another  year.  It  was  charged  that  he  had  not  paid 
his  negroes  for  their  labor,  except  in  scanty  supplies 
of  clothing,  for  which  exorbitant  prices  were  charged. 
He  had  been  successful  with  his  plantations,  but  de 
livered  very  little  cotton  to  the  Government  agents. 

The  investigations  into  the  conduct  of  agents  and 
lessees  were  expected  to  make  a  change  in  the  situation. 
Up  to  that  time  the  War  Department  had  controlled 
the  whole  system  of  plantation  management.  The 
Treasury  Department  was  seeking  the  control,  on 
the  ground  that  the  plantations  were  a  source  of 
revenue  to  the  Government,  and  should  be  under 
its  financial  and  commercial  policy.  If  it  could  be 
proved  that  the  system  pursued  was  an  unfair  and 
dishonest  one,  there  was  probability  of  a  change. 


NEW  FEATURES.  319 

I  pressed  forward  on  my  visit  to  New  Orleans. 
On  my  return,  two  weeks  later,  the  agents  of  General 
Thomas  were  pushing  their  plans  for  the  coming  year. 
There  was  no  indication  of  an  immediate  change  in 
the  management.  The  duties  of  these  agents  had 
been  enlarged,  and  the  region  which  they  controlled 
extended  from  Lake  Providence,  sixty  miles  above 
Vicksburg,  to  the  mouth  of  Red  Eiver,  nearly  two 
hundred  miles  below.  One  of  the  agents  had  his 
office  at  Lake  Providence,  a  second  was  located  at 
Yicksburg,  while  the  third  was  at  Natchez. 

Nearly  all  the  plantations  near  Lake  Providence 
had  been  leased  or  applied  for.  The  same  was  the 
case  with  most  of  those  near  Yicksburg.  In  some 
instances,  there  were  several  applicants  for  the  same 
plantation.  The  agents  announced  their  determination 
to  sell  the  choice  of  plantations  to  the  highest  bidder. 
The  competition  for  the  best  places  was  expected  to 
be  very  active. 

There  was  one  pleasing  feature.  Some  of  the  ap 
plicants  for  plantations  were  not  like  the  sharp-eyed 
speculators  who  had  hitherto  controlled  the  business. 
They  seemed  to  be  men  of  character,  desirous  of 
experimenting  with  free  labor  .for  the  sake  of  demon 
strating  its  feasibility  when  skillfully  and  honestly 
managed.  They  hoped  and  believed  it  would  be 
profitable,  but  they  were  not  undertaking  the  enter 
prise  solely  with  a  view  to  money-making.  The 
number  of  these  men  was  not  large,  but  their  presence, 
although  in  small  force,  was  exceedingly  encouraging. 


320  NEGROES  AS  PLANTERS. 

I  regret  to  say  that  these  men  were  outstripped  in 
the  struggle  for  good  locations  by  their  more  unscru 
pulous  competitors.  Before  the  season  was  ended, 
the  majority  of  the  honest  men  abandoned  the  field. 

During  1863,  many  negroes  cultivated  small  lots 
of  ground  on  their  own  account.  Sometimes  a  whole 
family  engaged  in  the  enterprise,  a  single  individual 
having  control  of  the  matter.  In  other  cases,  two, 
three,  or  a  half-dozen  negroes  would  unite  their  labor, 
and  divide  the  returns.  One  family  of  four  persons 
-sold  twelve  bales  of  cotton,  at  two  hundred  dollars 
per  bale,  as  the  result  of  eight  months'  labor.  Six 
negroes  who  united  their  labor  were  able  to  sell 
twenty  bales.  The  average  was  about  one  and  a 
half  or  two  bales  to  each  of  those  persons  who  at 
tempted  the  planting  enterprise  on  their  own  account. 
A  few  made  as  high  as  four  bales  each,  while  others 
did  not  make  more  than  a  single  bale.  One  negro, 
who  was  quite  successful  in  planting  on  his  own 
account,  proposed  to  take  a  small  plantation  in  1864, 
and  employ  twenty  or  more  colored  laborers.  How 
he  succeeded  I  was  not  able  to  ascertain. 

The  commissioners  in  charge  of  the  freedmen  gave 
the  negroes  every  encouragement  to  plant  on  their  own 
account.  In  1864  there  were  thirty  colored  lessees  near 
Milliken'  s  Bend,  and  about  the  same  number  at  Helena. 
Ten  of  these  persons  at  Helena  realized  $31,000  for  their 
year' s  labor.  Two  of  them  planted  forty  acres  in  cotton ; 
their  expenses  were  about  §1,200  ;  they  sold  their  crop 
for  §8,000.  Another  leased  twenty-four  acres.  His  ex- 


HOW  THEY  SUCCEEDED.  321 

penses  were  less  than  $2,000,  and  he  sold  his  crop  for 
$6,000.  Another  leased  seventeen  acres.  He  earned  "by 
the  season's  work  enough  to  purchase  a  good  house, 
and  leave  him  a  cash  balance  of  $300.  Another  leased 
thirteen  and  a  half  acres,  expended  about  $600  in  its  cul 
tivation,  and  sold  his  crop  for  $4,000. 

At  Milliken'  s  Bend  the  negroes  were  not  as  success 
ful  as  at  Helena — much  of  the  cotton  crop  being  de 
stroyed  by  the  "  army  worm."  It  is  possible  that  the 
return  of  peace  may  cause  a  discontinuance  of  the  policy 
of  leasing  land  to  negroes. 

The  planters  are  bitterly  opposed  to  the  policy 
of  dividing  plantations  into  small  parcels,  and  allowing 
them  to  be  cultivated  by  freedmen.  They  believe  in 
extensive  tracts  of  land  under  a  single  management, 
and  endeavor  to  make  the  production  of  cotton  a  business 
for  the  few  rather  than  the  many.  It  has  always  been 
the  rule  to  discourage  small  planters.  No  aristocratic 
proprietor,  if  he  could  avoid  it,  would  sell  any  portion 
of  his  estate  to  a  man  of  limited  means.  In  the  hilly 
portions  of  the  South,  the  rich  men  were  unable  to 
carry  out  their  policy.  Consequently,  there  were  many 
who  cultivated  cotton  on  a  small  scale.  On  the  lower 
Mississippi  this  was  not  the  case. 

When  the  Southern  States  are  fairly  "  reconstruct 
ed,"  and  the  political  control  is  placed  in  the  hands 
of  the  ruling  race,  every  effort  will  be  made  to  maintain 
the  old  policy.  Plantations  of  a  thousand  or  of  three 
thousand  acres  will  be  kept  intact,  unless  the  hardest 

necessity  compels  their  division.    If  possible,  the  ne- 
21 


322  POLICY  OF  DIVIDING  LANDS. 

groes  will  not  be  permitted  to  possess  or  cultivate  land 
on  their  own  account.  To  allow  them  to  hold  real 
estate  will  "be  partially  admitting  their  claim  to  human 
ity.  No  true  scion  of  chivalry  can  permit  such  an 
innovation,  so  long  as  he  is  able  to  make  successful 
opposition. 

I  have  heard  Southern  men  declare  that  a  statute 
law  should,  and  would,  be  made  to  prevent  the  negroes 
holding  real  estate.  I  have  no  doubt  of  the  disposition 
of  the  late  Rebels  in  favor  of  such  enactment,  and  be 
lieve  they  would  display  the  greatest  energy  in  its 
enforcement.  It  would  be  a  labor  of  love  on  their 
part,  as  well  as  of  duty.  Its  success  would  be  an 
obstacle  in  the  way  of  the  much-dreaded  "  negro 
equality." 


THE  CLOSE   OF  1863.  323 


CHAPTER   XXXI. 

AMONG-    THE    OFFICIALS. 

Reasons  for  Trying  an  Experiment. — Activity  among  Lessees. — Opinions 
of  the  Residents. — Rebel  Hopes  in  1863. — Removal  of  Negroes  to 
"West  Louisiana. — Visiting  Natchez. — The  City  and  its  Business. — 
"  The  Rejected  Addresses." 

IN  my  visit  to  Vicksburg  I  was  .accompanied  "by  my 
fellow-journalist,  Mr.  Colburn,  of  Tlie  World.  Mr. 
Colburn  and  myself  had  taken  more  than  an  ordinary 
interest  in  the  free-labor  enterprise.  We  had  watched 
its  inception  eight  months  before,  with  many  hopes  for 
its  success,  and  with  as  many  fears  for  the  result.  The 
experiment  of  1863,  under  all  its  disadvantages,  gave 
us  convincing  proof  that  the  production  of  cotton  and 
sugar  by  free  labor  was  both  possible  and  profitable. 
The  negro  had  proved  the  incorrectness  of  the  slave 
holders'  assertion  that  no  black  man  would  labor  on  a 
plantation  except  as  a  slave.  So  much  we  had  seen  ac 
complished.  It  was  the  result  of  a  single  year's  trial. 
We  desired  to  see  a  further  and  more  extensive  test. 

While  studying  the  new  system  in  the  hands  of 
others,  we  were  urged  to  bring  it  under  our  personal 
observation.  Various  inducements  were  held  out.  We 
were  convinced  of  the  general  feasibility  of  the  enter 
prise,  wherever  it  received  proper  attention.  As  a  phil- 


324  CATCHING  OUK  HARE. 

anthropic  undertaking,  it  was  commendable.  As  a  finan 
cial  experiment,  it  promised  success.  We  looked  at  the 
matter  in  all  its  aspects,  and  finally  decided  to  gain  an 
intimate  knowledge  of  plantation  life  in  war-time. 
Whether  we  succeeded  or  failed,  we  would  learn  more 
albout  the  freedmen  than  we  had  hitherto  known,  and 
would  assist,  in  some  degree,  to  solve  the  great  prolblem 
before  the  country.  Success  would  be  personally  profit 
able,  while  failure  could  not  be  disastrous. 

We  determined  to  lease  a  plantation,  but  had  selected 
none.  In  her  directions  for  cooking  a  hare,  Mrs.  Glass 
says:  "  First,  catch  your  hare."  Our  animal  was  to  be 
caught,  and  the  labor  of  securing  it  proved  greater  than 
we  anticipated. 

All  the  eligible  locations  around  Vicksburg  had  been 
taken  by  the  lessees  of  the  previous  season,  or  by  new 
ly-arrived  persons  who  preceded  us.  There  were  sev 
eral  residents  of  the  neighboring  region  who  desired  per 
sons  from  the  North  to  join  them  in  tilling  their  planta 
tions.  They  were  confident  of  obtaining  Rebel  protec 
tion,  though  by  no  means  certain  of  securing  perfect  im 
munity.  In  each  case  they  demanded  a  cash  advance 
of  a  few  thousands,  for  the  purpose  of  hiring  the  guer 
rillas  to  keep  the  peace.  As  it  was  evident  that  the  pur 
chase  of  one  marauding  band  would  require  the  pur 
chase  of  others,  until  the  entire  "Confederacy"  had 
been  bought  up,  we  declined  all  these  proposals. 

Some  of  these  residents,  who  wished  Northern  men 
to  join  them,  claimed  to  have  excellent  plantations  along 
the  Yazoo,  or  near  some  of  its  tributary  bayous.  These 


DESTRUCTION"  OF  REBEL  HOPES.  325 

men  were  confident  a  fine  cotton  crop  could  be  made, 
"if  there  were  some  Northern  man  to  manage  the  nig 
gers."  It  was  the  general  complaint  with  the  people 
who  lived  in  that  region  that, -with  few  exceptions,  no 
Southern  man  could  induce  the  negroes  to  continue  at 
work.  One  of  these  plantation  proprietors  said  his  loca 
tion  was  such  that  no  guerrilla  could  get  near  it  without 
endangering  his  life.  An  investigation  showed  that  no 
other  person  could  reach  the  plantation  without  incur 
ring  a  risk  nearly  as  great.  Very  few  of  these  owners 
of  remote  plantations  were  able  to  induce  strangers  to 
join  them. 

We  procured  a  map  of  the  Mississippi  and  fhe  coun 
try  bordering  its  banks.  Whenever  we  found  a  good 
location  and  made  inquiry  about  it  at  the  office  of  the 
leasing  agents,  we  were  sure  to  ascertain  that  some 
one  had  already  filed  an  application.  It  was  plain  that 
Vicksburg  was  not  the  proper  field  for  our  researches. 
We  shook  its  dust  from  our  feet  and  went  to  Natchez,  a 
hundred  and  twenty-five  miles  below,  where  a  better 
prospect  was  afforded. 

In  the  spring  of  1863,  the  Rebels  felt  confident  of 
retaining  permanent  possession  of  Vicksburg  and  Port 
Hudson,  two  hundred  and  fifty  miles  apart.  Whatever 
might  be  the  result  elsewhere,  this  portion  of  the  Missis 
sippi  should  not  be  abandoned.  In  the  belief  that  the 
progress  of  the  Yankees  had  been  permanently  stopped, 
the  planters  in  the  locality  mentioned  endeavored  to 
make  as  full  crops  as  possible  of  the  great  staple  of  the 
South.  Accordingly,  they  plowed  and  planted,  and 


326  THE  PLANTATIONS  BELOW  YICKSBUEG. 

tended  the  growing  cotton  until  midsummer  came.  On 
the  fourth  of  July,  Vicksburg  surrendered,  and  opened 
the  river  to  Port  Hudson.  General  Herron's  Division 
was  sent  to  re-enforce  General  Banks,  who  was  "besieg 
ing  the  latter  place.  In  a  few  days,  General  Gardner 
hauled  down  his  flag  and  gave  Port  Hudson  to  the 
nation.  "The  Father  of  Waters  went  unvexed  to  the 
Sea." 

The  rich  region  that  the  Kebels  had  thought  to  hold 
was,  by  the  fortune  of  war,  in  the  possession  of  the  Na 
tional  army.  The  planters  suspended  their  operations, 
through  fear  that  the  Yankees  would  possess  the  land. 

Some  of  them  sent  their  negroes  to  the  interior  of 
Louisiana  for  safety.  Others  removed  to  Texas,  carry 
ing  all  their  human  property  with  them.  On  some  plan 
tations  the  cotton  had  been  so  well  cared  for  that  it  came 
to  maturity  in  fine  condition.  On  others  it  had  been 
very  slightly  cultivated,  and  was  almost  choked  out  of 
existence  by  weeds  and  grass.  Nearly  every  plantation 
could  boast  of  more  or  less  cotton  in  the  field — the  quan 
tity  varying  from  twenty  bales  to  five  hundred.  On 
some  plantations  cotton  had  been  neglected,  and  a  large 
crop  of  corn  grown  in  its  place.  Everywhere  the  Rebel 
law  had  been  obeyed  by  the  production  of  more  corn 
than  usual.  There  was  enough  for  the  sustenance  of 
our  armies  for  many  months. 

Natchez  was  the  center  of  this  newly- opened  region. 
Before  the  war  it  was  the  home  of  wealthy  slave-owners, 
who  believed  the  formation  of  a  Southern  Confederacy 
would  be  the  formation  of  a  terrestrial  paradise.  On 


NATCHEZ.  327 

both  banks  of  the  Mississippi,  above  and  below  Natch 
ez,  were  the  finest  cotton  plantations  of  the  great  valley. 
One  family  owned  nine  plantations,  from  which  eight 
thousand  bales  of  cotton  were  annually  sent  to  market. 
Another  family  owned  seven  plantations,  and  others 
were  the  owners  of  from  three  to  six,  respectively. 

The  plantations  were  in  the  care  of  overseers  and 
agents,  and  rarely  visited  by  their  owners.  The  profits 
were  large,  and  money  was  poured  out  in  profusion. 
The  books  of  one  of  the  Natchez  banks  showed  a  daily 
business,  in  the  picking  season,  of  two  or  three  million 
dollars,  generally  on  the  accounts  of  planters  and  their 
factors. 

Prior  to  the  Rebellion,  cotton  was  usually  shipped 
to  New  Orleans,  and  sold  in  that  market.  There  were 
some  of  the  planters  who  sent  their  cotton  to  Liverpool 
or  Havre,  without  passing  it  through  the  hands  of  New 
Orleans  factors.  A  large  balance  of  the  proceeds  of 
such  shipments  remained  to  the  credit  of  the  shippers 
when  the  war  broke  out,  and  saved  them  from  financial 
ruin.  The  business  of  Natchez  amounted,  according  to 
the  season,  from  a  hundred  thousand  to  three  hundred 
thousand  bales.  This  included  a  great  quantity  that 
was  sent  to  New  Orleans  from  plantations  above  and 
below  the  city,  without  touching  at  all  upon  the  levee 
at  Natchez. 

Natchez  consists  of  Natchez-on-the-Hill  and  Natchez- 
under-the-Hill.  A  bluff,  nearly  two  hundred  feet  high, 
faces  the  Mississippi,  where  there  is  an  eastward  bend 
of  the  stream.  Toward  the  river  this  bluff  is  almost 


328  ITS  APPEAEAKCE. 

perpendicular,  and  is  climbed  by  three  roads  cut  into  its 
face  like  inclined  shelves.  The  French  established  a 
settlement  at  this  point  a  hundred  and  fifty  years  ago, 
and  erected  a  fortification  for  its  defense.  This  work, 
known  as  Fort  Rosalie,  can  still  be  traced  with  distinct 
ness,  though  it  has  fallen  into  extreme  decay.  It  was 
evidently  a  rectangular,  bastioned  work,  and  the  loca 
tion  of  the  bastions  and  magazine  can  be  readily  made 
out. 

•  Natchez- under-the-Hill  is  a  small,  straggling  village, 
having  a  few  commission  houses  and  stores,  and  dwell 
ings  of  a  suspicious  character.  It  was  once  a  resort  of 
gamblers  and  other  chevaliers  d '  Industrie,  whose  liveli 
hood  was  derived  from  the  travelers  along  the  Missis 
sippi.  At  present  it  is  somewhat  shorn  of  its  glory. 

Natchez- on-the-Hill  is  a  pleasant  and  well-built  city, 
of  about  ten  thousand  inhabitants.  The  buildings  dis 
play  wealth  and  good  taste,  the  streets  are  wide  and 
finely  shaded,  and  the  abundance  of  churches  speaks  in 
praise  of  the  religious  sentiment  of  the  people.  Near 
the  edge  of  the  bluff  there  was  formerly  a  fine  park, 
commanding  a  view  of  the  river  for  several  miles  in 
either  direction,  and  overlooking  the  plantations  and 
cypress  forests  on  the  opposite  shore.  This  pleasure- 
ground  was  reserved  for  the  white  people  alone,  no 
negro  being  allowed  to  enter  the  inclosure  under  severe 
penalties.  A  regiment  of  our  soldiers  encamped  near 
this  park,  and  used  its  fence  for  fuel.  The  park  is  now 
free  to  persons  of  whatever  color. 

Natchez  suffered  less  from  the  war  than  most  other 


PROGRESS  OF  THE  NEW  ENTERPRISE.  329 

places  of  its  size  along  the  Mississippi.  The  Kebels 
never  erected  fortifications  in  or  around  Natchez,  having 
relied  upon  Vicksburg  and  Port  Hudson  for  their  pro 
tection.  When  Admiral  Farragut  ascended  the  river, 
in  1862,  after  the  fall  of  New  Orleans,  he  promised  that 
Natchez  should  not  be  disturbed,  so  long  as  the  people 
offered  no  molestation  to  our  gun-boats  or  army  trans 
ports.  This  neutrality  was  carefully  observed,  except 
on  one  occasion.  A  party  which  landed  from  the  gun 
boat  Essex  was  fired  upon  by  a  militia  company  that 
desired  to  distinguish  itself.  Natchez  was  shelled  for 
two  hours,  in  retaliation  for  this  outrage.  From  that 
time  until  our  troops  occupied  the  city  there  was  no 
disturbance. 

When  we  arrived  at  Natchez,  we  found  several 
Northern  men  already  there,  whose  business  was  simi 
lar  to  our  own.  Some  had  secured  plantations,  and 
were  preparing  to  take  possession.  Others  were  watch 
ing  the  situation  and  surveying  the  ground  before  mak 
ing  their  selections.  We  found  that  the  best  plantations 
in  the  vicinity  had  been  taken  by  the  friends  of  Adju 
tant-General  Thomas,  and  were  gone  past  our  securing. 
At  Vidalia,  Louisiana,  directly  opposite  Natchez,  were 
two  fine  plantations,  "Arnuldia"  and  "Whitehall," 
which  had  been  thus  appropriated.  Others  in  their  vi 
cinity  had  been  taken  in  one  way  or  another,  and  were 
out  of  our  reach.  Some  of  the  lessees  declared  they  had 
been  forced  to  promise  a  division  with  certain  parties  in 
authority  before  obtaining  possession,  while  others  main 
tained  a  discreet  silence  on  the  subject.  Many  planta- 


330  AMONG  THE  WIDOWS. 

tions  owned  by  widows  and  semi-loyal  persons,  would 
not  be  placed  in  the  market  as  "  abandoned  property." 
There  were  many  whose  status  had  not  been  decided,  so 
that  they  were  practically  out  of  the  market.  In  conse 
quence  of  these  various  drawbacks,  the  number  of  de 
sirable  locations  that  were  open  for  selection  was  not 
large. 

One  of  the  leasing  agents  gave  us  a  letter  to  a  young 
widow  who  resided  in  the  city,  and  owned  a  large  plan 
tation  in  Louisiana,  fifteen  miles  from  Natchez.  We  lost 
no  time  in  calling  upon  the  lady. 

Other  parties  had  already  seen  her  with  a  view  to 
leasing  her  plantation.  Though  she  had  promised  the 
lease  to  one  of  these  visitors,  she  had  no  objections  to 
treating  with  ourselves,  provided  she  could  make  a 
more  advantageous  contract. 

In  a  few  days  we  repeated  our  visit.  Our  rival  had 
urged  his  reasons  for  consideration,  and  was  evidently 
in  favor.  He  had  claimed  to  be  a  Secessionist,  and  as 
sured  her  he  could  obtain  a  safeguard  from  the  Rebel 
authorities.  The  lady  finally  consented  to  close  a  con 
tract  with  htm,  and  placed  us  in  the  position  of  dis 
carded  suitors.  We  thought  of  issuing  a  new  edition 
of  "The  Rejected  Addresses." 


A  JOURNEY  BEYOND  THE  LINES,  331 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 

A  JOURNEY  OUTSIDE  THE  LINES. 

Passing  the  Pickets. — Cold  Weather  in  the  South.— Effect  of  Climate 
upon  the  Constitution. — Surrounded  and  Captured. — Prevarication 
and  Explanation. — Among  the  Natives. — The  Game  for  the  Confed 
eracy. — Courtesy  of  the  Planters. — Condition  of  the  Plantations. — 
The  Return. 

MR.  COLBURN  went  to  St.  Louis,  on  "business  in  which 
"both  were  interested,  and  left  me  to  look  out  a  planta 
tion.  I  determined  to  make  a  tour  of  exploration  in 
Louisiana,  in  the  region  above  Yidalia.  With  two  or 
three  gentlemen,  who  were  bound  on  similar  business, 
I  passed  our  pickets  one  morning,  and  struck  out  into 
the  region  which  was  dominated  by  neither  army.  The 
weather  was  intensely  cold,  the  ground  frozen  solid,  and 
a  light  snow  falling. 

Cold  weather  in  the  South  has  one  peculiarity :  it  can 
seem  more  intense  than  the  same  temperature  at  the 
North.  It  is  the  effect  of  the  Southern  climate  to  unfit 
the  system  for  any  thing  but  a  warm  atmosphere.  The 
chill  penetrates  the  whole  body  with  a  severity  I  have 
never  known  north  of  the  Ohio  River.  In  a  cold  day, 
the  "Sunny  South"  possesses  very  few  attractions  in 
the  eyes  of  a  stranger. 

In  that  day's  ride,  and  in  the  night  which  followed, 
I  suffered  more  than  ever  before  from  cold.  I  once 


332  A  COLD  DAY. 

passed  a  night  in  the  open  air  in  the  Kooky  Mount 
ains,  with  the  thermometer  ten  degrees  "below  zero. 
I  think  it  was  more  endurable  than  Louisiana,  with 
the  mercury  ten  degrees  above  zero.  On  my  plan 
tation  hunt  I  was  thickly  clad,  "but  the  cold  would 
penetrate,  in  spite  of  every  thing.  An  hour  by  a 
fire  might  bring  some  warmth,  but  the  first  step  into 
the  open  air  wsould  drive  it  away.  Fluid  extract  of 
corn  failed  to  have  its  ordinary  effect.  The  people 
of  the  vicinity  said  the  weather  was  unusually  severe 
on  that  occasion.  For  the  sake  of  those  who  reside 
there  hereafter,  I  hope  their  statement  was  true. 

Our  party  stopped  for  the  night  at  a  plantation 
near  Waterproof,  a  small  village  on  the  bank  of  the 
river,  twenty-two  miles  from  Natchez.  Just  as  we 
were  ^comfortably  seated  by  the  fire  in  the  overseer's 
house,  one  of  the  negroes  announced  that  a  person 
at  the  door  wished  to  see  us. 

I  stepped  to  the  door,  and  found  a  half-dozen 
mounted  men  in  blue  uniforms.  Each  man  had  a 
carbine  or  revolver  drawn  on  me.  One  of  my  com 
panions  followed  me  outside,  and  found  that  the 
strange  party  had  weapons  enough  to  cover  both  of 
us.  It  had  been  rumored  that  several  guerrillas, 
wearing  United  States  uniforms,  were  lurking  in  the 
vicinity.  Our  conclusions  concerning  the  character 
of  our  captors  were  speedily  made. 

^Resistance  was  useless,  but  there  were  consider 
ations  that  led  us  to  parley  as  long  as  possible. 
Three  officers,  and  as  many  soldiers,  from  Natchez, 


MY  CAPTURE.  333 

had  overtaken  us  in  the  afternoon,  and  Iborne  us 
company  during  the  latter  part  of  our  ride.  When 
we  stopped  for  the  night,  they  concluded  to  go 
forward  two  or  three  miles,  and  return  in  the  morn 
ing.  Supposing  ourselves  fairly  taken,  we  wished 
to  give  our  friends  opportunity  to  escape.  With 
this  object  in  view,  we  endeavored,  "by  much  talk 
ing,  to  consume  time. 

I  believe  it  does  not  make  a  man  eloquent  to  compel 
him  to  peer  into  the  muzzles  of  a  half-dozen  cocked  re 
volvers,  that  may  "be  discharged  at  any  instant  on  the 
will  of  the  holders.  Prevarication  is  a  difficult  task, 
when  time,  place,  and  circumstances  are  favorable. 
It  is  no  easy  matter  to  convince  your  hearers  of  the 
truth  of  a  story  you  know  to  be  false,  even  when 
those  hearers  are  inclined  to  be  credulous.  Surround 
ed  by  strangers,  and  with  your  life  in  peril,  the 
difficulties  are  greatly  increased.  I  am  satisfied  that 
I  made  a  sad  failure  on  that  particular  occasion. 

My  friend  and  myself  answered,  indiscriminately, 
the  questions  that  were  propounded.  Our  responses 
did  not  always  agree.  Possibly  we  might  have  done 
better  if  only  one  of  us  had  spoken. 

"Come  out  of  that  house,"  was  the  first  request 
that  was  made. 

We  came  out. 

"Tell  those  soldiers  to  come  out." 

"There  are  no  soldiers  here,"  I  responded. 

"That's  ad— d  lie." 

"There  are  none  here." 


334  A  MISUNDERSTANDING. 

"Yes,  there  are,"  said  the  spokesman  of  the  party. 
"Some  Yankee  soldiers  came  here  a  little  while 
ago." 

"  We  have  "been  here  only  a  few  minutes." 

"  Where  did  you  come  from  ?" 

This  was  what  the  lawyers  call  a  leading  question. 
We  did  not  desire  to  acknowledge  we  were  from 
Natchez,  as  that  would  reveal  us  at  once.  We  did 
not  wish  to  say  we  were  from  Shreveport,  as  it 
would  soon  be  proved  we  were  not  telling  the  truth. 
I  replied  that  we  had  come  from  a  plantation  a  few 
miles  below.  Simultaneously  my  companion  said  we 
had  just  crossed  the  river. 

Here  was  a  lack  of  corroborative  testimony  which 
our  captors  commented  upon,  somewhat  to  our  dis 
credit.  So  the  conversation  went  on,  our  answers 
becoming  more  confused  each  time  we  spoke.  At 
last  the  leader  of  the  group  dismounted,  and  pre 
pared  to  search  the  house.  He  turned  us  over  to 
the  care  of  his  companions,  saying,  as  he  did  so  : 

"If  I  find  any  soldiers  here,  you  may  shoot  these 
d — d  fellows  for  lying." 

During  all  the  colloquy  we  had  been  carefully  cov 
ered  by  the  weapons  of  the  group.  We  knew  no  sol 
diers  could  be  found  about  the  premises,  and  felt  no  fear 
concerning  the  result  of  the  search. 

Just  as  the  leader  finished  his  search,  a  lieutenant 
and  twenty  men  rode  up. 

"Well,"  said  our  captor,  "you  are  saved  from 
shooting.  I  will  turn  you  over  to  the  lieutenant." 


SUPPOSED  TO  BE  REBEL  OFFICERS.  335 

I  recognized  in  that  individual  an  officer  to  whom  I 
had  received  introduction  a  day  or  two  Ibefore.  The 
recognition  was  mutual. 

We  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  a  scouting  party  of 
our  own  forces.  Each  mistook  the  other  for  Rebels. 
The  contemplated  shooting  was  indefinitely  postponed. 
The  lieutenant  in  command  concluded  to  encamp  near 
us,  and  we  passed  the  evening  in  becoming  acquainted 
with  each  other. 

On  the  following  day  the  scouting  party  returned  to 
Natchez.  With  my  two  companions  I  proceeded  ten 
miles  further  up  the  river-bank,  calling,  on  the  way,  at 
several  plantations.  All  the  inhabitants  supposed  we 
were  Rebel  officers,  going  to  or  from  Kirby  Smith's  de 
partment.  At  one  house  we  found  two  old  gentlemen 
indulging  in  a  game  of  chess.  In  response  to  a  com 
ment  upon  their  mode  of  amusement,  one  of  them  said : 

"  We  play  a  very  slow  and  cautious  game,  sir.  Such 
a  game  as  the  Confederacy  ought  to  play  at  this  time." 

To  this  I  assented. 

"  How  did  you  cross  the  river,  gentlemen  1"  was  the 
first  interrogatory. 

"We  crossed  it  at  Natchez." 

"At  Natchez!  We  do  not  often  see  Confederates 
from  Natchez.  You  must  have  been  very  fortunate  to 
get  through." 

Then  we  explained  who  and  what  we  were.  The 
explanation  was  followed  by  a  little  period  of  silence  on 
the  part  of  our  new  acquaintances.  Very  soon,  how 
ever,  the  ice  was  broken,  and  our  conversation  became 


336  CONDITION  OF  THE  COUNTRY. 

free.  We  were  assured  that  we  might  travel  anywhere 
in  that  region  as  officers  of  the  Rebel  army,  without  the 
slightest  suspicion  of  our  real  character.  They  treated 
us  courteously,  and  prevailed  upon  us  to  join  them  at 
dinner.  Many  apologies  were  given  for  the  scantiness 
of  the  repast.  Corn-~bread,  "bacon,  and  potatoes  were 
the  only  articles  set  "before  us.  Our  host  said  he  was 
utterly  unable  to  procure  flour,  sugar,  coffee,  or  any 
thing  else  not  produced  upon  his  plantation.  He 
thought  the  good  times  would  return  when  the  war 
ended,  and  was  particularly  anxious  for  that  moment  to 
arrive.  He  pressed  us  to  pass  the  night  at  his  house, 
"but  we  were  unable  to  do  so.  On  the  following  day  we 
returned  to  Natchez. 

Everywhere  on  the  road  from  Vidalia  to  the  farthest 
point  of  our  journey,  we  found  the  plantations  running 
to  waste.  The  negroes  had  been  sent  to  Texas  or  West 
Louisiana  for  safety,  or  were  remaining  quietly  in  their 
quarters.  Some  had  left  their  masters,  and  were  gone  to 
the  camps  of  the  National  army  at  Vicksburg  and 
Natchez.  The  planters  had  suspended  work,  partly  be 
cause  they  deemed  it  useless  to  do  any  thing  in  the  pre 
vailing  uncertainty,  and  partly  because  the  negroes 
were  unwilling  to  perform  any  labor.  Squads  of  Rebel 
cavalry  had  visited  some  of  the  plantations,  and  threat 
ened  punishment  to  the  negroes  if  they  did  any  thing 
whatever  toward  the  production  of  cotton.  Of  course, 
the  negroes  would  heed  such  advice  if  they  heeded  no 
other. 

On  all  the  plantations  we  found  cotton  and  corn, 


"GENTLEMEN  OF  THE  JURY."  337 

principally  the  latter,  standing  in  the  field.  Sometimes 
there  were  single  inclosures  of  several  hundred  acres. 
The  owners  were  desirous  of  making  any  arrangement 
that  would  secure  the  tilling  of  their  soil,  while  it  did 
not  involve  them  in  any  trouble  with  their  neighbors 
or  the  Kebel  authorities. 

They  deplored  the  reverses  which  the  Rebel  cause 
had  suffered,  and  confessed  that  the  times  were  out  of 
joint.  One  of  the  men  we  visited  was  a  judge  in  the 
courts  of  Louisiana,  and  looked  at  the  question  in  a  legal 
light.  After  lamenting  the  severity  of  the  storm  which 
was  passing  over  the  South,  and  expressing  his  fear  that 
the  Rebellion  would  be  a  failure,  he  referred  to  his  own 
situation. 

"  I  own  a  plantation,"  said  he,  "  and  have  combined 
my  planting  interest  with  the  practice  of  law.  The  for 
tune  of  war  has  materially  changed  my  circumstances. 
My  niggers  used  to  do  as  I  told  them,  but  that  time  is 
passed.  Your  Northern  people  have  made  soldiers  of 
our  servants,  and  will,  I  presume,  make  voters  of  them. 
In  five  years,  if  I  continue  the  practice  of  law,  I  suppose 
I  shall  be  addressing  a  dozen  negroes  as  gentlemen  of 
the  jury." 

"  If  you  had  a  negro  on  trial,"  said  one  of  our  party, 
"  that  would  be  correct  enough.  Is  it  not  acknowledged 
everywhere  that  a  man  shall  be  tried  by  his  peers?" 

The  lawyer  admitted  that  he  never  thought  of  that 
point  before.  He  said  he  would  insist  upon  having 
negroes  admitted  into  court  as  counsel  for  negroes  that 

were  to  be  tried  by  a  jury  of  their  race.    He  did  not 
22 


338  HOPES  OF  THE  PLANTERS. 

believe  they  would  ever  Ibe  available  as  laborers  in  the 
field  if  they  were  set  free,  and  thought  so  many  of  them 
would  engage  in  theft  that  negro  courts  would  be  con 
stantly  busy. 

Generally  speaking,  the  planters  that  I  saw  were  not 
violent  Secessionists,  though  none  of  them  were  uncon 
ditional  Union  men.  All  said  they  had  favored  secession 
at  the  beginning  of  the  movement,  because  they  thought 
it  would  strengthen  and  perpetuate  slavery.  Most  of 
them  had  lost  faith  in  its  ultimate  success,  but  clung  to 
it  as  their  only  hope.  The  few  Union  men  among  them, 
or  those  who  claimed  to  be  loyal,  were  friends  of  the 
nation  with  many  conditions.  They  desired  slavery  to 
be  restored  to  its  former  status,  the  rights  of  the  States 
left  intact,  and  a  full  pardon  extended  to  all  who  had 
taken  part  in  the  Kebellion.  Under  these  conditions 
they  would  be  willing  to  see  the  Union  restored.  Other 
wise,  the  war  must  go  on. 

We  visited  several  plantations  on  our  tour  of  obser 
vation,  and  compared  their  respective  merits.  One 
plantation  contained  three  thousand  acres  of  land,  but 
was  said  to  be  very  old  and  worn  out.  Near  it  was  one 
of  twelve  hundred  acres,  three-fourths  covered  with 
corn,  but  with  no  standing  cotton.  One  had  six  hun 
dred  acres  of  cotton  in  the  field.  This  place  belonged  to 
a  Spaniard,  who  would  not  be  disturbed  by  Government, 
and  who  refused  to  allow  any  work  done  until  after  the 
end  of  the  war.  Another  had  four  hundred  acres  of 
standing  cotton,  but  the  plantation  had  been  secured  by 
a  lessee,  who  was  about  commencing  work. 


MERITS  AND  DEMERITS  OF  PLANTATIONS.        339 

All  had  merits,  and  all  had  demerits.  On  some  there 
was  a  sufficient  force  for  the  season's  work,  while  on 
others  there  was  scarcely  an  alble  field-hand.  On  some 
the  gin-houses  had  Ibeen  burned,  and  on  others  they 
were  standing,  but  disabled.  A  few  plantations  were 
in  good  order,  but  there  was  always  some  drawback 
against  our  securing  them.  Some  were  liable  to  over 
flow  during  the  expected  flood  of  the  Mississippi ;  others 
were  in  the  hands  of  their  owners,  and  would  not  be 
leased  by  the  Government.  Some  that  had  been  aban 
doned  were  so  thoroughly  abandoned  that  we  would 
hesitate  to  attempt  their  cultivation.  There  were  several 
plantations  more  desirable  than  others,  and  I  busied 
myself  to  ascertain  the  status  of  their  owners,  and  the 
probabilities  concerning  their  disposal. 

Some  of  the  semi-loyal  owners  of  plantations  were 
able  to  make  very  good  speculations  in  leasing  their 
property.  There  was  an  earnest  competition  among  the 
lessees  to  secure  promising  plantations.  One  owner 
made  a  contract,  by  which  he  received  five  thousand  dol 
lars  in  cash  and  half  the  product  of  the  year's  labor. 

A  week  after  the  lessee  took  possession,  he  was 
frightened  by  the  near  approach  of  a  company  of  Rebel 
cavalry.  He  broke  his  contract  and  departed  for  the 
North,  forfeiting  the  five  thousand  dollars  he  had  ad 
vanced.  Another  lessee  was  ready  to  make  a  new 
contract  with  the  owner,  paying  five  thousand  dollars 
as  his  predecessor  had  done.  Four  weeks  later,  this 

lessee  abandoned  the  field,  and  the  owner  was  at  liberty 

• 

to  begin  anew. 


340  A  FORTUNATE  OATH. 

To  widows  and  orphans  the  agents  of  the  Government 
displayed  a  commendable  liberality.  Nearly  all  of 
these  persons  were  allowed  to  retain  control  of  their 
plantations,  leasing  them  as  they  saw  fit,  and  enjoying 
the  income.  Some  were  required  to  subscribe  to  the 
oath  of  allegiance,  and  promise  to  show  no  more  sympa 
thy  for  the  crumbling  Confederacy.  In  many  cases 
no  pledge  of  any  kind  was  exacted. 

I  knew  one  widow  whose  disloyalty  was  of  the  most 
violent  character.  On  a  visit  to  New  Orleans  she  was 
required  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  before  she  could 
leave  the  steamboat  at  the  levee.  She  signed  the  print 
ed  oath  under  protest.  A  month  later,  she  brought  this 
document  forward  to  prove  her  loyalty  and  secure  the 
control  of  her  plantation. 


PROMISE  OF  PROTECTION.  341 


CHAPTER   XXXIII. 

ON    THE    PLANTATION. 

Military  Protection. — Promises. — Another  "Widow. — Securing  a  Planta 
tion. — Its  Locality  and  Appearance. — Gardening  in  Louisiana. — How 
Cotton  is  Picked.—"  The  Tell-Tale."— A  Southerner's  Opinion  of  the 
Negro  Character. — Causes  and  Consequences. 

PARTIES  who  proposed  to  lease  and  cultivate  aban 
doned  plantations  were  anxious  to  know  what  protec 
tion  would -"be  afforded  them.  General  Thomas  and  his 
agents  assured  them  that  proper  military  posts  would 
soon  "be  established  at  points  within  easy  distance  of 
each  other  along  the  river,  so  that  all  plantations  in 
certain  limits  would  "be  amply  protected.  This  would 
"be  done,  not  as  a  courtesy  to  the  lessees,  but  as  a 
part  of  the  policy  of  providing  for  the  care  of  the  ne 
groes.  If  the  lessees  would  undertake  to  feed  and 
clothe  several  thousand  negroes,  besides  paying  them 
for  their  labor,  they  would  relieve  the  Government  au 
thorities  of  a  great  responsibility.  They  would  demon 
strate  the  feasibility  of  employing  the  negroes  as  free 
laborers.  The  cotton  which  they  would  throw  into 
market  would  serve  to  reduce  the  prices  of  that  staple, 
and  be  a  partial  supply  to  the  Northern  factories.  All 
these  things  considered,  the  Government  was  anxious  to 
foster  'the  enterprise,  and  would  give  it  every  proper 


342  OUR  LOCATION. 

assistance.  The  agents  were  profuse  in  their  promises 
of  protection,  and  assured  us  it  would  be  speedily  forth 
coming. 

There  was  a  military  post  at  Yidalia,  opposite 
Natchez,  which  afforded  protection  to  the  plantations  in 
which  General  Thomas'  s  family  and  friends  were  inter 
ested.  Another  was  promised  at  Waterproof,  twenty 
miles  above,  with  a  stockade  midway  between  the  two 
places.  There  was  to  be  a  force  of  cavalry  to  make  a 
daily  journey  over  the  road  between  Yidalia  and  Water 
proof.  I  selected  two  plantations  about  two  miles  be 
low  Waterproof,  and  on  the  bank  of  the  Mississippi. 
They  were  separated  by  a  strip  of  wood-land  half  a  mile 
in  width,  and  by  a  small  bayou  reaching  from  the  river 
to  the  head  of  Lake  St.  John.  Both  plantations  belonged 
to  the  same  person,  a  widow,  living  near  Natchez. 

The  authorities  had  not  decided  what  they  would  do 
with  these  plantations — whether  they  would  hold  them 
as  Government  property,  or  allow  the  owner  to  control 
them.  In  consideration  of  her  being  a  widow  of  fifteen 
•years'  standing,  they  at  length  determined  upon  the  lat 
ter  course.  It  would  be  necessary  to  take  out  a  lease 
from  the  authorities  after  obtaining  one  from  the  owner. 
I  proceeded  at  once  to  make  the  proper  negotiations. 

Another  widow  !  My  first  experience  in  seeking  to 
obtain  a  widow's  plantation  was  not  encouraging.  The 
first  widow  was  young,  the  second  was  old.  Both  were 
anxious  to  make  a  good  bargain.  In  the  first  instance  I 
had  a  rival,  who  proved  victorious.  In  the  second  af 
fair  I  had  no  rival  at  the  outset,  but  was  confronted  with 


MY  WIDOW.  343 

one  when  my  suit  was  fairly  under  way.  Before  he 
came  I  obtained  a  promise  of  the  widow' s  plantations. 
My  rival  made  her  a  better  offer  than  I  had  done.  At 
this  she  proposed  to  desert  me.  I  caused  the  elder  Wel- 
ler's  advice  to  "be  whispered  to  him,  hoping  it  might 
induce  his  withdrawal.  He  did  not  retire,  and  we, 
therefore,  continued  our  struggle.  He  was  making  pro 
posals  on  his  own  "behalf ;  I  was  proposing  for  myself 
and  for  Mr.  Colburn,  who  was  then  a  thousand  miles 
away. 

My  widow  (I  call  her  mine,  for  I  won  at  last)  desired 
us  to  give  her  all  the  corn  and  cotton  then  on  the  planta 
tions,  and  half  of  what  should  be  produced  under  our 
management.  I  offered  her  half  the  former  and  one- 
fourth*  the  latter.  These  were  the  terms  on  which  nearly 
all  private  plantations  were  being  leased.  She  agreed 
to  the  offer  respecting  the  corn  and  cotton  then  standing 
in  the  field,  and  demanded  a  third  of  the  coming  year's 
products.  After  some  hesitation,  we  decided  upon  "  split 
ting  the  difference."  Upon  many  minor  points,  such  as 
the  sale  of  wood,  stock,  wool,  etc.,  she  had  her  own  way. 

A  contract  was  drawn  up,  which  gave  Colburn 
and  myself  the  lease  of  the  two  plantations,  "  Aquasco  " 
and  "Monono,"  for  the  period  of  one  year.  We 
were  to  gather  the  crops  then  standing  in  the  field, 
both  cotton  and  corn,  selling  all  the  former  and  such 
portion  of  the  latter  as  was  not  needed  for  the  use  of 
the  plantations.  We  were  to  cultivate  the  plantations 
to  the  best  of  our  abilities,  subject  to  the  fortunes 
of  flood,  fire,  and  pestilence,  and  the  operations  of 


344  OBTAINING  A  CONTRACT. 

military  and  marauding  forces.  We  agreed  to 
give  up  the  plantations  at  the  end  of  the  year 
in  as  good  condition  as  we  found  them  in  respect 
to  stock,  tools,  etc.,  unless  prevented  by  circum 
stances  beyond  our  control.  We  were  to  have  full 
supervision  of  the  plantations,  and  manage  them  as 
we  saw  fit.  We  were  to  furnish  such  stock  and 
tools  as  might  be  needed,  with  the  privilege  of 
removing  the  same  at  the  time  of  our  departure. 

Our  widow  (whom  I  shall  call  Mrs.  B.)  was  to 
have  one-half  the  proceeds  of  the  corn  and  cotton 
then  on  the  plantations,  and  seven  twenty -fourths  of 
such  as  might  be  produced  during  the  year.  She 
was  to  have  the  privilege  of  obtaining,  once  a  week, 
the  supplies  of  butter,  chickens,  meal,  vegetables, 
and  similar  articles  she  might  need  for  her  family 
use.  There  were  other  provisions  in  the  contract, 
but  the  essential  points  were  those  I  have  mentioned. 
The  two  plantations  were  to  be  under  a  single  man 
agement.  I  shall  have  occasion  to  speak  of  them 
jointly,  as  "  the  plantation." 

With  this  contract  duly  signed,  sealed,  and  stamped, 
I  went  to  the  "  Agent  for  Abandoned  Plantations." 
After  some  delay,  and  a  payment  of  liberal  fees,  I 
obtained  the  Government  lease.  These  preliminaries 
concluded,  I  proceeded  to  the  locality  of  our  temporary 
home.  Colburn  had  not  returned  from  the  North,  but 
was  expected  daily. 

The  bayou  which  I  have  mentioned,  running  through 
the  strip  of  woods  which  separated  the  plantations, 


HOUSE  AND  GARDEN.  345 

formed  the  dividing  line  between  the  parishes  "Con- 
cordia"  and  "Tensas,"  in  the  State  of  Louisiana. 
Lake  St.  John  lay  directly  in  rear  of  "Monono," 
our  lower  plantation.  This  lake  was  five  or  six 
miles  long  Iby  one  in  width,  and  was,  doubtless, 
the  bed  of  the  Mississippi  many  years  ago. 

On  each  plantation  there  were  ten  dwelling-houses 
for  the  negroes.  On  one  they  were  arranged  in  a 
double  row,  and  on  the  other  in  a  single  row.  There 
was  a  larger  house  for  the  overseer,  and  there  were 
blacksmith  shops,  carpenter  shops,  stables,  corn-cribs, 
meat-houses,  cattle-yards,  and  gin-houses. 

On  Aquasco  there  was  a  dwelling-house  containing 
live  large  rooms,  and  having  a  wide  veranda  along 
its  entire  front.  This  dwelling-house  was  in  a  spacious 
inclosure,  by  the  side  of  a  fine  garden.  Inside  this 
inclosure,  and  not  far  from  the  dwelling,  were  the 
quarters  for  the  house-servants,  the  carriage-house 
and  private  stable,  the  smoke-house  and  the  kitchen, 
which  lay  detached  from  the  main  building,  according 
to  the  custom  prevailing  in  the  South. 

Our  garden  could  boast  of  fig  and  orange  trees,  and 
other  tropical  productions.  Pinks  and  roses  we  pos 
sessed  in  abundance.  Of  the  latter  we  had  enough 
in  their  season  to  furnish  all  the  flower-girls  on  Broad 
way  with  a  stock  in  trade.  Our  gardener  "made 
his  garden"  in  February.  By  the  middle  of  March, 
his  potatoes,  cabbages,  beets,  and  other  vegetables 
under  his  care  were  making  fine  progress.  Before 
the  jingle  of  sleigh-bells  had  ceased  in  the  Eastern 


346  CONDITION  OF  THE  PLANTATION. 

States,  we  were  feasting  upon  delicious  strawberries 
from  our  own  garden,  ripened  in  the  open  air.  The 
region  where  plowing  "begins  in  January,  and  corn 
is  planted  in  February  or  early  March,  impresses  a 
New  Englander  with  its  contrast  to  his  boyhood 
home. 

When  I  took  possession  of  our  new  property,  the 
state  of  aifairs  was  not  the  most  pleasing.  Mrs.  B.  had 
sent  the  "best  of  her  negroes  to  Texas  shortly  after  the 
fall  of  Vicksburg.  Those  remaining  on  the  plantations 
were  not  sufficient  for  our  work.  There  were  four  mules 
where  we  needed  fifty,  and  there  was  not  a  sufficient 
supply  of  oxen  and  wagons.  Farming  tools,  plows,  etc., 
were  abundant,  but  many  repairs  must  be  made.  There 
was  enough  of  nearly  every  thing  for  a  commencement. 
The  rest  would  be  secured  in  due  season. 

Cotton  and  corn  were  in  the  field.  The  former  was 
to  receive  immediate  attention.  On  the  day  after  my 
arrival  I  mustered  thirty-four  laborers  of  all  ages  and 
both  sexes,  and  placed  them  at  work,  under  the  super 
intendence  of  a  foreman.  During  the  afternoon  I  visited 
them  in  the  field,  to  observe  the  progress  they  were 
making.  It  was  the  first  tune  I  had  ever  witnessed  the 
operation,  but  I  am  confident  I  did  not  betray  my  inex 
perience  in  the  presence  of  my  colored  laborers.  The 
foreman  asked  my  opinion  upon  various  points  of  plan 
tation  management,  but  I  deferred  making  answer  until 
a  subsequent  occasion.  In  every  case  I  told  him  to  do 
for  the  present  as  they  had  been  accustomed,  and  I 
would  make  such  changes  as  I  saw  fit  from  time  to  time. 


.       COTTON-PICKING.  347 

Cotton-picking  requires  skill  rather  than  strength. 
The  young  women  are  usually  the  "best  pickers,  on  ac 
count  of  their  superior  dexterity.  The  cotton-stalk,  or 
bush,  is  from  two  to  five  or  six  feet  high.  It  is  unlike 
any  plant  with  which  we  are  familiar  in  the  North.  It 
resembles  a  large  currant-bush  more  nearly  than  any 
thing  else  I  can  think  of.  Where  the  branches  are 
widest  the  plant  is  three  or  four  feet  from  side  to  side. 
The  lowest  branches  are  the  longest,  and  the  plant, 
standing  by  itself,  has  a  shape  similar  to  that  of  the 
Northern  spruce.  The  stalk  is  sometimes  an  inch  and 
a  half  in  diameter  where  it  leaves  the  ground.  Before 
the  leaves  have  fallen,  the  rows  in  a  cotton-field  bear  a 
strong  resemblance  to  a  series  of  untrimmed  hedges. 

When  fully  opened,  the  cotton-bolls  almost  envelop 
the  plant  in  their  snow-white  fiber.  At  a  distance  a 
cotton-field  ready  for  the  pickers  forcibly  reminds  a 
Northerner  of  an  expanse  covered  with  snow.  Our 
Northern  expression,  "white  as  snow,"  is  not  in  use  in 
the  Gulf  States.  "  White  as  cotton"  is  the  form  of  com 
parison  which  takes  its  place. 

The  pickers  walk  between  the  rows,  and  gather  the 
cotton  from  the  stalks  on  either  side.  Each  one  gathers 
half  the  cotton  from  the  row  on  his  right,  and  half  of 
that  on  his  left.  Sometimes,  when  the  stalks  are  low, 
one  person  takes  an  entire  row  to  himself,  and  gathers 
from  both  sides  of  it.  A  bag  is  suspended  by  a  strap 
over  the  shoulder,  the  end  of  the  bag  reaching  the 
ground,  so  that  its  weight  may  not  be  an  inconvenience. 
The  open  boll  is  somewhat  like  a  fully  bloomed  water- 


348  KEEPING  ACCOUNTS. 

lily.  The  skill  in  picking  lies  in  thrusting  the  fingers 
into  the  "boll  so  as  to  remove  all  the  cotton  with  a  single 
motion.  Ordinary  pickers  grasp  the  "boll  with  one  hand 
and  pluck  out  the  cotton  with  the  other.  Skillful  pick 
ers  work  with  both  hands,  never  touching  the  "bolls,  Ibut 
removing  the  cotton  "by  a  single  dextrous  twist  of  the 
fingers.  They  can  thus  operate  with  great  rapidity. 

•  As  fast  as  the  Tbags  are  filled,  they  are  emptied  into 
large  baskets,  which  are  placed  at  a  corner  of  the  field  or 
at  the  ends  of  the  rows.  When  the  day's  work  is  ended 
the  cotton  is  weighed.  The  amount-brought  forward  by 
each  person  is  noted  on  a  slate,  from  which  it  is  subse 
quently  recorded  on  the  account-book  of  the  plantation. 
From  one  to  four  hundred  pounds,  according  to  the 
state  of  the  plants,  is  the  proper  allowance  for  each  hand 
per  day. 

In  the  days  of  slavery  the  " stint"  was  fixed  by  the 
overseer,  and  was  required  to  be  picked  under  severe 
penalties.  It  is  needless  to  say  that  this  stint  was  suf 
ficiently  large  to  allow  of  no  loitering  during  the  entire 
day.  If  the  slave  exceeded  the  quantity  required  of 
him,  the  excess  was  sometimes  placed  to  his  credit  and 
deducted  from  a  subsequent  day.  This  was  by  no  means 
the  universal  custom.  Sometimes  he  received  a  small 
present  or  was  granted  some  especial  favor.  By  some 
masters  the  stint  was  increased  by  the  addition  of  the 
excess.  The  task  was  always  regulated  by  the  condi 
tion  of  the  cotton  in  the  field.  Where  it  would  some 
times  be  three  hundred  pounds,  at  others  it  would  not 
exceed  one  hundred. 


A  TELL-TALE.  349 

At  the  time  I  commenced  my  cotton-picking,  the  cir 
cumstances  were  not  favorable  to  a  large  return.  The 
picking  season  "begins  in  August  or  September,  and  is 
supposed  to  end  before  Christmas.  In  my  case  it  was 
late  in  January,  and  the  winter  rain  had  washed  much 
of  the  cotton  from  the  stalks.  Under  the  circumstances 
I  could  not  expect  more  than  fifty  or  seventy-five  pounds 
per  day  for  each  person  engaged. 

During  the  first  few  days  I  did  not  weigh  the  cotton. 
I  knew  the  average  was  not  more  than  fifty  pounds  to 
each  person,  but  the  estimates  which  the  negroes  made 
fixed  it  at  two  hundred  pounds.  One  night  I  astonished 
them  by  taking  the  weighing  apparatus  to  the  field  and 
carefully  weighing  each  basket.  There  was  much  dis 
appointment  among  all  parties  at  the  result.  The  next 
day's  picking  showed  a  surprising  improvement.  After 
that  time,  each  day's  work  was  tested  and  the  result 
announced.  The  "  tell- tale,"  as  the  scales  were -some 
times  called,  was  an  overseer  from  whom  there  was  no 
escape.  I  think  the  negroes  worked  faithfully  as  soon 
as  they  found  there  was  no  opportunity  for  deception. 

I  was  visited  by  Mrs.  B.'s  agent  a  few  days  after  I 
became  a  cotton-planter.  We  took  an  inventory  of  the 
portable  property  that  belonged  to  the  establishment, 
and  arranged  some  plans  for  our  mutual  advantage. 
This  agent  was  a  resident-  of  Natchez.  He  was  born  in 
the  North,  but  had  lived  so  long  in  the  slave  States  that 
his  sympathies  were  wholly  Southern.  He  assured  me 
the  negroes  were  the  greatest  liars  in  the  world,  and 
required  continual  watching.  They  would  take  every 


350  CHARGES  AGAINST  THE  KEGRO. 

opportunity  to  neglect  their  work,  and  were  always 
planning  new  modes  of  deception.  They  would  steal 
every  thing  of  which  they  could  make  any  use,  and  many 
articles  that  they  could  not  possibly  dispose  of.  Pre 
tending  illness  was  among  the  most  frequent  devices  for 
avoiding  labor,  and  the  overseer  was  constantly  obliged 
to  contend  against  such  deception.  In  short,  as  far  as  I 
could  ascertain  from  this  gentleman,  the  negro  was  the 
embodiment  of  all  earthly  wickedness.  Theft,  falsehood, 
idleness,  deceit,  and  many  other  sins  which  afflict  mor 
tals,  were  the  especial  heritance  of  the  negro. 

In  looking  about  me,  I  found  that  many  of  these 
charges  against  the  negro  were  true.  The  black  man 
was  deceptive,  and  he  was  often  dishonest.  There  can 
be  no  effect  without  a  cause,  and  the  reasons  for  this  de 
ception  and  dishonesty  were  apparent,  without  difficult 
research.  The  system  of  slavery  necessitated  a  constant 
struggle  between  the  slave  and  his  overseer.  It  was 
the  duty  of  the  latter  to  obtain  the  greatest  amount  of 
labor  from  the  sinews  of  the  slave.  It  was  the  business 
of  the  slave  to  perform  as  little  labor  as  possible.  It 
made  no  difference  to  him  whether  the  plantation  pro 
duced  a  hundred  or  a  thousand  bales.  He  received 
nothing  beyond  his  subsistence  and  clothing.  His 
labor  had  no  .compensation,  and  his  balance-sheet  at 
the  end  of  the  month  or  year  was  the  same,  whether  he 
had  been  idle  or  industrious.  It  was  plainly  to  his  per 
sonal  interest  to  do  nothing  he  could  in  any  way  avoid. 
The  negro  displayed  his  sagacity  by  deceiving  the  over 
seer  whenever  he  could  do  so.  The  best  white  man  in 


AKGUING  THE  CASE.  351 

the  world  would  have  shunned  all  labor  under  such 
circumstances.  The  negro  evinced  a  pardonable  weak 
ness  in  pretending  to  be  ill  whenever  he  could  hope  to 
make  the  pretense  successful. 

Receiving  no  compensation  for  his  services,  beyond 
his  necessary  support,  the  negro  occasionally  sought  to 
compensate  himself.  He  was  fond  of  roasted  pork,  but 
that  article  did  not  appear  on  the  list  of  plantation 
rations.  Consequently  some  of  the  negroes  would  make 
clandestine  seizure  of  the  fattest  pigs  when  the  chance 
of  detection  was  not  too  great.  It  was  hard  to  convince 
them  that  the  use  of  one  piece  of  property  for  the  benefit 
of  another  piece,  belonging  to  the  same  person,  was  a  se 
rious  offense. 

"  You  see,  Mr.  K ,"  said  a  negro  to  me,  admitting 

that  he  had  sometimes  stolen  his  master's  hogs,  "you 
see,  master  owns  his  saddle-horse,  and  he  owns  lots  of 
corn.  Master  would  be  very  mad  if  I  didn't  give  the 
horse  all  the  corn  he  wanted.  Now,  he  owns  me,  and  he 
owns  a  great  many  hogs.  I  like  hog,  just  as  much  as 
the  horse  likes  corn,  but  when  master  catches  me  killing 
the  hogs  he  is  very  mad,  and  he  makes  the  overseer 
whip  me." 

Corn,  chickens,  flour,  meal,  in  fact,  every  thing  edi 
ble,  became  legitimate  plunder  for  the  negroes  when  the 
rations  furnished  them  were  scanty.  I  believe  that  in 
nine  cases  out  of  ten  the  petty  thefts  which  the  ne 
groes  committed  were  designed  to  supply  personal 
wants,  rather  than  for  any  other  purpose.  What  the 
negro  stole  was  usually  an  article  of  food,  and  it  was 


352  PLANTATION  HONESTY. 

nearly  always  stolen  from  the  plantation  where  he  "be 
longed. 

Sometimes  there  was  a  specially  Ibad  negro — one  who 
had  "been  caught  in  some  extraordinary  dishonesty. 
One  in  my  employ  was  reported  to  have  "been  shot  at 
while  stealing  from  a  dwelling-house  several  years  be- 
fore.  Among  two  hundred  negroes,  he  was  the  only 
noted  rascal.  I  did  not  attribute  his  dishonesty  to  .his 
complexion  alone.  I  have  known  worse  men  than  he, 
in  whose  veins  there  was  not  a  drop  of  African  "blood. 
The  police  records  everywhere  show  that  wickedness  of 
heart  "  dwells  in  white  and  "black  the  same." 

With  his  disadvantages  of  position,  the  absence  of 
all  moral  training,  and  the  dishonesty  which  was  the 
natural  result  of  the  old  system  of  labor,  the  negro 
could  not  be  expected  to  observe  all  the  rules  pre 
scribed  for  his  guidance,  but  which  were  never  ex 
plained.  Like  ignorant  and  degraded  people  every 
where,  many  of  the  negroes  believed  that  guilt  lay 
mainly  in  detection.  There  was  little  wickedness  in 
stealing  a  pig  or  a  chicken,  if  the  theft  were  never  dis 
covered,  and  there  was  no  occasion  for  allowing  twinges 
of  conscience  to  disturb  the  digestion. 

I  do  not  intend  to  intimate,  by  the  above,  that  all 
were  dishonest,  even  in  these  small  peculations.  There 
were  many  whose  sense  of  right  and  wrong  was  very 
clear,  and  whose  knowledge  of  their  duties  had  been 
derived  from  the  instructions  of  the  white  preachers. 
These  negroes  " obeyed  their  masters"  in  every  thing, 
and  considered  it  a  religious  obligation  to  be  always 


A  KEGEO  COUBT.  .  353 

faithful.  They  never  avoided  their  tasks,  in  the  field  or 
elsewhere,  and  were  never  discovered  doing  any  wrong. 
Under  the  new  system  of  labor  at  the  South,  this  portion 
of  the  negro  population  will  prove  of  great  advantage 
in  teaching  their  kindred  the  duties  they  owe  to  each 
other.  When  all  are  trained  to  think  and  act  for  them 
selves,  the  negroe's  will,  doubtless,  prove  as  correct  in 
morals  as  the  white  people  around  them. 

Early  in  the  present  year,  the  authorities  at  Davies' 
Bend,  below  Yicksburg,  established  a  negro  court,  in 
which  all  petty  cases  were  tried.  The  judge,  jury, 
counsel,  and  officers  were  negroes,  and  no  white  man 
was  allowed  to  interfere  during  the  progress  of  a  wtrial. 
After  the  decisions  were  made,  the  statement  of  the  case 
and  the  action  thereon  were  referred  to  the  superintend 
ent  of  the  Government  plantations  at  that  point. 

It  was  a  noticeable  feature  that  the  punishments 
which  the  negroes  decreed  for  each  other  were  of  a 
severe  character,  Very  frequently  it  was  necessary  for 
the  authorities  to  modify  the  sentences  after  the  colored 
judge  had  rendered  them.  The  cases  tried  by  the  court 
related  to  oifenses  of  a  minor  character,  such  as  theft, 
fraud,  and  various  delinquencies  of  the  freed  negroes. 

The  experiment  of  a  negro  court  is  said  to  have  been 
very  successful,  though  it  required  careful  watching. 
It  was  made  in  consequence  of  a  desire  of  the  author 
ities  to  teach  the  freedmen  how  to  govern  themselves. 
The  planters  in  the  vicinity  were  as  bitterly  opposed  to 
the  movement  as  to  any  other  effort  that  lifts  the  negro 
above  his  old  position. 

23 


354  AN  EXPEEIMENT. 

At  the  present  time,  several  parties  in  Vicksburg 
have  leased  three  plantations,  in  as  many  localities,  and 
are  managing  them  on  different  plans.  On  the  first  they 
furnish  the  negroes  with  food  and  clothing,  and  divide 
the  year's  income  with  them.  On  the  second  they  pay 
wages  at  the  rate  of  ten  dollars  per  month,  furnishing 
rations  free,  and  retaining  half  the  money  until  the  end 
of  the  year.  On  the  third  they  pay  daily  wages  of  one 
dollar,  having  the  money  ready  at  nightfall,  the  negro 
buying  his  own  rations  at  a  neighboring  store. 

On  the  first  plantation,  the  negroes  are  wasteful  of 
their  supplies,  as  they  are  not  liable  for  any  part  of 
their  cost.  They  are  inclined  to  be  idle,  as  their  share 
in  the  division  will  not  be  materially  aifected  by  the  loss 
of  a  few  days'  labor.  On  the  second  they  are  less 
wasteful  and  more  industrious,  but  the  distance  of  the 
day  of  payment  is  not  calculated  to  develop  notions  of 
strict  economy.  On  the  third  they  generally  display 
great  frugality,  and  are  far  more  inclined  to  labor  than 
on  the  other  plantations. 

The  reason  is  apparent.  On  the  first  plantation  their 
condition  is  not  greatly  changed  from  that  of  slavery, 
except  in  the  promise  of  compensation  and  the  absence 
of  compulsory  control.  In  the  last  case  they  are  made 
responsible  both  for  their  labor  and  expenses,  and  are 
learning  how  to  care  for  themselves  as  freemen. 


THE  PLANTATION  RECORD.         355 


CHAPTER   XXXIV. 

EULES  AND  REGULATIONS  UNDER  THE  OLD  AND  NEW  SYSTEMS. 

The  Plantation  Record. — Its  Uses. — Interesting  Memoranda. — Dogs, 
Jail,  and  Stocks. — Instructions  to  the  Overseer. — His  Duties  and 
Responsibilities.— The  Order  of  General  Banks. — Management  of 
Plantations  in  the  Department  of  the  Gulf.— The  two  Documents 
Contrasted.— One  of  the  Effects  of  "  an  Abolition  War." 

NEARLY  every  planter  in  the  South  required  the 
manager  of  his  plantation  to  keep  a  record  of  all  events 
of  importance.  Books  were  prepared  "by  a  publishing 
house  in  New  Orleans,  with  special  reference  to  their 
use  by  overseers.  These  books  had  a  blank  for  every 
day  in  the  year,  in  which  the  amount  and  kind  of  work 
performed  were  to  be  recorded  by  the  overseer.  There 
were  blanks  for  noting  the  progress  during  the  pick 
ing  season,  and  the  amount  picked  by  each  person 
daily.  There  were  blanks  for  monthly  and  yearly  in 
ventories  of  stock,  tools,  etc.,  statements  of  supplies 
received  and  distributed,  lists  of  births  and  deaths 
(there  were  no  blanks  for  marriages),  time  and  amount 
of  shipments  of  cotton,  and  for  all  the  ordinary  business 
of  a  plantation.  In  the  directions  for  the  use  of  this 
book,  I  found  the  following  : — 

"  On  the  pages  marked  I,  the  planter  himself  will  make  a  careful  rec 
ord  of  all  the  negroes  upon  the  plantation,  stating  their  ages  as  nearly 
as  possible,  and  their  cash  value,  at  the  commencement  of  the  year.  At 
the  close,  he  will  again  enter  their  individual  value  at  that  time,  adding 


356  INTERESTING  MEMORANDA. 

the  year's  increase,  and  omitting  those  that  may  have  died.  The  differ 
ence  can  then  be  transferred  to  the  balance-sheet.  The  year's  crop  is 
chargeable  with  any  depreciation  in  the  value  of  the  negroes,  occasioned 
by  overwork  and  improper  management,  in  the  effort,  perhaps,  to  make 
an  extra  crop  independent  of  every  other  consideration.  On  the  other 
hand,  should  the  number  of  children  have  greatly  increased  during  the 
year;  the  strength  and  usefulness  of  the  old  been  sustained  by  kind 
treatment  and  care ;  the  youngsters  taught  to  be  useful,  and,  perhaps, 
some  of  the  men  instructed  in  trades  and  the  women  in  home  manu 
factures,  the  increased  value  of  the  entire  force  will  form  a  handsome 
addition  to  the  side  of  profits." 

On  the  pages  where  the  daily  incidents  of  the  planta 
tion  were  recorded,  I  frequently  discovered  entries  that 
illustrated  the '  "  peculiar  institution."  Some  of  them 
read  thus : — 

June  5th. 

Whipped  Harry  and  Sarah  to-day,  because  they  didn't  keep  up 
their  rows. 

July  1th. 
Aleck  ran  away  to  the  woods,  because  I  threatened  to  whip  him. 

July  Qth. 

Got  Mr.  Hall's  dogs  and  hunted  Aleck.  Didn't  find  him.  Think 
he  is  in  the  swamp  back  of  Brandon's. 

July  12th. 

Took  Aleck  out  of  Vidalia  jail.  Paid  $4.50  for  jail  fees.  Put  him 
in  the  stocks  when  we  got  home. 

July  30^. 

Moses  died  this  morning.  Charles  and  Henry  buried  him.  His 
wife  was  allowed  to  keep  out  of  the  field  until  noon/ 

August  10th. 

Sent  six  mules  and  four  negroes  down  to  the  lower  plantation. 
They  will  come  back  to-morrow. 

September  9th. 

John  said  he  was  sick  this  morning,  but  I  made  him  go  to  the 
field.  They  brought  him  in  before  noon.  He  has  a. bad  fever.  Am 
afraid  he  won't  be  able  to  go  out  again  soon. 

September  20th. 

Whipped  Susan,  because  she  didn't  pick  as  much  cotton  as  she  did 
yesterday. 


DOGS,  JAIL,  AND  STOCKS.    .  357 

September  29£/L 

Put  William  in  the  stocks  and  kept  him   till   sunset,  for  telling 
Charles  he  wanted  to  run  away. 

October  8th. 

William  and  Susan  want  to  be  married.  Told  them  I  should  not 
allow  it,  but  they  might  live  together  if  they  wanted  to. 

(The  albove  memorandum  was  explained  to  me  by 
one  of  the  negroes.  The  owner  of  the  plantation  did  not 
approve  of  marriages,  because  they  were  inconvenient 
in  case  it  was  desired  to  sell  a  portion  of  the  working 
force.) 

October  1st. 

Took  an  inventory  of  the  negroes  and  stock.  Their  value  is  about 
the  same  as  when  the  last  inventory  was  taken. 

December  3d. 
Finished  picking.     Gave  the  negroes  half  a  holiday. 

Nearly  every  day's  entry  shows  the  character  and? 
amount  of  work  performed.  Thus  we  have : — 

February  10 tJi. 

Fifteen  plows  running,  five  hands  piling  logs,  four  hands  ditching, 
six  hands  in  trash-gang. 

In  the  planting,  hoeing,  and  picking  seasons,  the  re 
sult  of  the  labor  was  recorded  in  the  same  manner. 
Whippings  were  more  or  less  frequent,  according  to  the 
character  of  the  overseer.  Under  one  overseer  I  found 
that  whippings  were  rare.  Under  other  overseers  they 
were  of  common  occurrence. 

The  individual  who  prepared  the  "Plantation  Rec 
ord"  for  the  publishers,  gave,  in  addition  to  directions 
for  its  use,  instructions  for  the  overseer's  general  con- 


358  INSTRUCTIONS  TO  THE  OVERSEER. 

duct.     I  copy  them  below,   preserving  the   author's 
language  throughout. 


THE  DUTIES   OF  AN  OVERSEER. 

It  is  here  supposed  that  the  overseer  is  not  immediately  under  his 
employer's  eye,  but  is  left  for  days  or  weeks,  perhaps  months,  to  the 
exercise  of  his  own  judgment  in  the  management  of  the  plantation. 
To  him  we  would  say — 

Bear  in  mind,  that  you  have  engaged  for  a  stated  sum  of  money,  to 
devote  your  time  and  energies,  for  an  entire  year,  to  one  object — to  carry 
out  the  orders  of  your  employer,  strictly,  cheerfully,  and  to  the  best  of 
your  ability ;  and,  in  all  things,  to  study  his  interests — requiring  some 
thing  more  than  your  mere  presence  on  the  plantation,  and  that  at  such 
times  as  suits  your  own  pleasure  and  convenience. 

On  entering  upon  your  duties,  inform  yourself  thoroughly  of  the 
condition  of  the  plantation,  negroes,  stock,  implements,  etc.  Learn  the 
views  of  your  employer  as  to  the  general  course  of  management  he 
^wishes  pursued,  and  make  up  your  mind  to  carry  out  these  views  fully, 
as  far  as  in  your  power.  If  any  objections  occur  to  you,  state  them 
distinctly,  that  they  may  either  be  yielded  to  or  overcome. 

"Where  full  and  particular  directions  are  not  given  to  you,  but  you 
are  left,  in  a  great  measure,  to  the  exercise  of  your  own  judgment,  you 
will  find  the  following  hints  of  service.  They  are  compiled  from  excel 
lent  sources — from  able  articles  in  the  agricultural  journals  of  the  day, 
from  Washington's  Directions  to  his  Overseers,  and  from  personal  ex 
perience. 

"I  do,  in  explicit  terms,  enjoin  it  upon  you  to  remain  constantly  at 
home  (unless  called  off  by  unavoidable  business,  or  to  attend  Divine 
worship),  and  to  be  constantly  with  your  people  when  there.  There  is 
no  other  sure  way  of  getting  work  well  done,  and  quietly,  by  negroes ; 
for  when  an  overlooker's  back  is  turned  the  most  of  them  will  slight 
their  work,  or  be  idle  altogether.  In  which  case  correction  cannot  re 
trieve  either,  but  often  produces  evils  which  are  worse  than  the  disease. 
Nor  is  there  any  other  mode  than  this  to  prevent  thieving  and  other 
disorders,  the  consequences  of  opportunities.  You  will  recollect  that 
your  time  is  paid  for  by  me,  and  if  I  am  deprived  of  it,  it  is  worse  even 
than  robbing  my  purse,  because  it  is  also  a  breach  of  trust,  which  every 
honest  man  ought  to  hold  most  sacred.  You  have  found  me,  and  you 


IMPORTANCE  OF  NEGRO  PROPERTY.      359 

will  continue  to  find  me,  faithful  to  my  part  of  the  agreement  which  was 
made  with  you,  whilst  you  are  attentive  to  your  part ;  but  it  is  to  be 
remembered  that  a  breach  on  one  side  releases  the  obligation  on  the 
other." 

Neither 'is  it  right  that  you  should  entertain  a  constant  run  of  com 
pany  at  your  house,  incurring  unnecessary  expense,  taking  up  your  own 
time  and  that  of  the  servants  beyond  what  is  needful  for  your  c\vn  com 
fort — a  woman  to  cook  and  wash  for  you,  milk,  make  butter,  and  so  on. 
More  than  this  you  have  no  claim  to. 

Endeavor  to  take  the  same  interest  in  every  thing  upon  the  place, 
as  if  it  were  your  own;  indeed,  the  responsibility  in  this  case  is  greater 
than  if  it  were  all  your  own — having  been  intrusted  to  you  by  another. 
Unless  you  feel  thus,  it  is  impossible  that  you  can  do  your  employer 
justice. 

The  health  of  the  negroes  under  your  charge  is  an  important  mat 
ter.  Much  of  the  usual  sickness  among  them  is  the  result  of  careless 
ness  and  mismanagement.  Overwork  or  unnecessary  exposure  to  rain, 
insufficient  clothing,  improper  or  badly-cooked  food,  and  night  rambles, 
are  all  fruitful  causes  of  disease.  A  great  majority  of  the  cases  you 
should  be  yourself  competent  to  manage,  or  you  are  unfit  for  the  place 
you  hold  ;  but  whenever  you  find  that  the  case  is  one  you  do  not  under 
stand,  send  for  a  physician,  if  such  is  the  general  order  of  the  owner. 
By  exerting  yourself  to  have  their  clothing  ready  in  good  season ;  to 
arrange  profitable  in-door  employment  in  wet  weather ;  to  see  that  an 
abundant  supply  of  wholesome,  well-cooked  food,  including  plenty  of 
vegetables,  be  supplied  to  them  at  regular  hours;  that  the  sick  be 
cheered  and  encouraged,  and  some  extra  comforts  allowed  them,  and 
the  convalescent  not  exposed  to  the  chances  of  a  relapse ;  that  women, 
whilst  nursing,  be  kept  as  near  to  the  nursery  as  possible,  but  at  no  time 
.allowed  to  suckle  their  children  when  overheated ;  that  the  infant  be 
nursed  three  times  during  the  day,  in  addition  to  the  morning  and  even 
ing  ;  that  no  whisky  be  allowed  upon  the  place  at  any  time  or  under 
any  circumstances ;  but  that  they  have,  whilst  heated"  and  at  work, 
plenty  of  pure,  cool  water ;  that  care  be  taken  to  prevent  the  hands  from 
carrying  their  baskets  full  of  cotton  on  their  head — a  most  injurious 
practice ;  and,  in  short,  that  such  means  be  used  for  their  comfort  as 
every  judicious,  humane  man  will  readily  think  of,  you  will  find  the 
amount  of  sickness  gradually  lessened. 

Next  to  the  negroes,  the  stock  on  the  place  will  require  your  con 
stant  attention.  You  can,  however,  spare  yourself  much  trouble  by 
your  choice  of  a  stock-minder,  and  by  adopting  and  enforcing  a  strict 


360  HOW  TO  KEEP  MULES  AND  HOESES. 

system  in  the  care  of  the  stock.     It  is  a  part  of  their  duty  in  which  over 
seers  are  generally  most  careless. 

The  horse  and  mule  stock  are  first  in  importance.  Unless  these 
are  kept  in  good  condition,  it  is  impossible  that  the  work  can  go  on 
smoothly,  or  your  crop  be  properly  tended.  Put  your  stable  in  good  order ; 
and,  if  possible,  inclose  it  so  that  it  can  be  kept  under  lock.  Place  a 
steady,  careful  old  man  there  as  hostler,  making  him  responsible  for 
every  thing,  and  that  directly  to  yourself.  The  foreman  of  the  plow- 
gang,  and  the  hands  under  his  care,  should  be  made  answerable  to  the 
hostler— whose  business  it  is  to  have  the  feed  cut  up,  ground,  and  ready ; 
the  stalls  well  littered  and  cleaned  out  at  proper  intervals ;  to  attend  to 
sick  or  maimed  animals ;  to  see  that  the  gears  are  always  hung  in  their 
proper  place,  kept  in  good  order,  and  so  on. 

It  is  an  easy  matter  to  keep  horses  or  mules  fat,  with  a  full  and 
open  corn-crib  and  abundance  of  fodder.'  But  that  overseer  shows  his 
good  management  who  can  keep  his"teams  fat  at  the  least  expense  of 
corn  and  fodder.  The  waste  of  those  articles  in  the  South,  through 
shameful  carelessness  and  neglect,  is  immense ;  as  food  for  stock,  they 
are  most  expensive  articles.  Oats,  millet,  peas  (vine  and  all),  broadcast 
corn,  Bermuda  and  crab-grass  hay,  are  all  much  cheaper  and  equally 
good.  Any  one  of  these  crops,  fed  whilst  green — the  oats  and  millet  as 
they  begin  to  shoot,  the  peas  to  blossom,  and  the  corn  when  tasseling — 
with  a  feed  of  dry  oats,  corn,  or  corn-chop  at  noon,  will  keep  a  plow- 
team  in  fine  order  all  the  season.  In  England,  where  they  have  the 
finest  teams  in  the  world,  this  course  is  invariably  pursued,  for  its  econ 
omy.  From  eight  to  nine  hours  per  day  is  as  long  as  the  team  should 
be  at  actual  work.  They  will  perform  more  upon  less  feed,  and  keep  in 
better  order  for  a  push  when  needful,  worked  briskly  in  that  way,  than 
when  kept  dragging  a  plow  all  day  long  at  a  slow  pace.  And  the 
hands  have  leisure  to  rest,  to  cut  up  feed,  clean  and  repair  gears,  and 
soon. 

Oxen.  No  more  work  oxen  should  be  retained  than  can  be  kept 
at  all  times  in  good  order.  An  abundant  supply  of  green  feed  during 
spring  and  summer,  cut  and  fed  as  recommended  above,  and  in  winter 
well-boiled  cotton-seed,  with  a  couple  of  quarts  of  meal  in  it  per  head ; 
turnips,  raw  or  cooked ;  corn-cobs  soaked  twenty-four  hours  in  salt  and 
water  ;  shucks,  pea-vines,  etc.,  passed  through  a  cutting-box — any  thing 
of  the  kind,  in  short,  is  cheaper  food  for  them  in  winter,  and  will  keep 
them  in  better  order  than  dry  corn  and  shucks  or  fodder. 

Indeed,  the  fewer  cattle  are  kept  on  any  place  the  better,  unless 
the  range  is  remarkably  good.  When  young  stock  of  any  kind  are  stinted 


SICK  ANIMALS.  361 

of  their  proper  food,  and  their  growth  receives  a  check,  they  never 
can  wholly  recover  it.  Let  the  calves  have  a  fair  share  of  milk,  and  also 
as  much  of  the  cooked  food  prepared  for  the  cows  and  oxen  as  they 
will  eat ;  with  at  times  a  little  dry  meal  to  lick.  When  cows  or  oxen 
show  symptoms  of  failing,  from  age  or  otherwise,  fatten  them  off  at 
once  ;  and  if  killed  for  the  use  of  the  place,  save  the  hide  carefully — 
rubbing  at  least  two  quarts  of  salt  upon  it ;  then  roll  up  for  a  day  or  two, 
when  it  may  be  stretched  and  dried. 

Hogs  are  generally  sadly  mismanaged.  Too  many  are  kept,  and 
kept  badly.  One  good  brood  sow  for  every  five  hands  on  a  place,  is 
amply  sufficient — indeed,  more  pork  will  be  cured  from  these  than  from 
a  greater  number.  Provide  at  least  two  good  grazing  lots  for  them, 
with  Bermuda,  crab-grass,  or  clover,  which  does  as  well  at  Washington, 
Miss.,  as  anywhere  in  the  world,  with  two  bushels  of  ground  plaster  to 
the  acre,  sowed  over  it.  Give  a  steady,  trusty  hand  no  other  work  to 
do  but  to  feed  and  care  for  them.  With  a  large  set  kettle  or  two,  an 
old  mule  and  cart  to  haul  his  wood  for  fuel,  cotton-seed,  turnips,  etc., 
for  feed,  and  leaves  for  bedding,  he  can  do  full  justice  to  one  hundred 
head,  old  and  young.  They  will  increase  and  thrive  finely,  with  good 
grazing,  and  a  full  mess,  twice  a  day,  of  swill  prepared  as  follows: 
Sound  cotton-seed,  with  a  gallon  of  corn-meal  to  the  bushel,  a  quart  of 
oak  or  hickory  ashes,  a  handful  of  salt,  and  a  good  proportion  of  turnips 
or  green  food  of  any  kind,  even  clover  or  peas  ;  the  whole  thoroughly — 
mind  you,  thoroughly  cooked — then  thrown  into  a  large  trough,  and 
there  allowed  to  become  sour  before  "being  fed. 

Sheep  may  be  under  the  charge  of  the  stock-minder ;  from  ten  to 
twenty  to  the  hand  may  be  generally  kept  with  advantage. 

Sick  animals  require  close  and  judicious  attention.  Too  frequently 
they  are  either  left  to  get  well  or  to  die  of  themselves,  or  are  bled  and 
dosed  with  nauseous  mixtures  indiscriminately.  Study  the  subject  of 
the  diseases  of  animals  during  your  leisure  evenings,  which  you  can  do 
from  some  of  the  many  excellent  works  on  the  subject.  Think  before  you 
act.  When  your  animal  has  fever,  nature  would  dictate  that  all  stimu 
lating  articles  of  diet  or  medicine  should  be  avoided.  Bleeding  may  be 
necessary  to  reduce  the  force  of  the  circulation ;  purging,  to  remove  irri 
tating  substances  from  the  bowels  ;  moist,  light,  and  easily-digested  food, 
that  his  weakened  digestion  may  not  be  oppressed  ;  cool  drinks,  to  allay 
his  thirst,  and,  to  some  extent,  compensate  for  diminished  secretions ; 
rest  and  quiet,  to  prevent  undue  excitement  in  his  system,  and  so  on 
through  the  whole  catalogue  of  diseases — but  do  nothing  without  a  rea 
son.  Carry  out  this  principle,  and  you  will  probably  do  much  good — 


362  HOW  TO  STUDY  ECONOMY. 

hardly  great  harm ;  go  upon  any  other,  and  your  measures  are  more 
likely  to  be  productive  of  injury  than  benefit. 

The  implements  and  tools  require  a  good  deal  of  looking  after.  By 
keeping  a  memorandum  of  the  distribution  of  any  set  of  tools,  they  will 
be  much  more  likely  to  be  forthcoming  at  the  end  of  the  month.  Axes, 
hoes,  and  other  small  tools,  of  which  every  hand  has  his  own,  should 
have  his  number  marked  upon  it  with  a  steel  punch.  The  strict  enforce 
ment  of  one  single  rule  will  keep  every  thing  straight :  "  Have  a  place  for 
every  thing,  and  see  that  every  thing  is  in  its  place." 

Few  instances  of  good  management  will  better  please  an  employer 
than  that  of  having  all  of  the  winter  clothing  spun  and  woven  on  the 
place.  By  having  a  room  devoted  to  that  purpose,  under  charge  of 
some  one  of  the  old  women,  where  those  who  may  be  complaining  a 
little,  or  convalescent  after  sickness,  may  be  employed  in  some  light 
work,  and  where  all  of  the  women  may  be  sent  in  wet  weather,  more 
than  enough  of  both  cotton  and  woolen  yard  can  be  spun  for  the  supply 
of  the  place. 

Of  the  principal  staple  crop  of  the  plantation,  whether  cotton, 
sugar,  or  rice,  we  shall  not  here  speak. 

Of  the  others — the  provision  crops — there  is  most  commonly  enough 
made  upon  most  plantations  for  their  own  supply.  Rarely,  however,  is 
it  saved  without  great  and  inexcusable  waste,  and  fed  out  without  still 
greater.  And  this,  to  their  lasting  shame  be  it  said,  is  too  often  the  case 
to  a  disgraceful  extent,  when  an  overseer  feels  satisfied  that  he  will  not 
remain  another  year  upon  the  place.  His  conduct  should  be  the  very 
opposite  of  this — 'an  honorable,  right-thinking  man  will  feel  a  particular 
degree  of  pride  in  leaving  every  tiling  in  thorough  order,  and  especially 
an  abundant  supply  of  all  kinds  of  feed.  He  thus  establishes  a  character 
for  himself  which  must  have  its  effect. 

Few  plantations  are  so  rich  in  soil  as  not  to  be  improved  by  manure. 
Inform  yourself  of  the  best  means,  suited  to  the  location  and  soil  of  the 
place  under  your  charge,  of  improving  it  in  this  and  in  every  other  way. 
When  an  opportunity  offers,  carry  out  these  improvements.  Rely  upon 
it  there  are  few  employers  who  will  not  see  and  reward  such  efforts. 
Draining,  ditching,  circling,  hedging,  road-making,  building,  etc.,  may 
all  be  effected  to  a  greater  or  less  extent  every  season. 

During  the  long  evenings  of  winter  improve  your  own  mind  and 
the  knowledge  of  your  profession  by  reading  and  study.  The  many 
excellent  agricultural  periodicals  and  books  now  published  afford  good 
and  cheap  opportunities  for  this. 

It  is  indispensable  that  you  exercise  judgment  and  consideration  in 


MANAGING  NEGROES.  363 

the  management  of  the  negroes  under  your  charge.  Be  firm,  and,  at  the 
same  time,  gentle  in  your  control.  Never  display  yourself  before  them 
in  a  passion ;  and  even  if  inflicting  the  severest  punishment,  do  so  in  a 
mild,  cool  manner,  and  it  will  produce  a  tenfold  effect.  When  you  find 
it  necessary  to  use  the  whip — and  desirable  as  it  would  be  to  dispense 
with  it  entirely,  it  is  necessary  at  times — apply  it  slowly  and  deliber 
ately,  and  to  the  extent  you  had  determined,  in  your  own  mind,  to  be 
needful  before  you  began.  The  indiscriminate,  constant,  and  excessive 
use  of  the  whip  is  altogether  unnecessary  and  inexcusable.  When  it 
can  be  done  without  a  too  great  loss  of  time,  the  stocks  oifer  a  means 
of  punishment  greatly  to  be  preferred.  So  secured,  in  a  lonely,  quiet 
place,  where  no  communication  can  be  held  with  any  one,  nothing  but 
bread  and  water  allowed,  and  the  confinement  extending  from  Saturday, 
when  they  drop  work,  until  Sabbath  evening,  will  prove  much  more 
effectual  in  preventing  a  repetition  of  the  offense,  than  any  amount  of 
whipping.  Never  threaten  a  negro,  but  if  you  have  occasion  to  punish, 
do  it  at  once,  or  say  nothing  until  ready  to  do  so.  A  violent  and  pas 
sionate  threat  will  often  scare  the  best-disposed  negro  to  the  woods. 
Always  keep  your  word  with  them,  in  punishments  as  well  as  in  rewards. 
If  you  have  named  the  penalty  for  any  certain  offense,  inflict  it  without 
listening  to  a  word  of  excuse.  Never  forgive  that  in  one  that  you  would 
punish  in  another,  but  treat  all  alike,  showing  no  favoritism.  By  pur 
suing  such  a  course,  you  convince  them  that  you  act  from  principle  and 
not  from  impulse,  and  will  certainly  enforce  your  rules.  Whenever  an 
opportunity  is  afforded  you  for  rewarding  continued  good  behavior,  do 
not  let  it  pass — occasional  rewards  have  a  much  better  effect  than  fre 
quent  punishments. 

Never  be  induced  by  a  course  of  good  behavior  on  the  part  of  the 
negroes  to  relax  the  strictness  of  your  discipline ;  but,  when  you  have 
by  judicious  management  brought  them  to  that  state,  keep  them  so  by 
the  same  means.  By  taking  frequent  strolls  about  the  premises,  includ 
ing  of  course  the  quarter  and  stock  yards,  during  the  evening,  and  at 
least  twice  a  week  during  the  night,  you  will  put  a  more  effectual  stop 
to  any  irregularities  than  by  the  most  severe  punishments.  The  only 
way  to  keep  a  negro  honest,  is  not  to  trust  him.  This  seems  a  harsh 
assertion ;  but  it  is,  unfortunately,  too  true. 

You  will  find  that  an  hour  devoted,  every  Sabbath  morning,  to 
their  moral  and  religious  instruction,  would  prove  a  great  aid  to  you  in 
bringing  about  a  better  state  of  things  among  the  negroes.  It  has  been 
thoroughly  tried,  and  with  the  most  satisfactory  results,  in  many  parts 
of  the  South.  As  a  mere  matter  of  interest  it  has  proved  to  be  ad  visa- 


364  THE  NEW  KEGIME. 

ble — to  say  nothing  of  it  as  a  point  of  duty.  The  effect  upon  their 
general  good  behavior,  their  cleanliness,  and  good  conduct  on  the 
Sabbath,  is  such  as  alone  to  recommend  it  to  both  planter  and  over 
seer. 

In  conclusion : — Bear  in  mind  that  a  fine  crop  consists,  first,  in  an 
increase  in  the  number,  and  a  marked  improvement  in  the  condition 
and  value,  of  the  negroes ;  second,  an  abundance  of  provision  of  all  sorts 
for  man  and  beast,  carefully  saved  and  properly  housed ;  third,  both 
summer  and  winter  clothing  made  at  home ;  also  leather  tanned,  and 
shoes  and  harness  made,  when  practicable ;  fourth,  an  improvement  in 
the  productive  qualities  of  the  land,  and  in  the  general  condition  of  the 
plantation ;  fifth,  the  team  and  stock  generally,  with  the  farming  imple 
ments  and  the  buildings,  in  fine  order  at  the  close  of  the  year ;  and 
young  hogs  more  than  enough  for  next  year's  killing ;  then,  as  heavy  a 
crop  of  cotton,  sugar,  or  rice  as  could  possibly  be  made  under  these 
circumstances,  sent  to  market  in  good  season,  and  of  prime  quality.  The 
time  has  passed  when  the  overseer  is  valued  solely  upon  the  number  of 
bales  of  cotton,  hogsheads  of  sugar,  or  tierces  of  rice  he  has  made,  with 
out  reference  to  other  qualifications. 

In  contrast  with  the  instructions  to  overseers  under 
the  old  management,  I  present  the  proclamation  of 
General  Banks,  regulating  the  system  of  free  labor 
in  the  Department  of  the  Gulf.  These  regulations 
were  in  force,  in  1864,  along  the  Mississippi,  from 
Helena  to  New  Orleans.  They  were  found  admira 
bly  adapted  to  the  necessities  of  the  case.  "With  a 
few  changes,  they  have  been  continued  in  operation 
during  the  present  year : — 

HEAD-QUARTERS  DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  GULF,  ) 
NEW  ORLEANS,  February  3,  1864  ) 

GENERAL  ORDERS,   No.  23. 

The  following  general  regulations  are  published  for  the  information 
and  government  of  all  interested  in  the  subject  of  compensated  planta 
tion  labor,  public  or  private,  during  t-he  present  year,  and  in  continua 
tion  of  the  system  established  January  30,  1863 : — 


MODERN  REGULATIONS.  365 

I.  The  enlistment  of  soldiers  from  plantations  under  cultivation  in 
this  department  having  been  suspended  by  order  of  the  Government, 
will  not  be  resumed  except  upon  direction  of  the  same  high  authority. 

II.  The  Provost-Marshal-General  is  instructed  to  provide  for  the 
division  of  parishes  into  police  and  school  districts,  and  to  organize 
from  invalid  soldiers  a  competent  police  for  the  preservation  of  order. 

III.  Provision  will  be  made  for  the  establishment  of  a  sufficient 
number  of  schools,  one  at  least  for  each  of  the  police  and  school  districts, 
for  the  instruction  of  colored  children  under  twelve  years  of  age,  which, 
when  established,  will  be  placed  under  the  direction  of  the  Superintend 
ent  of  Public  Education. 

IV.  Soldiers  will  not  be  allowed  to  visit  plantations  without  the 
written  consent  of  the  commanding  officer  of  the  regiment  or  post  to 
which  they  are  attached,  and  never  with  arms,  except  when  on  duty, 
accompanied  by  an  officer. 

Y.  Plantation  hands  will  not  be  allowed  to  pass  from  one  place  to 
another,  except  under  such  regulations  as  may  be  established  by  the 
provost-marshal  of  the  parish. 

VI.  Flogging  and  other  cruel  or   unusual  punishments  are  inter 
dicted. 

VII.  Planters  will  be  required,  as  early  as  practicable  after  the 
publication  of  these  regulations,  to  make  a  roll  of  persons  employed 
upon  their  estates,  and  to  transmit  the  same  to  the  provost -marshal  of 
the  parish.     In  the  employment  of  hands,  the  unity  of  families  will  be 
secured  as  far  as  possible. 

VIII.  All  questions  between  the  employer  and  the  employed,  until 
other  tribunals  are  established,  will  be  decided  by  the  provost-marshal 
of  the  parish. 

IX.  Sick  and  disabled  persons  will  be  provided  for  upon  the  plantations 
to  which  they  belong,  except  such  as  may  be  received  in  establishments 
provided  for  them  by  the  Government,  of  which  one  will  be  established 
at  Algiers  and  one  at  Baton  Rouge. 

X.  The  unauthorized  purchase  of  clothing,  or  other  property,  from 
laborers,  will  be  punished  by  fine  and  imprisonment.    The  sale  of  whisky 
or  other  intoxicating  drinks  to  them,  or  to  other  persons,  except  under 
regulations  established  by  the  Provost-Marshal-General,  will  be  followed 
by  the  severest  punishment. 

XI.  The  possession  of  arms,  or  concealed  or  dangerous  weapons, 
without  authority,  will  be  punished  by  fine  and  imprisonment. 

XII.  Laborers  shall  render  to  their  employer,  between  daylight 
and  dark,  ten  hours  in  summer,  and  nine  hours  in  winter,  of  respectful, 


366  LABORERS  AND  THEIR  HIRE. 

honest,  faithful  labor,  and  receive  therefor,  in  addition  to  just  treatment, 
healthy  rations,  comfortable  clothing,  quarters,  fuel,  medical  attendance, 
and  instruction  for  children,  wages  per  month  as  follows,  payment  of 
one-half  of  which,  at  least,  shall  be  reserved  until  the  end  of  the  year : — 

For  first-class  hands $8.00  per  month. 

For  second-class  hands 6.00    "      " 

For  third-class  hands 5.00    "      " 

For  fourth-class  hands 3.00    "      " 

Engineers  and  foremen,  when  faithful  in  the  discharge  of  their  duties, 
will  be  paid  $2  per  month  extra.  This  schedule  of  wages  may  be  com 
muted,  by  consent  of  both  parties,  at  the  rate  of  one-fourteenth  part  of 
the  net  proceeds  of  the  crop,  to  be  determined  and  paid  at  the  end  of 
the  year.  Wages  will  be  deducted  in  case  of  sickness,  and  rations,  also, 
when  sickness  is  feigned.  Indolence,  insolence,  disobedience  of  orders, 
and  crime  will  be  suppressed  by  forfeiture  of  pay,  and  such  punishments 
as  are  provide^  for  similar  offenses  by  Army  Regulations.  Sunday  work 
will  be  avoided  when  practicable,  but  when  necessary  will  be  considered 
as  extra  labor,  and  paid  at  the  rates  specified  herein. 

XIII.  Laborers  will  be  permitted  to  choose  their  employers,  but 
when  the  agreement  is  made  they  will  be  held  to  their  engagement  for 
one  year,  under  the  protection  of  the  Government.    In  cases  of  attempted 
imposition,  by  feigning  sickness,  cr  stubborn  refusal  of  duty,  they  will 
be  turned  over  to  the  provost-marshal  of  the  parish,  for  labor  upon  the 
public  works,  without  pay. 

XIV.  Laborers  will  be  permitted  to  cultivate  land  on  private  ac 
count,  as  herein  specified,  as  follows : 

First  and  second  class  hands,  with  families    .        .        .1  acre  each. 
First  and  second  class  hands,  without  families  .        .        K    "      " 
Second  and  third  class  hands,  with  families  .        .        •   /^    "      " 
Second  and  third  class  hands,  without  families  .        •       /St    "      " 

« 

To  be  increased  for  good  conduct  at  the  discretion  of  the  employer.  The 
encouragement  of  independent  industry  will  strengthen  all  the  advan 
tages  which  capital  derives  from  labor,  and  enable  the  laborer  to  take 
care  of  himself  and  prepare  for  the  time  when  he  can  render  so  much 
labor  for  so  much  money,  which  is  the  great  end  to  be  attained.  No 
exemption  will  be  made  in  this  apportionment,  except  upon  imperative 
reasons ;  and  it  is  desirable  that  for  good  conduct  the  quantity  be  n- 
creased  until  faithful  hands  can  be  allowed  to  cultivate  extensive  tracts, 
returning  to  tho  owner  an  equivalent  of  product  for  rent  of  soil. 


OVERSEERS  AND  EMPLOYERS.  367 

XV.  To  protect  the  laborer  from  possible  imposition,  no  commu 
tation  of  hia  supplies  will  be  allowed,  except  in  clothing,  which  may  be 
commuted  at  the  rate  of  $3  per  month  for  first-class  hands,  and  in  simi 
lar  proportion  for  other  classes.     The  crops  will  stand  pledged,  wherever 
found,  for  the  wages  of  labor. 

XVI.  It  is  advised,  as  far  as  practicable,  that   employers  provide 
for  the  current  wants  of  their  hands,  by  perquisites  for  extra  labor,  or 
by  appropriation  of  land  for  share  cultivation ;  to  discourage  monthly 
payments  so  far  as  it  can  be  done  without  discontent,  and  to  reserve  till 
the  full  harvest  the  yearly  wages. 

XVII.  A  FKEE-LABOR  BANK  will  be  established  for  the  safe  deposit 
of  all  accumulations  of  wages  and  other  savings ;  and  in  order  to  avoid 
a  possible  wrong  to  depositors,  by  official  defalcation,  authority  will  be 
asked  to  connect  the  bank  with  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States  in 
this  department. 

XVIII.  The  transportation  of  negro  families  to  other  countries  will 
not  be  approved.    All  propositions  for  this  privilege  have  been  declined, 
and  application  has  been  made  to  other  departments  for  surplus  negro 
families  for  service  in  this  department. 

XIX.  The   last  year's  experience  shows  that  the  planter  and  the 
negro  comprehend  the  revolution.     The  overseer,  having  little  interest 
in  capital,  and  less  sympathy  with  labor,  dislikes  the  trouble  of  think 
ing,  and  discredits  the  notion  that  any  thing  new  has  occurred.     He  is  a 
relic  of  the  past,  and  adheres  to  its  customs.     His  stubborn  refusal  to 
comprehend  the  condition  of  things,  occasioned  most  of  the  embarrass 
ments  of  the  past  year.     Where  such  incomprehension  is  chronic,  re 
duced  wages,  diminished  rations,  and  the  mild  punishments  imposed  by 
the  army  and  navy,  will  do  good. 

XX.  These  regulations  are  based  upon  the  assumption  that  labor 
is  a  public  duty,  and  idleness  and  vagrancy  a  crime.     No  civil  or  mili 
tary  officer  of  the  Government  is  exempt  from  the  operation  of  this 
universal  rule.     Every  enlightened  community  has  enforced  it  upon  all 
classes  of  people  by  the  severest  penalties.     It  is  especially  necessary  in 
agricultural  pursuits.     That  portion  of  the  people  identified  with  the 
cultivation  of  the  soil,  however  changed  in  condition  by  the  revolution 
through  which  we  are  passing,  is  not  relieved  from  the  necessity  of  toil, 
which  is  the  condition  of  existence  with  all  the  children  of  God.     The 
revolution  has  altered  its  tenure,  but  not  its  law.     This  universal  law 
of  labor  will  be  enforced,  upon  just  terms,  by  the  Government  under 
whose  protection  the  laborer  rests  secure  in  his  rights.     Indolence,  dis 
order,  and  crime  will  be  suppressed.    Having  exercised  the  highest  right 


368  NECESSITY  OF  LABOR. 

in  the  choice  and  place  of  employment,  he  must  be  held  to  the  fulfill 
ment  of  his  engagements,  until  released  therefrom  by  the  Government. 
The  several  provost-marshals  are  hereby  invested  with  plenary  powers 
upon  all  matters  connected  with  labor,  subject  to  the  approval  of  the 
Provost-Marshal-General  and  the  commanding  officer  of  the  depart 
ment.  The  most  faithful  and  discreet  officers  will  be  selected  for  this 
duty,  and  the  largest  fo^'ce  consistent  with  the  public  service  detailed 
for  their  assistance. 

XXI.  Employers,  and  especially  overseers,  are  notified,  that  undue 
influence  used  to  move  the  marshal  from  his  just  balance  between  the 
parties  representing  labor  and  capital,  will  result  in  immediate  change 
of  officers,  and  thus  defea^t  that  regular  and  stable  system  upon  which 
the  interests  of  all  parties  depend. 

XXII.  Successful  industry  is  especially  necessary  at  the  present 
time,  when  large  public  debts  and  onerous  taxes  are  imposed  to  main 
tain  and  protect  the  liberties  of  the  people  and  the  integrity  of  the 
Union.     All  officers,  civil  or  military,  and  all  classes  of  citizens  who  as 
sist  in  extending  the  profits  of  labor,  and  increasing  the  product  of  the 
soil  upon  which,  in  the  end,  all  national  prosperity  and  power  depends, 
•will  render  to  the  Government  a  service  as  great  as  that  derived  from 
the  terrible  sacrifices  of  battle.     It  is  upon  such  consideration  only  that 
the  planter  is  entitled  to  favor.     The  Government  has  accorded  to  him, 
in  a  period  of  anarchy,  a  release  from  the  disorders  resulting  mainly 
from  insensate  and  mad  resistance  to  sensible  reforms,  which  can  never 
be  rejected  without  revolution,  and  the  criminal  surrender  of  his  inter 
ests  and  power  to  crazy  politicians,  who  thought  by  metaphysical  ab 
stractions  to  circumvent  the  laws  of  God.     It  has  restored  to  him  in 
improved,  rather  than  impaired  condition,  his  due  privileges,  at  a  mo 
ment  when,  by  his  own  acts,  the  very  soil  was  washed  from  beneath 
his  feet. 

XXIII.  A  more  majestic  and  wise   clemency  human  history  does 
not  exhibit.     The  liberal  and  just  conditions  that  attend  it  cannot  be 
disregarded.     It  protects  labor  by  enforcing   the  performance  of  its 
duty,  and  it  will  assist  capital  by  compelling  just  contributions  to  the 
demands  of  the  Government.     Those  who  profess  allegiance  to  other 
Governments  will  be  required,  as  the  condition  of  residence  in  this 
State,  to  acquiesce,  without  reservation,  in  the  demands  presented  by 
Government  as  a  basis  of  permanent  peace.     The  non-cultivation  of  the 
soil,  without  just  reason,  will  be  followed  by  temporary  forfeiture  to 
those  who  will  secure  its  improvement.     Those  who  have  exercised  or 
are  entitled  to  the  rights  of  citizens  of  the  United  States,  will  be  re- 


CONDITIONS  OF  AMNESTY.  369 

quired  to  participate  in  the  measures  necessary  for  the  re-establishment 
of  civil  government.  War  can  never  cease  except  as  civil  governments 
crush  out  contest,  and  secure  the  supremacy  of  moral  over  physical 
power.  The  yellow  harvest  must  wave  over  the  crimson  field  of  blood, 
and  the  representatives  of  the  people  displace  the  agents  of  purely  mili 
tary  power. 

XXIV.  The  amnesty  offered  for  the  past  is  conditioned  upon  an 
unreserved  loyalty  for  the  future,  and  this  condition  will  be  enforced 
with  an  iron  hand.  Whoever  is  indifferent  or  hostile,  must  choose  be 
tween  the  liberty  which  foreign  lands  afford,  the  poverty  of  the  Rebel 
States,  and  the  innumerable  and  inappreciable  blessings  which  our  Gov 
ernment  confers  upon  its  people. 

May  God  preserve  the  Union  of  the  States! 

By  order  of  Major-General  Banks. 
Official : 

GEORGE  B.  DEAKE,  Assistant  Adjutant- General. 

The  two  documents  have  little  similarity.  Both  are 
appropriate  to  the  systems  they  are  intended  to  regulate. 
It  is  interesting  to  compare  their  merits  at  the  present 
time.  It  will  be  doulbly  interesting  to  make  a  similar 
comparison  twenty  years  hence. 

While  I  was  in  Natchez,  a  resident  of  that  city  called 
my  attention  to  one  of  the  "  sad  results  of  this  horrid, 
Yankee  war." 

"Do  you  see  that  young  man  crossing  the  street 
toward  -  -'  s  store  V ' 

I  looked  in  the  direction  indicated,  and  observed  a 
person  whom  I  supposed  to  be  twenty-five  years  of  age, 
and  whose  face  bore  the  marks  of  dissipation.  I  signi 
fied,  by  a  single  word,  that  I  saw  the  individual  in 
question. 

"  His  is  a  sad  case,"  my  Southern  friend  remarked. 

"Whisky,  isn't  it?" 

24 


370  A  HAED  CASE. 

"  Oh,  no,  I  don't  mean  that.  He  does  drink  some,  I 
know,  but  what  I  mean  is  this :  His  father  died  about 
five  years  ago.  He  left  his  son  nothing  but  fourteen  or 
fifteen  niggers.  They  were  all  smart,  young  hands,  and 
he  has  been  able  to  hire  them  out,  so  as  to  bring  a  yearly 
income  of  two  thousand  dollars.  This  has  supported 
him  very  comfortably.  This  income  stopped  a  year  ago. 
The  niggers  have  all  run  away,  and  that  young  man  is 
now  penniless,  and  without  any  means  of  support.  It 
is  one  of  the  results  of  your  infernal  Abolition  war." 

I  assented  that  it  was  a  very  hard  case,  and  ought  to 
be  brought  before  Congress  at  the  earliest  moment. 
That  a  promising  young  man  should  be  deprived  of  the 
means  of  support  in  consequence  of  this  Abolition  war, 
is  unfortunate — for  the  man. 


IN  THE  MIDST  OF  LABOR.  371 


CHAPTER   XXXV. 

OUR  FREE-LABOR  ENTERPRISE  IN  PROGRESS. 

The  Negroes  at  Work. — Difficulties  in  the  "Way. — A  Public  Meeting.' — 
A  Speech. — A  Negro's  Idea  of  Freedom. — A  Difficult  Question  to 
Determine. — Influence  of  Northern  and  Southern  Men  Contrasted. — 
An  Increase  of  Numbers. — "  Ginning  "  Cotton. — In  the  Lint-Room. 
— Mills  and  Machinery  of  a  Plantation. — A  Profitable  Enterprise. 

ON  each  of  the  plantations  the  negroes  were  at  work 
in  the  cotton-field.  I  rode  from  one  to  the  other,  as  cir 
cumstances  made  it  necessary,  and  observed  the  progress 
that  was  made.  I  could  easily  perceive  they  had  "been 
accustomed  to  performing  their  labor  under  fear  of  the 
lash.  Some  of  them  took  advantage  of  the  opportunity 
for  carelessness  and  loitering  under  the  new  arrange 
ment.  I  could  not  be  in  the  field  at  all  times,  to  give 
them  my  personal  supervision.  Even  if  I  were  con 
stantly  present,  there  was  now  no  lash  to  be  feared.  I 
saw  that  an  explanation  of  the  new  state  of  affairs  would 
be  an  advantage  to  all  concerned.  On  the  first  Sunday 
of  my  stay  on  the  plantation,  I  called  all  the  negroes  to 
gether,  in  order  to  give  them  an  understanding  of  their 
position. 

I  made  a  speech  that  I  adapted  as  nearly  as  possible 
to  the  comprehension  of  my  hearers.  My  audience  was 
attentive  throughout.  I  made  no  allusions  to  Homer, 


372  A  CONSULTATION. 

Dante,  or  Milton ;  I  did  not  quote  from  Gibbon  or  Ma- 
eaulay,  and  I  neglected  to  call  their  attention  to  the  spec 
tacle  they  were  presenting  to  the  crowned  heads  of  Eu 
rope.  I  explained  to  them  the  change  the  war  had  made 
in  their  condition,  and  the  way  in  which  it  had  been  ef 
fected.  I  told  them  that  all  cruel  modes  of  punishment 
had  been  abolished.  The  negroes  were  free,  but  they 
must  understand  that  freedom  did  not  imply  idleness.  I 
read  to  them  the  regulations  established  by  the  commis 
sioners,  and  explained  each  point  as  clearly  as  I  was 
able.  After  I  had  concluded,  I  offered  to  answer  any 
questions  they  might  ask. 

There  were  many  who  could  not  understand  why,  if 
they  were  free,  they  should  be  restricted  from  going 
where  they  pleased  at  all  times.  I  explained  that  it  was 
necessary,  for  the  successful  management  of  the  planta 
tion,  that  I  should  always  be  able  to  rely  upon  them.  I 
asked  them  to  imagine  my  predicament  if  they  should 
lose  half  their  time,  or  go  away  altogether,  in  the  busiest 
part  of  the  season.  They  "  saw  the  point"  at  once,  and 
readily  acknowledged  the  necessity  of  subordination. 

I  found  no  one  who  imagined  that  his  freedom  con 
ferred  the  right  of  idleness  and  vagrancy.  All  expected 
to  labor  in  their  new  condition,  but  they  expected  com 
pensation  for  their  labor,  and  did  not  look  for  punish 
ment.  They  expected,  further,  that  their  families  would 
notl3e  separated,  and  that  they  could  be  allowed  to  ac 
quire  property  for  themselves.  I  know  there  were  many 
negroes  in  the  South  who  expected  they  would  neither 
toil  nor  spin  after  being  set  free,  but  the  belief  was  by  no 


EXTRAVAGANT  IDEAS.  373 

means  universal.  The  story  of  the  negro  at  Vicksburg, 
who  expected  his  race  to  assemble  in  New  York  after  the 
war,  "and  have  white  men  for  niggers,"  is  doubtless 
true,  but  it  would  find  little  credence  with  the  great  ma 
jority  of  the  freedmen  of  the  South. 

The  schedule  of  wages,  as  established  by  the  com 
missioners,  was  read  and  explained.  The  negroes  were 
to  be  furnished  with  house-rent,  rations,  fuel,  and  medi 
cal  attendance,  free  of  charge.  Able-bodied  males  were 
to  receive  eight  dollars  a  month.  Other  classes  of  la 
borers  would  be  paid  according  to  the  proportionate 
value  of  their  services.  We  were  required  to  keep  on 
hand  a  supply  of  clothing,  shoes,  and  other  needed  arti 
cles,  which  would  be  issued  as  required  and  charged  on 
account.  All  balances  would  be  paid  as  soon  as  the  first 
installment  of  the  cotton  crop  was  sent  to  market. 

This  was  generally  satisfactory,  though  some  of  the 
negroes  desired  weekly  or  monthly  payments.  One  of 
them  thought  it  would  be  better  if  they  could  be  paid  at 
the  end  of  each  day,  and  suggested  that  silver  would  be 
preferable  to  greenbacks  or  Confederate  money.  Most 
of  them  thought  the  wages  good  enough,  but  this  belief 
was  not  universal.  One  man,  seventy  years  old,  who 
acted  as  assistant  to  the  "  hog-minder,"  thought  he 
deserved  twenty-five  dollars  per  month,  in  addition  to 
his  clothing  and  rations.  Another,  of  the  same  age, 
who  carried  the  breakfast  and  dinner  to  the  field,  was 
of  similar  opinion.  These  were  almost  the  only  excep 
tions.  Those  whose  services  were  really  valuable  ac 
quiesced  in  the  arrangement. 


374  A  SERIES   OF  LEADING  QUESTIONS. 

On  our  plantation  there  was  an  old  negress  named 
"Rose,"  who  attended  the  women  during  confinement. 
She  was  somewhat  celebrated  in  her  profession,  and 
received  occasional  calls  to  visit  white  ladies  in  the 
neighborhood.  After  I  had  dismissed  the  negroes  and 
sent  them  to  their  quarters,  I  was  called  upon  by  Rose, 
to  ascertain  the  rate  at  which  she  would  be  paid.  As 
she  was  regularly  employed  as  one  of  the  house-serv 
ants,  I  allowed  her  the  same  wages  that  the  other 
women  received.  This  was  satisfactory,  so  far,  but  it 
was  not  entirely  so.  She  wished  to  understand  the  mat 
ter  of  perquisites. 

"  When  I  used  to  go  out  to  'tend  upon  white  ladies," 
said  Rose,  "  they  gave  me  ten  dollars.  Mistress  always 
took  half  and  let  me  keep  the  other  half." 

"Well,  hereafter,  you  may  keep  the  ten  dollars 
yourself." 

"Thank  you." 

After  a  pause,  she  spoke  again : 

"Didn't  you  say  the  black  people  are  free ?" 

"Yes."  * 

"White  people  are  free,  too,  ain't  they?" 

"Yes." 

"  Then  why  shouldn't  you  pay  me  ten  dollars  every 
time  I  'tend  upon  the  black  folks  on  the  plantation  ?" 

The  question  was  evidently  designed  as  a  "corner." 
I  evaded  it  by  assuring  Rose  that  though  free,  the  ne 
groes  had  not  attained  all  the  privileges  that  pertained 
to  the  whites,  and  I  should  insist  on  her  professional 
services  being  free  to  all  on  the  plantation. 


THE  NEGRO'S  DISTRUST  OF  SOUTHERNERS.       375 

The  negroes  were  frequently  desirous  of  imitating  the 
customs  of  white  people  in  a  manner  that  should  evince 
their  freedom.  Especially  did  they  desire  to  have  no 
distinction  in  the  payment  of  money,  on  account  of  the 
color  of  the  recipient. 

After  this  Sunday  talk  with  the  negroes,  I  found  a 
material  improvement.  Occasionally  I  overheard  some 
of  them  explaining  to  others  their  views  upon  various 
points.  There  were  several  who  manifested  a  natural 
indolence,  and  found  it  difficult  to  get  over  their  old 
habits.  These  received  admonitions  from  their  com 
rades,  Ibut  could  not  wholly  forget  the  laziness  which 
was  their  inheritance.  With  these  exceptions,  there 
was  no  immediate  cause  for  complaint. 

During  the  earlier  part  of  my  stay  in  that  region,  I 
was  surprised  at  the  readiness  w ith  which  the  negroes 
obeyed  men  from  the  North,  and  "believed  they  would 
fulfill  their  promises,  while  they  looked  with  distrust  on 
all  Southern  white  men.  Many  owners  endeavored  in 
vain  to  induce  their  negroes  to  perform  certain  labor. 
The  first  request  made  by  a  Northern  man  to  the  same 
effect  would  be  instantly  complied  with.  The  negroes 
explained  that  their  masters  had  been  in  the  habit  of 
making  promises  which  they  never  kept,  and  cited 
numerous  instances  to  prove  the  truth  of  their  assertion. 
It  seemed  to  have  been  a  custom  in  that  region  to  de 
ceive  the  negroes  in  any  practicable  manner.  To  make 
a  promise  to  a  negro,  and  fail  to  keep  it,  was  no  worse 
than  to  lure  a  horse  into  a  stable-yard,  by  offering  him  a 
choice  feed  of  corn,  which  would  prove  but  a  single 


376  INCREASING  THE  WORKING  FORCE. 

mouthful.  That  the  negroes  had  any  human  rights  was 
apparently  rarely  suspected  by  their  owners  and  over 
seers.  The  distrust  which  many  of  the  negroes  enter 
tained  for  their  former  masters  enabled  the  lessees  to 
gain,  at  once,  the  confidence  of  their  laborers.  I  regret 
to  say  that  this  confidence  was  abused  in  a  majority  of 
cases. 

I  gave  the  negroes  a  larger  ration  of  meat,  meal,  and 
potatoes  than  had  been  previously  issued.  As  soon  as 
possible,  I  procured  a  quantity  of  molasses,  coffee,  and 
tobacco.  These  articles  had  not  been  seen  on  the  plan 
tation  for  many  months,  and  were  most  gladly  received. 
As  there  was  no  market  in  that  vicinity  where  surplus 
provisions  could  be  sold,  I  had  no  fear  that  the  negroes 
would  resort  to  stealing,  especially  as  their  daily  supply 
was  amply  sufficient  for  their  support.  It  was  the  com 
plaint  of  many  overseers  and  owners  that  the  negroes 
would  steal  provisions  on  frequent  occasions.  If  they, 
committed  any  thefts  during  my  time  of  management, 
they  were  made  so  carefully  that  I  never  detected  them. 
It  is  proper  to  say  that  I  followed  the  old  custom  of 
locking  the  store-houses  at  all  times. 

Very  soon  after  commencing  labor  I  found  that  our 
working  force  must  be  increased.  Accordingly,  I  em 
ployed  some  of  the  negroes  who  were  escaping  from  the 
interior  of  the  State  and  making  their  way  to  Natchez. 
As  there  were  but  few  mules  on  the  plantation,  I  was 
particularly  careful  to  employ  those  negroes  who  were 
riding,  rather  than  walking,  from  slavery.  If  T  could 
not  induce  these  mounted  travelers  to  stop  with  us,  I 


COTTON.  377 

generally  persuaded  them  to  sell  their  saddle  animals. 
Thus,  hiring  negroes  and  "buying  mules,  I  gradually  put 
the  plantation  in  a  presentable  condition.  While  the 
cotton  was  "being  picked  the  blacksmith  was  repairing 
the  plows,  the  harness-maker  was  fitting  up  the  har 
nesses  for  the  mules,  and  every  thing  was  progressing 
satisfactorily.  The  gin-house  was  cleaned  and  made 
ready  for  the  last  work  of  preparing  cotton  for  the 
market.  Mr.  Colburn  arrived  from  the  North  after  I 
had  been  a  planter  of  only  ten  days'  standing.  He  was 
enthusiastic  at  the  prospect,  and  manifested  an  energy 
that  was  the  envy  of  his  neighbors. 

It  required  about  three  weeks  to  pick  our  cotton. 
Before  it  was  all  gathered  we  commenced  " ginning" 
the  quantity  on  hand,  in  order  to  make  as  little  delay 
as  possible  in  shipping  our  "  crop"  to  market. 

The  process  of  ginning  cotton  is  pretty  to  look 
upon,  though  not  agreeable  to  engage  in.  The  seed- 
cotton  (as  the  article  is  called  when  it  comes  from 
the  field)  is  fed  in  a  sort  of  hopper,  where  it  is 
brought  in  contact  with  a  series  of  small  and  very 
sharp  saws.  From  sixty  to  a  hundred  of  these  saws 
are  set  on  a  shaft,  about  half  an  inch  apart.  The 
teeth  of  these  saws  tear  the  fiber  from  the  seed,  but 
do  not  catch  the  seed  itself.  A  brush  which  revolves 
against  the  saws  removes  the  fiber  from  them  at 
every  revolution.  The  position  of  the  gin  is  gen 
erally  at  the  end  of  a  large  room,  and  into  this  room 
the  detached  fiber  is  thrown  from  the  revolving 
brush. 


378  THE  LINT-KOOM. 

This  apartment  is  technically  known  as  the  "lint- 
room,"  and  presents  an  interesting  scene  while  the 
process  of  ginning  is  going  on.  The  air  is  full  of 
the  flying  lint,  and  forcibly  reminds  a  Northerner 
of  a  New  England  snow-storm.  The  lint  falls,  like 
the  snow-flakes,  with  most  wonderful  lightness,  but, 
unlike  the  snow-flakes,  it  does  not  melt.  When  the 
cotton  is  picked  late  in  the  season,  there  is  usually 
a  dense  cloud  of  dust  in  the  lint-room,  which  settles 
in  and  among  the  fiber.  The  person  who  watches 
the  lint-room  has  a  position  far  from  enviable.  His 
lungs  become  filled  with  dust,  and,  very  often,  the 
fine,  floating  fiber  is  drawn  into  his  nostrils.  Two 
persons  are  generally  permitted  to  divide  this  labor. 
There  were  none  of  the  men  on  our  plantation  who 
craved  it.  Some  of  the  mischievous  boys  would 
watch  their  opportunity  to  steal  into  the  lint-room, 
where  they  greatly  enjoyed  rolling  upon  the  soft 
cotton.  Their  amusement  was  only  stopped  by  the 
use  of  a  small  whip. 

The  machinery  of  a  cotton-gin  is  driven  by  steam 
or  horse  power ;  generally  the  former.  There  is  no 
water-power  in  the  State  of  Louisiana,  but  I  believe 
some  of  the  lakes  and  bayous  might  be  turned  to 
advantage  in  the  same  way  that  the  tide  is  used  on 
the  sea-coast. 

All  the  larger  plantations  are  provided  with  steam- 
engines,  the  chimneys  of  which  are  usually  carried 
to  a  height  sufficient  to  remove  all  danger  from 
sparks.  There  is  always  a  corn-mill,  and  frequently 


A  SELF-SUSTAINING  ENTERPRISE.  379 

a  saw-mill  attached  to  the  gin,  and  driven  "by  the 
same  power.  On  every  plantation,  one  day  in  the 
week  is  set  apart  for  grinding  a  seven-days'  supply 
of  corn.  This  regulation  is  never  varied,  except 
under  the  most  extraordinary  circumstances.  There 
is  a  universal  rule  in  Louisiana,  forbidding  any  per 
son,  white  or  Iblack,  smoking  in  the  inclosure  where 
the  gin-house  stands.  I  was  told  there  was  a  legal 
enactment  to  this  effect,  that  affixed  heavy  penalties 
to  its  infringement.  For  the  truth  of  this  latter  state 
ment  I  cannot  vouch. 

With  its  own  corn-mill,  saw-mill,  and  smithery,  each 
plantation  is  almost  independent  of  the  neighborhood 
around  it.  The  chief  dependence  upon  the  outside 
world  is  for  farming  tools  and  the  necessary  parapher 
nalia  for  the  various  "branches  of  field-work.  I  knew 
one  plantation,  a  short  distance  from  ours,  whose  owner 
had  striven  hard  to  make  it  self-sustaining.  He  raised 
all  the  corn  and  all  the  vegetables  needed.  He  kept  an 
immense  drove  of  hogs,  and  cured  his  own  pork.  Of 
cattle  he  had  a  goodly  quantity,  and  his  sheep  numbered 
nearly  three  hundred.  Wool  and  cotton  supplied  the 
raw  material  for  clothing.  Spinning-wheels  arid  looms 
produced  cloth  in  excess  of  what  was  needed.  Even 
the  thread  for  making  the  clothing  for  the  negroes  was 
spun  on  the  plantation.  Hats  were  made  of  the  palmetto, 
which  grew  there  in  abundance.  Shoes  were  the  only 
articles  of  personal  wear  not  of  home  production.  Plows, 
hoes,  and  similar  implements  were  purchased  in  the 
market,  but  the  plantation  was  provided  with  a  very 


380  A  HANDSOME  PROFIT. 

complete  repair-shop,  and  the  workmen  were  famous  for 
their  skill. 

The  plantation,  thus  managed,  yielded  a  handsome 
profit  to  its  owner.  The  value  of  each  year's  cotton 
crop,  when  delivered  on  the  bank  of  the  river,  was  not 
less  than  forty  thousand  dollars.  Including  wages  of 
the  overseer,  and  all  outlays  for  repairs  and  purchase 
of  such  articles  as  were  not  produced  at  home,  the  ex 
penses  would  not  exceed  five  or  six  thousand  dollars. 
Cotton-planting  was  very  profitable  under  almost  any 
management,  and  especially  so  under  a  prudent  and 
economical  owner.  Being  thus  profitable  with  slave 
labor,  it  was  natural  for  the  planters  to  think  it  could 
prosper  under  no  other  system.  "You  can't  raise 
cotton  without  niggers,  and  you  must  own  the  niggers 
to  raise  it,"  was  the  declaration  in  all  parts  of  the  South. 


SEEKING  OFFICIAL  FAVOR.  381 


CHAPTER    XXXVI. 

WAR  AND  AGRICULTURE. 

Official  Favors. — Division  of  Labor. — Moral  Suasion. — Corn-gathering 
in  the  South. — An  Alarm. — A  Frightened  Irishman. — The  Rebels 
Approaching. — An  Attack  on  Waterproof. — Falstaff  Redivivus. — 
His  Feats  of  Arras. — Departure  for  New  Orleans. 

OUR  cotton  haying  "been  ginned  and  baled,  we  made 
preparations  for  shipping  it  to  market.  These  prepara 
tions  included  the  procurement  of  a  permit  from  the 
Treasury  agent  at  Natchez,  a  task  of  no  small  magnitude. 
An  application  for  the  permit  required,  in  addition  to 
my  own  signature,  the  names  of  two  property-owning 
citizens,  as  security  for  payment  of  the  duties  on  the 
cotton.  This  application  being  placed  in  the  hands  of 
the  Treasury  agent,  I  was  requested  to  call  in  two  hours. 
I  did  so,  and  was  then  put  off  two  hours  longer.  Thus 
I  spent  two  whole  days  in  frequent  visits  to  that  official. 
His  memory  was  most  defective,  as  I  was  obliged  to  in 
troduce  myself  on  each  occasion,  and  tell  him  the  object 
of  my  call. 

A  gentleman  who  had  free  access  to  the  agent  at  all 
times  hinted  that  he  could  secure  early  attention  to  my 
business  on  payment  for  his  trouble.  Many  persons 
asserted  that  they  were  obliged  to  pay  handsomely  for 
official  favors.  I  do  not  'know  this  to  be  true.  I  never 


382  GATHERING  CORK 

paid  any  thing  to  the  Treasury  agent  at  Natchez  or  else 
where,  beyond  the  legitimate  fees,  and  I  never  found 
any  man  who  would  give  me  a  written  statement  that  he 
had  done  so.  Nevertheless,  I  had  much  circumstantial 
evidence  to  convince  me  that  the  Treasury  officials  were 
guilty  of  dishonorable  actions.  The  temptation  was 
great,  and,  with  proper  care,  the  chances  of  detection 
were  small. 

Armed  with  my  permit,  I  returned  to  the  plantation. 
Mr.  Colburn,  in  my  absence,  had  organized  our  force, 
lately  engaged  in  cotton-picking,  into  suitable  parties 
for  gathering  corn,  of  which  we  had  some  three  hundred 
acres  standing  in  the  field.  In  New  England  I  fear  that 
corn  which  had  remained  ungathered  until  the  middle 
of  February,  would  be  of  comparatively  little  value. 
In  our  case  it  was  apparently  as  sound  as  when  first 
ripened. 

Corn-gathering  in  the  South  differs  materially  from 
corn-gathering  in  the  North.  The  negroes  go  through 
the  field  breaking  the  ears  from  the  stalks  without  re 
moving  the  husk.  The  ears  are  thrown  into  heaps  at 
convenient  distances  from  each  other,  and  in  regular 
rows.  A  wagon  is  driven  between  these  rows,  and  the 
corn  gathered  for  the  crib.  Still  unhusked,  it  is  placed 
in  the  crib,  to  be  removed,  when  needed.  It  is  claimed 
that  the  husk  thus  remaining  on  the  corn,  protects  it  from 
various  insects,  and  from  the  effect  of  the  weather. 

Every  body  of  laborers  on  a  plantation  is  called  a 
"gang."  Thus  we  had  "  the  picking-gang,"  "  the  corn- 
gang,"  " the  trash-gang,"  "the  hoe-gang,"  "the  plant- 


.     YAEIED  DUTIES.  383 

ing-gang,"  "  the  plow-gang,"  and  so  on  through  the  list. 
Each  gang  goes  to  the  field  in  charge  of  a  head  negro, 
known  as  the  driver.  This  driver  is  responsible  for  the 
work  of  his  gang,  and,  tinder  the  old  regime,  was 
empowered  to  enforce  his  orders  with  the  whip,  if  neces 
sary.  Under  our  new  dispensation  the  whip  was  laid 
aside,  and  a  milder  policy  took  its  place.  It  was  satisfac 
tory  with  the  adults  ;  but  there  were  occasions  when  the 
smaller  boys  were  materially  benefited  by  applications 
of  hickory  shrubs.  Solomon' s  words  about  sparing  the 
rod  are  applicable  to  children  of  one  race  as  well  as  to 
those  of  another.  We  did  not  allow  our  drivers  to 
make  any  bodily  punishment  in  the  field,  and  I  am 
happy  to  say  they  showed  no  desire  to  do  so. 

As  I  have  before  stated,  our  first  organization  was 
the  picking-gang.  Then  followed  the  gin-gang  and 
the  press-gang.  Our  gin-gang  was  organized  on  princi 
ples  of  total  abstinence,  and,  therefore,  differed  materi 
ally  from  the  gin-gangs  of  Northern  cities.  Our  press- 
gang,  unlike  the  press-gangs  of  New  York  or  Chicago, 
had  nothing  to  do  with  morning  publications,  and  would 
have  failed  to  comprehend  us  had  we  ordered  the  prepa. 
ration  of  a  sensation  leader,  or  a  report  of  the  last  great 
meeting  at  Union  Square.  Our  press-gang  devoted  its 
time  and  energies  to  putting  our  cotton  into  bales  of  the 
proper  size  and  neatness. 

The  corn-gang,  the  trash-gang,  and  the  plow-gang 
were  successively  organized  by  Mr.  Colburn.  Of  the 
first  I  have  spoken.  The  duties  of  the  second  were  to 
gather  the  corn-stalks  or  cotton- stalks,  as  the  case  might 


384  THE  REBELS  APPROACHING. 

Tbe,  into  proper  heaps  for  "burning.  As  all  this  debris 
came  under  the  generic  name  of  "  trash,"  the  appellation 
of  the  gang  is  readily  understood.  Our  trash-gang  did 
very  well,  except  in  a  certain  instance,  when  it  allowed 
the  fire  from  the  trash  to  run  across  a  field  of  dead  grass, 
and  destroy  several  hundred  feet  of  fence.  In  justice  to 
the  negroes,  I  should  admit  that  the  firing  of  the  grass 
was  in  obedience  to  our  orders,  and  the  destruction  of 
the  fence  partly  due  to  a  strong  wind  which  suddenly 
sprang  up.  The  trash-gang  is  usually  composed  of  the 
younger  children  and  the  older  women.  The  former 
gather  and  pile  the  stalks  which  the  latter  cut  up. 
They  particularly  enjoy  firing  the  heaps  of  dry  trash. 

It  was  on  Saturday,  the  13th  of  February,  that  our 
press-gang  completed  its  labors.  On  the  afternoon  of 
that  day,  as  we  were  hauling  our  cotton  to  the  landing, 
the  garrison  at  Waterproof,  two  miles  distant,  suddenly 
opened  with  its  artillery  upon  a  real  or  supposed  enemy. 
A  gun-boat  joined  in  the  affair,  and  for  half  an  hour  the 
cannonade  was  vigorous.  We  could  see  the  flashes  of 
the  guns  and  the  dense  smoke  rising  through  the  trees, 
but  could  discover  nothing  more.  When  the  firing 
ceased  we  were  somewhat  anxious  to  know  the  result. 
Yery  soon  a  white  man,  an  Irishman,  who  had  been  a 
short  time  in  the  vicinity  to  purchase  cotton,  reached 
our  place  in  a  state  of  exhaustion.  He  told  a  frightful 
story  of  the  surprise  and  massacre  of  the  whole  garrison, 
and  was  very  certain  no  one  but  himself  had  escaped. 
He  had  fortunately  concealed  himself  under  a  very  small 
bridge  while  the  fight  was  going  on.  He  called  atten- 


A  BATTLE.  385 

tion  to  his  clothes,  which  were  covered  with  mud,  to 
prove  the  truth  of  his  statement. 

For  a  short  time  the  situation  ha'd  an  unpleasant  ap 
pearance.  While  we  were  deliberating  upon  the  proper 
measures  for  safety,  one  of  our  negroes,  who  was  in 
Waterproof  during  the  firing,  came  to  us  with  Ms  story. 
The  fight  had  been  on  our  side,  some  guerrillas  having 
chased  one  of  our  scouting  parties  to  a  point  within  range 
of  our  guns.  Our  men  shelled  them  with  artillery, 
and  this  was  the  extent  of  the  battle.  The  story  of  the 
Irishman,  in  connection  with  the  true  account  of  the  af 
fair,  forcibly  reminded  me  of  the  famous  battle  of  Pike- 
ton,  Kentucky,  in  the  first  year  of  the  war. 

On  the  next  day  (Sunday)  I  rode  to  Waterproof, 
leaving  Colburn  on  the  plantation.  Just  as  I  arrived 
within  the  lines,  I  ascertained  that  an  attack  was  ex 
pected.  The  most  stringent  orders  had  been  issued 
against  allowing  any  person  to  pass  out.  Ten  minutes 
later  a  scout  arrived,  saying  that  a  force  of  Kebels  was 
advancing  to  attack  the  post.  The  gun-boat  commenced 
shelling  the  woods  in  the  rear  of  Waterproof,  and  the 
artillery  on  land  joined  in  the  work.  The  Kebels  did 
not  get  near  enough  to  make  any  serious  demonstration 
upon  the  town.  The  day  passed  with  a  steady  firing 
from  the  gun-boat,  relieved  by  an  occasional  interval  of 
silence.  Toward  night  the  small  garrison  was  re-enforced 
by  the  arrival  of  a  regiment  from  Natchez.  On  the  fol 
lowing  day  a  portion  of  General  Ellet'  s  Marine  Brigade 
reached  Waterproof,  and  removed  all  possibility  of 
further  attack. 

25 


386  FALSTAFF  REDIYIYUS. 

In  tlie  garrison  of  Waterproof,  at  the  commencement 
of  tills  fight,  there  was  a  certain  officer  who  could  have 
sat  for  the  portrait  of  Falstaff  with  very  little  stuffing; 
and  without  great  change  of  character.  Early  in  the 
war  he  belonged  to  an  Eastern  regiment,  Ibut  on  that  oc 
casion  he  had  no  commission,  though  this  fact  was  not 
generally  known.  Nearly  as  large  as  Hackett's  Fal 
staff,  he  was  as  much  a  gascon  as  the  hero  of  the  Merry 
Wives  of  Windsor.  He  differed  from  Falstaff  in  pos 
sessing  a  goodly  amount  of  bravery,  but  this  bravery 
was  accompanied  with  an  entire  absence  of  judgment. 

In  the  early  part  of  the  fight,  and  until  he  was  too 
drunk  to  move,  ihispreuz  chevalier  dashed  about  Water 
proof,  mounted  on  a  small  horse,  which  he  urged  to  the 
top  of  his  speed.  In  one  hand  he  flourished  a  cane,  and 
in  the  other  a  revolver.  He  usually  allowed  the  reins 
to  lie  on  his  horse's  neck,  except  when  he  wished  to 
change  his  direction.  With  his  abdomen  protruding 
over  the  pommel  of  the  saddle,  his  stirrups  several 
inches  too  short,  one  boot-leg  outside  his  pantaloons 
and  the  other  inside,  a  very  large  hat  pressed  nearly  to 
his  eyes,  and  a  face  flushed  with  excitement  and  whisky, 
he  was  a  study  John  Leech  would  have  prized.  Fre 
quent  and  copious  draughts  of  the  cup  which  cheers 
and  inebriates  placed  him  Tiors  de  combat  before  the 
close  of  the  day. 

From  the  crest  of  the  levee,  he  could  at  any  time 
discover  several  lines  of  battle  approaching  the  town. 
Frequently  he  informed  the  commandant  that  the  Eebels 
were  about  to  open  upon  us  with  a  dozen  heavy  bat- 


IMAGINARY  EXPLOITS.  387 

teries,  which  they  were  planting  in  position  for  a  long 
siege.  If  the  enemy  had  been  in  the  force  that  this  man 
claimed,  they  could  not  have  numbered  less  than  fifty 
thousand.  When  unhorsed  for  the  last  time  during  the 
day,  he  insisted  that  I  should  listen  to  the  story  of  his 
exploits. 

"  I  went,"  said  he,  "  to  the  colonel,  this  morning,  and 
told  him,  sir,  to  give  me  ten  men,  and  I  would  go  out 
and  feel  the  enemy's  position.  He  gave  me  the  men, 
and  I  went.  We  found  the  enemy  not  less  than  a  thou 
sand  strong,  sir,  "behind  Mrs.'  Miller's  gin-house.  They 
were  the  advance  of  the  whole  Rebel  army,  sir,  and  I 
saw  they  must  "be  driven  "back.  We  charged,  and,  after 
a  desperate  fight,  drove  them.  They  opposed  us,  sir, 
every  inch  of  the  way  for  two  miles ;  Ibut  we  routed 
them.  We  must  have  killed  at  least  a  hundred  of  them, 
sir,  and  wounded  as  many  more.  They  didn't  hurt  a 
man  of  us  ;  Ibut  the  Tbullets  flew  very  thick,  sir— very. 
I  myself  killed  twelve  of  them  with  my  own  hand,  sir. 
This  is  the  way  it  was,  sir.  This  revolver,  you  see,  sir, 
has  six  barrels.  I  emptied  it  once,  sir ;  I  reloaded ;  I 
emptied  it  again,  sir.  Two  times  six  are  twelve,  sir.  I 
killed  twelve  of  them  with  my  own  hand.  Let  it  be 
recorded. 

"  On  my  way  back,  sir,  I  set  fire  to  the  gin-house,  so 
that  it  should  no  more  be  a  shelter  for  those  infernal 
Rebels.  You  yourself,  sir,  saw  that  building  in  flames, 
and  can  testify  to  the  truth  of  my  story." 

In  this  strain  the  warrior  gave  the  history  of  his  mo 
ments  of  glory.  The  portion  I  have  written  was  true  in 


388  KETURNING  TO  THE  PLANTATION. 

some  points.  He  found  three  men  (instead  of  a  thou 
sand),  and  pursued  them  a  few  hundred  yards.  He 
discharged  his  revolver  at  very  long  range,  but  I  could 
not  learn  that  his  shots  were  returned.  He  tired  the  gin- 
house  "to  cover  his  retreat,"  and  gained  the  fortifica 
tions  without  loss.  I  do  not  know  his  locality  at  the 
present  time,  Ibut  presume  he  remained,  up  to  the  close 
of  the  war,  where  storms  of  shot  and  shell  continually 
darkened  the  air,  and  where  lines  of  battle  were  seen  on 
every  side. 

The  siege  being  raised,  I  returned  to  the  plantation. 
From  Waterproof,  during  the  fight,  I  could  see  our 
buildings  with  perfect  distinctness.  I  had  much  fear 
that  some  Rebel  scouting  party  might  pay  the  planta 
tion  a  visit  while  the  attack  was  going  on.  I  found,  on 
my  return,  that  Colburn  had  taken  the  matter  very 
coolly,  and  prevented  the  negroes  becoming  alarmed. 
He  declared  that  he  considered  the  plantation  as  safe  as 
Waterproof,  and  would  not  have  exchanged  places  with 
me  during  the  fight.  The  negroes  were  perfectly  quiet, 
and  making  preparations  for  plowing.  While  the  fight 
was  in  progress,  my  associate  was  consulting  with  the 
drivers  about  the  details  of  work  for  the  ensuing  week, 
and  giving  his  orders  with  the  utmost  sang  froid.  In 
consideration  of  the  uncertainty  of  battles  in  general, 
and  the  possibility  of  a  visit  at  any  moment  from  a  party 
of  Rebel  scouts,  my  partner's  conduct  was  worthy  of 
the  highest  commendation. 

Before  leaving.  Waterproof  I  had  arranged  for  a 
steamer  to  call  for  our  cotton,  which  was  lying  on  the 


OFF  FOR  NEW  ORLEANS.  389 

river  bank.  Waterproof  lay  at  one  side  of  the  neck  of 
a  peninsula,  and  our  plantation  was  at  the  other  side. 
It  was  two  miles  across  this  peninsula,  and  sixteen  miles 
around  it,  so  that  I  could  start  on  horseback,  and,  by 
riding  very  leisurely,  reach  the  other  side  long  in  ad 
vance  of  a  steamboat.  The  steamer  came  in  due  time. 
After  putting  our  cotton  on  board,  I  bade  Mr.  Colburn 
farewell,  and  left  him  to  the  cares  and  perplexities  of  a 
planter's  life.  I  was  destined  for  New  Orleans,  to  sell 
our  cotton,  and  to  purchase  many  things  needed  for  the 
prosecution  of  our  enterprise. 

On  my  way  down  the  river,  I  found  that  steamboat 
traveling  was  not  an  entirely  safe  amusement.  The 
boat  that  preceded  me  was  fired  upon  near  Morganzia, 
and  narrowly  escaped  destruction.  A  shell  indented 
her  steam-pipe,  and  passed  among  the  machinery,  with 
out  doing  any  damage.  Had  the  pipe  been  cut,  the 
steam  would  have  filled  every  part  of  the  boat. 

I  was  not  disturbed  by  artillery  on  the  occasion  of  my 
journey,  but  received  a  compliment  from  small-arms. 
On  the  morning  after  leaving  Natchez,  I  was  awakened 
by  a  volley  of  musketry  from  the  river-bank.  One  of  the 
bullets  penetrated  the  thin  walls  of  the  cabin  and  en 
tered  my  state-room,  within  two  inches  of  my  head.  I 
preserved  the  missile  as  a  souvenir  of  travel. 

On  the  next  day  the  Rebels  brought  a  battery  of 
artillery  to  the  spot.  A  steamer  received  its  greeting, 
but  escaped  with  a  single  passenger  wounded. 

A  gentleman  who  was  on  this  boat  had -a  very  nar 
row  escape.  He  told  me  that  he  was  awakened  by  the 


390  TRAVELING  AMID  DANGERS. 

first  shot,  which  passed  through  the  upper  works  of  the 
steamer.  He  was  occupying  the  upper  berth  in  a  state 
room  on  the  side  next  the  locality  of  the  Rebels.  His 
first  impulse  was  to  spring  from  his  resting-place,  and 
throw  himself  at  full  length  upon  the  floor.  He  had 
hardly  done  so,  when  a  shell  entered  the  state-room, 
and  traversed  the  berth  in  the  exact  position  where  my 
friend  had  been  lying. 

Having  narrowly  escaped  death,  he  concluded  not  to 
run  a  second  risk.  He  returned  to  St.  Louis  by  way  of 
New  York.  Wishing  to  visit  New  Orleans  some  time 
later,  he  sailed  from  New  York  on  the  Electric  Spark, 
and  enjoyed  the  luxury  of  a  capture  by  the  pirates  of 
the  "  Confederate"  steamer  Florida.  After  that  occur 
rence,  he  concluded  there  was  little  choice  between  the 
ocean  and  river  routes. 


PECULIARITIES   OF  NEW  ORLEANS.  391 


CHAPTER  XXXVII. 

IN  THE  COTTON  MARKET. 

New  Orleans  and  its  Peculiarities. — Its  Loss  by  the  Rebellion. — Cotton 
Factors  in  New  Orleans. — Old  Things  passed  away. — The  Northern 
Barbarians  a  Race  of  Shopkeepers. — Pulsations  of  the  Cotton  Mar 
ket. — A  Quarrel  with  a  Lady. — Contending  for  a  Principle. — Inhar- 
mony  of  the  "Regulations." — An  Account  of  Sales. 

THE  first  impression  that  New  Orleans  gives  a 
stranger  is  its  nnlikeness  to  Northern  cities.  It  is 
built  on  ground  that  slopes  downward  from  the  Mis 
sissippi.  As  one  leaves  the  river  and  walks  toward  the 
center  of  the  city,  he  finds  himself  descending.  New 
Orleans  is  a  hundred  miles  from  the  mouth  of  the  Missis 
sippi  and  only  six  miles  from  Lake  Pontchartrain,  which 
is  an  arm  of  the  sea.  The  river  at  the  city  is  ten  feet 
above  Lake  Pontchartrain,  so  that  New  Orleans  is 
washed  by  water  from  the  Mississippi  and  drained  into 
the  lake.  The  water  in  the  gutters  always  runs  from  the 
river,  no  matter  what  may  be  its  height.  The  steamers 
at  the  foot  of  Canal  Street  appear  above  the  spectator, 
when  he  stands  a  mile  or  two  from  the  landing. 

There  is  no  earthy  elevation  of  any  kind,  except  of 
artificial  construction,  in  the  vicinity  of  New  Orleans. 
The  level  surface  of  the  streets  renders  the  transporta 
tion  of  heavy  bodies  a  work  of  the  utmost  ease.  The 


392  A  BEAUTIFUL  STREET. 

greatest  amount  of  merchandise  that  can  "be  loaded  upon 
four  wheels  rarely  requires  the  efforts  of  more  than  two 
animals.  The  street-cars,  unlike  those  of  Northern  cities, 
are  drawn  "by  a  single  mule  to  each  car,  and  have  no 
conductors.  The  cemeteries  are  above  ground,  and  re 
semble  the  pigeon-holes  of  a  post-office,  magnified  to  a 
sufficient  size  for  the  reception  of  coffins.  There  is  not 
a  cellar  in  the  entire  city  of  New  Orleans. 

Musquitos  flourish  during  the  entire  winter.  In  the 
summer  there  are  two  varieties  of  these  insects.  The 
night-musquito  is  similar  to  the  insect  which  disturbs 
our  slumbers  in  Northern  latitudes.  The  day-musquito 
relieves  his  comrade  at  sunrise  and  remains  on  duty  till 
sunset.  He  has  no  song,  but  his  bite  is  none  the  less 
severe.  He  disappears  at  the  approach  of  winter,  but 
his  tuneful  brother  remains.  Musquito  nettings  are  a 
necessity  all  the  year  round. 

The  public  walks  of  New  Orleans  are  justly  the  pride 
of  the  inhabitants.  Canal  Street  is  probably  the  pret 
tiest  street  in  America.  Along  its  center  is  a  double  row 
of  shade-trees,  a  promenade,  and  the  tracks  of  the  street 
railway.  These  shade-trees  are  inclosed  so  as  to  form  a 
series  of  small  parks  for  the  entire  length  of  the  street. 
On  each  side  of  these  parks  is  a  carriage-way,  as  wide  as 
the  great  thoroughfare  of  New  York.  Canal  Street  is 
the  fashionable  promenade  of  New  Orleans.  In  the 
days  of  glory,  before  the  Rebellion,  it  presented  a  mag 
nificent  appearance. 

Among  the  prettiest  of  the  parks  of  New  Orleans  is 
Jackson  Square,  containing  a  fine  equestrian  statue  of 


THE  FEENCH  ELEMENT  IN  NEW  ORLEANS.   393 

General  Jackson.    The  pedestal  of  the  statue  is  embla 
zoned  with  the  words : 

"THE  UNION— IT  MUST  AND  SHALL  BE  PKESEKVED." 

The  French  element  in  New  Orleans  is  apparent  on 
every  side.  The  auctioneers  cry  their  wares  in  mingled 
French  and  English,  and  the  negroes  and  white  laborers 
on  the  levee  converse  in  a  hybrid  language.  In  the 
French  quarter,  every  thing  is  French.  The  signs  on 
the  shops  and  the  street  corners,  the  conversation  of  the 
inhabitants  and  the  shouts  of  the  boys  who  play  on  the 
sidewalks,  are  in  the  vernacular  of  La  Belle  France. 
In  Jackson  Square,  notices  to  warn  visitors  not  to  dis 
turb  the  shrubbery,  are  posted  in  two  languages,  the 
French  being  first.  On  one  poster  I  saw  the  sentence : 
"Ne  touclie  pas  d  les  fleurs"  followed  by  the  literal 
translation  into  English :  "  Don't  touch  to  the  flowers." 
I  was  happy  to  observe  that  the  caution  was  very  gen 
erally  heeded. 

Before  the  war,  New  Orleans  was  a  city  of  wonderful 
wealth.  Situated  at  the  outlet  of  the  great  valley,  its 
trade  in  cotton,  sugar,  and  other  products  of  the  West 
and  South,  was  immense.  Boats,  which  had  descended 
from  all  points  along  the  navigable  portion  of  the  Missis 
sippi,  discharged  their  cargoes  upon  its  levee.  Ships  of 
all  nations  were  at  the  wharves,  receiving  the  rich  freight 
that  the  steamers  had  brought  down.  The  piles  of  mer 
chandise  that  lay  along  the  levee  were  unequaled  in  any 
other  city  of  the  globe.  Money  was  abundant,  and  was 
lavishly  scattered  in  all  directions. 


394       TEADE  IN  THE  HANDS  OF  NORTHERN  MEN. 

With  the  secession  of  the  Gulf  States,  the  opening  of 
hostilities,  and  the  "blockade  of  the  Mississippi  at  its 
mouth  and  at  Cairo,  the  prosperity  of  New  Orleans  dis 
appeared.  The  steamers  ceased  to  Ibring  cotton  and  su 
gar  to  its  wharves,  and  its  levee  presented  a  picture  of 
inactivity.  Many  of  the  wealthy  found  themselves  in 
straitened  circumstances,  and  many  of  the  poor  suffered 
and  died  for  want  of  food.  For  a  whole  year,  while  the 
Rebel  flag  floated  over  the  city,  the  "business  of  New 
Orleans  was  utterly  suspended. 

With  the  passage  of  the  forts  and  the  capture  of  New 
Orleans  by  Admiral  Farragut,  the  Rebel  rule  was  ended. 
Very  slowly  the  business  of  the  city  revived,  but  in 
its  revival  it  fell  into  the  hands  of  Northern  men,  whc 
had  accompanied  our  armies  in  their  advance.  The  old 
merchants  found  themselves  crowded  aside  by  the  ubiq 
uitous  Yankees.  With  the  end  of  the  war,  the  glory  of 
the  city  will  soon  return,  but  it  will  not  return  to  its  old 
channels.  More  than  any  other  city  of  the  South,  New 
Orleans  will  be  controlled  by  men  of  Northern  birtli 
and  sentiments.  The  day  of  slave-auctions  in  the  ro 
tunda  of  the  St.  Charles  has  passed  away  forever. 

New  Orleans  has  a  class  of  men  peculiar  to  the 
South,  whose  business  it  is  to  sell  cotton  for  the  planters. 
These  gentlemen  are  known  as  "  factors,"  and,  in  former 
times,  were  numerous  and  successful.  Whatever  a 
planter  needed,  from  a  quire  of  paper  to  a  steam-engine, 
he  ordered  his  factor  to  purchase  and  forward.  The 
factor  obeyed  the  order  and  charged  the  amount  to  the 
planter,  adding  two  and  a  half  per  cent,  for  commission. 


COTTON  FACTORS.  395 

If  the  planter  wanted  money,  lie  drew  upon  the  factor, 
and  that  individual  honored  the  draft.  At  the  end  of 
the  season,  it  often  occurred  that  the  planter  was  largely 
in  debt  to  the  factor.  But  the  cotton  crop,  when  gath 
ered,  "being  consigned  to  the  factor,  canceled  this  in 
debtedness,  and  generally  left  a  "balance  in  the  planter' s 
favor. 

The  factor  charged  a  good  commission  for  selling  the 
cotton,  and  sometimes  required  interest  upon  the  money 
he  advanced.  In  the  happy  days  before  the  war,  the- 
factor's  business  was  highly  lucrative.  The  advances 
to  the  planters,  before  the  maturity  of  the  cotton  crop, 
often  required  a  heavy  capital,  but  the  risk  was  not 
great.  Nearly  every  planter  was  considerably  indebted 
to  his  factor  before  his  cotton  went  forward.  In  many 
cases  the  proceeds  of  the  entire  crop  would  but  little 
more  than  cover  the  advances  which  had  been  made. 

In  New  Orleans  nearly  all  cotton  is  sold  "by  sam 
ple."  Certain  men  are  licensed  to  "sample"  cotton,  for 
which  they  charge  a  specified'  sum  per  bale.  A  hole  is 
cut  in  the  covering  of  each  bale,  and  from  this  hole  a 
handful  of  cotton  is  pulled.  Every  bale  is  thus  "sam 
pled,"  without  regard  to  the  size  of  the  lot.  The 
samples  are  taken  to  the  sales-room  of  the  commission 
house,  where  they  are  open  to  the  inspection  of  buyers. 
The  quality  of  the  cotton  is  carefully  noted,  the  length 
of  the  fiber  or  staple,  the  whiteness  of  the  sample,  and 
its  freedom  from  dust  or  fragments  of  cotton-stalks. 
Not  one  bale  in  twenty  is  ever  seen  by  the  buyers  until 
after  its  purchase.  Frequently  the  buyers  transfer  their 


396  THE  OLD  AND  THE  NEW. 

cotton  to  other  parties  without  once  looking  upon  it, 
Sometimes  cotton  is  sold  at  auction  instead  of  "being 
offered  at  private  sale,  but  the  process  of  "sampling" 
is  carried  out  in  either  case. 

In  '63  and  '64,  New  Orleans  could  boast  of  more  cot 
ton  factors  than  cotton.  The  principal  business  was  in 
the  hands  of  merchants  from  the  North,  who  had  estab 
lished  themselves  in  the  city  soon  after  its  occupation 
by  the  National  forces.  Nearly  all  cotton  sent  to 
market  was  from  plantations  leased  by  Northern  men, 
or  from  purchases  made  of  planters  by  Northern  specu 
lators.  The  patronage  naturally  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
new  possessors  of  the  soil,  and  left  the  old  merchants  to 
pine  in  solitude.  The  old  cotton  factors,  most  of  them 
Southern  men,  who  could  boast  of  ten  or  twenty  years' 
experience,  saw  their  business  pass  into  the  hands  of 
men  whose  arrival  in  New  Orleans  was  subsequent  to 
that  of  General  Butler.  Nearly  all  the  old  factors  were 
Secessionists,  who  religiously  believed  no  government 
could  exist  unless  founded  on  raw  cotton  and  slavery. 
They  continually  asserted  that  none  but  themselves 
could  sell  cotton  to  advantage,  and  wondered  why  those 
who  had  that  article  to  dispose  of  should  employ  men 
unaccustomed  to  its  sale.  They  were  doomed  to  find 
themselves  false  prophets.  The  new  and  enterprising 
merchants  monopolized  the  cotton  traffic,  and  left  the 
slavery- worshiping  factors  of  the  olden  time  to  mourn 
the  loss  of  their  occupation. 

At  the  time  I  visited  New  Orleans,  cotton  was  fall 
ing.  It  had  been  ninety  cents  per  pound.  I  could  only 


PULSATIONS  OF   THE  COTTON  MARKET.  397 

obtain  a  small  fraction  albove  seventy  cents,  and  within 
a  week  the  same  quality  sold  for  sixty.  Three  months 
afterward,  it  readily  brought  a  dollar  and  a  quarter  per 
pound.  The  advices  from  New  York  were  the  springs 
by  which  the  market  in  New  Orleans  was  controlled. 
A  good  demand  in  New  York  made  a  good  demand  in 
New  Orleans,  and  vice  versa.  The  New  York  market 
was  governed  by  the  Liverpool  market,  and  that  in 
turn  by  the  demand  at  Manchester.  Thus  the  Old  World 
and  the  New  had  a  common  interest  in  the  production 
of  cotton.  While  one  watched  the  demand,  the  other 
closely  observed  the  supply. 

Some  of  the  factors  in  New  Orleans  were  fearful 
lest  the  attention  paid  to  cotton-culture  in  other  parts 
of  the  world  would  prove  injurious  to  the  South  after 
the  war  should  be  ended.  They  had  abandoned  their 
early  belief  that  their  cotton  was  king,  and  dreaded 
the  crash  that  was  to  announce  the  overthrow  of  all 
their  hopes. 

In  their  theory  that  cotton-culture  was  unprofitable, 
unless  prosecuted  by  slave  labor,  these  men  could  only 
see  a  gloomy  picture  for  years  to  come.  Not  so  the  new 
occupants  of  the  land.  Believing  that  slavery  was  not 
necessary  to  the  production  of  sugar  and  cotton  ;  be 
lieving  that  the  country  could  show  far  more  prosperity 
under  the  new  system  of  labor  than  was  ever  seen  under 
the  old ;  and  believing  that  commerce  would  find  new 
and  enlarged  channels  with  the  return  of  peace,  they 
combated  the  secession  heresies  of  the  old  residents,  and 
displayed  their  faith  by  their  works.  New  Orleans  was 


398  A  LITTLE  DIFFICULTY. 

throwing  off  its  old  habits  and  adopting  the  ideas  and 
manners  of  Northern  civilization. 

Mrs.  B.,  the  owner  of  our  plantation,  was  in  New 
Orleans  at  the  time  of  my'  arrival.  As  she  was  to  receive 
half  the  proceeds  of  the  cotton  we  had  gathered,  I  wait 
ed  upon  her  to  tell  the  result  of  our  labors.  The  sale 
being  made,  I  exhibited  the  account  of  sales  to  her  agent, 
and  paid  him  the  stipulated  amount.  So  far  all  was 
well ;  but  we  were  destined  to  have  a  difference  of  opin 
ion  upon  a  subject  touching  the  rights  of  the  negro. 

Early  in  1863  the  Rebel  authorities  ordered  the  de 
struction  of  all  cotton  liable  to  fall  into  the  hands  of 
the  National  forces.  The  order  was  very  generally 
carried  out.  In  its  execution,  some  four  hundred  bales 
belonging  to  Mrs.  B.  were  burned.  The  officer  who 
superintended  the  destruction,  permitted  the  negroes 
on  the  plantation  to  fill  their  beds  with  cotton,  but 
not  to  save  any  in  bales.  When  we  were  making  our 
shipment,  Mr.  Colburn  proposed  that  those  negroes  who 
wished  to  do  so,  could  sell  us  their  cottqn,  and  fill  their 
beds  with  moss  or  husks.  As  we  paid  them  a  liberal 
price,  they  accepted  our  offer,  and  we  made  up  three  bales 
from  our  purchase.  We  never  imagined  that  Mrs.  B. 
would  lay  any  claim  to  this  lot,  and  did  not  include  it  in 
the  quantity  for  which  we  paid  her  half  the  proceeds. 

After  I  had  made  the  payment  to  her  factor,  I  received 
a  note  from  the  lady  in  reference  to  the  three  bales 
above  mentioned.  She  said  the  cotton  in  question  was 
entirely  her  property  ;  but,  in  consideration  of  our  care 
ful  attention  to  the  matter,  she  would  consent  to  our  re- 


ARGUING  THE  POINT.  399 

taining  half  its  value.  She  admitted  that  she  would 
have  never  thought  to  "bring  it  to  market ;  but  since  we 
had  collected  and  baled  it,  she  demanded  it  as  her  own. 
I  " respectfully  declined"  to  comply  with  her  request. 
I  believed  the  negroes  had  a  claim  to  what  was  saved 
from  the  burning,  and  given  to  them  by  the  Rebel  au 
thorities.  Mrs.  B.  was  of  the  opinion  that  a  slave  could 
own  nothing,  and  therefore  insisted  that  the  cotton  be 
longed  to  herself. 

Very  soon  after  sending  my  reply,  I  was  visited  by 
the  lady's  factor.  A  warm,  though  courteous,  discus 
sion  transpired.  The  factor  was  a  Secessionist,  and  a 
firm  believer  in  the  human  and  divine  right  of  slavery. 
He  was  a  man  of  polished  exterior,  and  was,  doubtless, 
considered  a  specimen  of  the  true  Southern  gentleman. 
In  our  talk  on  the  subject  in  dispute,  I  told  him  the 
Eiebels  had  allowed  the  negroes  to  fill  their  beds  with 
cotton,  and  it  was  this  cotton  we  had  purchased. 

"  The  negroes  had  no  right  to  sell  it  to  you,"  said 
the  factor  ;  "  neither  had  you  any  right  to  purchase  it." 

"If  it  was  given  to  them,"  I  asked,  "was  it 
not  theirs  to  sell?" 

"Certainly  not.  The  negroes  own  nothing,  and 
can  own  nothing.  Every  thing  they  have,  the  clothes 
they  wear  and  .the  dishes  they  use,  belongs  to  their 
owners.  When  we  'give'  any  thing  to  a  negro,  we 
merely  allow  it  to  remain  in  his  custody,  nothing 
more." 

"But  in  this  case,"  said  I,  "the  gift  was  not 
made  by  the  owner.  The  cotton  was  to  be  destroyed 


400  VALIDITY  OF  A  PKOMISE. 

by  order  of  your  Confederate  Government.  That  order 
took  it  from  Mrs.  B.'s  possession.  When  the  officer 
came  to  Ibnrn  the  cotton,  and  gave  a  portion  to  the 
negroes  to  fill  their  beds,  he  made  no  gift  to  Mrs.  B." 

"  Certainly  he  did.  The  cotton  became  hers,  when 
it  was  given  to  her  negroes.  If  you  give  any  thing 
to  one  of  my  negroes,  that  article  becomes  my  property 
as  much  as  if  given  to  me." 

"Bat  how  is  it  when  a  negro,  by  working  nights 
or  Saturdays,  manages  to  make  something  for  him 
self?" 

"  That  is  just  the  same.  Whatever  he  makes  in 
that  way  belongs  to  his  master.  Out  of  policy  we 
allow  him  to  keep  it,  but  we  manage  to  have  him 
expend  it  for  his  own  good.  The  negro  is  the  prop 
erty  of  his  master,  and  can  own  nothing  for  him 
self." 

"But  in  this  case,"  I  replied,  "I  have  promised  to 
pay  the  negroes  for  the  cotton.  It  would  be  unjust 
to  them  to  fail  to  do  so." 

"You  must  not  pay  them  anything  for  it.  What 
ever  you  have  promised  rnakes  no  difference.  It  is 
Mrs.  B.'s  property,  not  theirs.  If  you  pay  them, 
you  will  violate  all  our  customs,  and  establish  a 
precedent  very  bad  for  us  and  for  yourself." 

I  assured  the  gentleman  I  should  feel  under  obli 
gation  to  deal  justly  with  the  negroes,  even  at  the 
expense  of  violating  Southern  precedent  "You  may 
not  be  aware,"  I  remarked,  "of  the  magnitude  of 
the  change  in  the  condition  of  the  Southern  negro 


AMONG  THE  OFFICIALS.  401 

during  the  two  years  just  closed.  The  difference 
of  opinion  between  your  people  and  ourselves  is, 
no  doulbt,  an  honest  one.  We  shall  "be  quite  as 
persistent  in  pushing  our  views  at  the  present  time 
as  you  have  Ibeen  in  enforcing  yours  in  the  past. 
We  must  try  our  theory,  and  wait  for  the  result." 

We  separated  most  amiably,  each  hoping  the  other 
would  eventually  see  things  in  the,ir  true  light.  From 
present  indications,  the  weight  of  public  opinion  is 
on  my  side,  and  constantly  growing  stronger. 

My  sales  having  been  made,  and  a  quantity  of 
plantation  supplies  purchased,  I  was  ready  to  return. 
It  was  with  much  difficulty  that  I  was  able  to  procure 
permits  from  the  Treasury  agent  at  New  Orleans  to 
enable  me  to  ship  my  purchases.  Before  leaving 
Natchez,  I  procured  all  the  documents  required  by 
law.  Natchez  and  New  Orleans  were  not  in  the 
same  ''district,"  and  consequently  there  was  much 
discord.  For  example,  the  agent  at  Natchez  gave 
me  a  certain  document  that  I  should  exhibit  at  New 
Orleans,  and  take  with  me  on  my  return  to  Natchez. 
The  agent  at  New  Orleans  took  possession  of  this 
document,  and,  on  my  expostulating,  said  the  agent 
at  Natchez  "had  no  right"  to  give  me  instructions 
to  retain  it.  He  kept  the  paper,  and  I  was  left  without 
any  defense  against  seizure  of  the  goods  I  had  in 
transit.  They  were  seized  by  a  Government  officer, 
but  subsequently  released.  On  my  arrival  at  Natchez, 
I  narrated  the  occurrence  to  the  Treasury  agent  at 
that  point.  I  was  informed  that  the  agent  at  New 

26 


402  A  DIFFERENCE  OF  OPINION. 

Orleans  " could  not"  take  my  papers  from  me,  and 
I  should  not  have  allowed  him  to  do  so. 

I  was  forcibly  reminded  of  the  case  of  the  indi 
vidual  who  was  once  placed  in  the  public  stocks. 
On  learning  his  offense,  a  lawyer  told  him,  "Why, 
Sir,  they  can't  put  you  in  the  stocks  for  that" 

"But  they  have." 

"  I  tell  you  they  pan' t  do  it. ' ' 

"  But,  don't  you  see,  they  have." 

"I  tell  you  again  they  can't  do  any  such  thing." 

In  my  own  case,  each  Treasury  agent  declared  the 
other  "could  not"  do  the  things  which  had  been  done. 
In  consequence  of  the  inharmony  of  the  "regulations," 
the  most  careful  shipper  would  frequently  find  his  goods 
under  seizure,  from  which  they  could  generally  be  re 
leased  on  payment  of  liberal  fees  and  fines.  I  do  not 
know  there  was  any  collusion  between  the  officials,  but 
I  could  not  rid  myself  of  the  impression  there  was 
something  rotten  in  Denmark.  The  invariable  result 
of  these  little  quarrels  was  the  plundering  of  the  ship 
pers.  The  officials  never  suffered.  Like  the  opposite 
sides  of  a  pair  of  shears,  though  cutting  against  each 
other,  they  only  injured  whatever  was  between  them. 

Not  a  hundredth  part  of  the  official  dishonesty  at 
New  Orleans  and  other  points  along  the  Mississippi  will 
ever  be  known.  Enough  has  been  made  public  to  con 
demn  the  whole  system  of  permits  and  Treasury  restric 
tions.  The  Government  took  a  wise  course  when  it 
abolished,  soon  after  the  suppression  of  the  Rebellion, 
a  large  number  of  the  Treasury  Agencies  in  the  South. 


AN  ACCOUNT  OF  SALES. 


403 


As  they  were  managed  during  the  last  two  years  of  the 
war,  these  agencies  proved  little  else  than  schools  of 
dishonesty.  There  may  have  Tbeen  some  honest  men 
in  those  offices,  but  they  contrived  to  conceal  their 
honesty. 

To  show  the  variety  of  charges  which  attach  to  a 
shipment  of  cotton,  I  append  the  sellers'  account  for  the 
three  bales  about  which  Mrs.  B.  and  myself  had  our 
little  dispute.  These  bales  were  not  sold  with  the  bal 
ance  of  our  shipment.  The  cotton  of  which  they  were 
composed  was  of  very  inferior  quality. 

Account  Sales  of  Three  Bales  of  Cotton  for  JTnox  &  Colburn. 

By  PAESLEY  &  WILLIAMS. 


Mark, 
"K.  C." 

3  bales. 
Weight,          1  1  q4q  ^ 

$0 

60 

$809 

40 

533  —  406  —  410    f    ' 
Auctioneers'  commission,  1  pr.  ct  
Sampling  

8 

09 
30 

Weighing  

50 

Watching 

50 

Tarpaulins  

50 

Freight  $10  pr  bale 

30 

00 

Insurance  $2  50  pr.  bale    

7 

50 

4  c.  pr.  Ib.  (tax)  on  1,349  Ib  

58 

96 

•A-  c        "         "          "         " 

6 

74 

Permit  and  stamps 

65 

Hospital  fees,  $5  pr.  bale  

15 

00 

Factors'  commission  1  pr  ct 

8 

09 

E.  O.  E. 

Net  proceeds  .  , 

131 

&677 

83 

57 

NEW  OELEANS,  La.,  February  22,  1864. 

It  will  be  seen  by  the  above  that  the  charges  form  an 
important  portion  of  the  proceeds  of  a  sale.  The  heav 
iest  items  are  for  Government  and  hospital  taxes.  The 
latter  was  levied  before  the  war,  but  the  former  is  one 


404:  AN  UNPROFITABLE  TRANSACTION. 

of  tlie  fruits  of  tlie  Rebellion.  It  is  likely  to  end  are  for 
a  considerable  time. 

I  knew  several  cases  in  which  the  sales  of  cotton  did 
not  cover  the  charges,  "but  left  a  small  bill  to  be  paid  by 
the  owner.  Frequently,  cotton  that  had  been  innocent 
ly  purchased  and  sent  to  market  was  seized  by  Govern 
ment  officials,  on  account  of  some  alleged  informality, 
and  placed  in  the  public  warehouses.  The  owner  could 
get  no  hearing  until  he  made  liberal  presents  of  a  pecun 
iary  character  to  the  proper  authorities. 

After  much  delay  and  many  bribes,  the  cotton  would 
be  released.  New  charges  would  appear,  and  before  a 
sale  could  be  effected  the  whole  value  of  the  cotton 
would  be  gone. 

A  person  of  my  acquaintance  was  unfortunate  enough 
to  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Philistines  in  the  manner  I 
have  described  above.  At  the  end  of  the  transaction  he 
found  himself  a  loser  to  the  extent  of  three  hundred 
dollars.  He  has  since  been  endeavoring  to  ascertain  the 
amount  of  traffic  on  a  similar  scale  that  would  be  needed 
to  make  him  a  millionaire.  At  last  accounts  he  had  not 
succeeded  in  solving  the  problem. 


ENERGY  OF  A  LESSEE.  405 


CHAPTER   XXXVIII. 

SOME  FEATURES  OP  PLANTATION  LIFE. 

Mysteries  of  Mule-trading. — "  "What's  in  a  Name  ?" — Process  of  Stock 
ing  a  Plantation. — An  Enterprising  White  Man.— Stratagem  of  a 
Yankee. — Distributing  Goods  to  the  Negroes. — The  Tastes  of  the 
African. — Ethiopian  Eloquence. — A  Colored  Overseer. — Guerrillas 
Approaching. — Whisky  vs.  Guerrillas. — A  Hint  to  Military  Men. 

ON  my  return  from  New  Orleans  to  the  plantation,  I 
found  that  Colburn  had  Ibeen  pushing  our  "business  with 
a  rapidity  and  skill  that  secured  the  admiration  of  every 
one  around  us.  He  had  increased  our  working  force, 
and  purchased  a  goodly  number  of  mules.  We  had 
seventeen  plows  in  operation,  and  two  teams  engaged  in 
gathering  corn,  on  the  day  before  my  arrival.  The 
"  trash-gang"  was  busy,  and  other  working  parties 
were  occupied  with  their  various  duties.  We  were 
looking  to  a  brilliant  future,  and  echoed  the  wish  of 
Jeiferson  Davis,  to  be  "let  alone." 

The  enterprise  of  a  lessee  at  that  time,  and  in  that 
locality,  was  illustrated  by  his  ability  to  supply  his 
plantation  with  mules.  There  were  many  who  failed  in 
the  effort,  but  my  associate  was  not  of  the  number. 
There  were  but  few  mules  in  the  Natchez  market — not 
enough  to  meet  a  tenth  of  the  demand.  Nearly  every 
plantation  had  been  stripped  of  working  animals  by  one 


406  UNFORTUNATE  IN  HIS  NAME. 

army  or  the  other.  Before  our  arrival  the  Rebels  plun 
dered  all  men  suspected  of  lukewarmness  in  the  cause. 
When  the  National  army  obtained  possession,  it  took 
nearly  every  thing  the  Rebels  had  left.  All  property 
believed  to  belong  to  the  Rebel  Government  was  passed 
into  the  hands  of  our  quartermaster. 

A  planter,  named  Caleb  Shields,  had  a  large  planta 
tion  near  Natchez,  which  had  not  been  disturbed  by  the 
Rebels.  His  mules  were  branded  with  the  letters  "  C.  S. , " 
the  initials  of  their  owner.  As  these  letters  happened 
to  be  the  same  that  were  used  by  the  Confederate  Gov 
ernment,  Mr.  Shields  found  his  mules  promptly  seized 
and  "confiscated."  Before  he  could  explain  the  matter 
and  obtain  an  order  for  their  return,  his  animals  were 
sent  to  Vicksburg  and  placed  in  the  Government  corral. 
If  the  gentleman  had  possessed  other  initials,  it  is  possible 
(though  not  certain)  he  might  have  saved  his  stock. 

Mules  being  very  scarce,  the  lessees  exercised  their 
skill  in  supplying  themselves  with  those  animals.  On 
my  first  arrival  at  the  plantation,  I  took  care  to  hire 
those  negroes  who  were  riding  from  the  interior,  or,  at 
all  events,  to  purchase  their  animals.  In  one  day  I  ob 
tained  two  horses  and  four  mules.  An  order  had  been  is 
sued  for  the  confiscation  of  beasts  of  burden  (or  draught) 
brought  inside  the  lines  by  negroes.  We  obtained  per 
mission  to  purchase  of  these  runaway  negroes  whatever 
mules  they  would  sell,  provided  we  could  make  our  ne 
gotiations  before  they  reached  the  military  lines. 

Immediately  after  my  departure,  Mr.  Colburn  sta 
tioned  one  of  our  men  on  the  road  near  our  house,  with 


TRADING  IN  MULES.  407 

orders  to  effect  a  trade  with  every  mounted  negro  on  Ms 
way  to  Natchez.  The  plan  was  successful.  From  two 
to  a  half-dozen  mules  were  obtained  daily.  During  the 
two  weeks  of  my  absence  nearly  fifty  mules  were  pur 
chased,  placing  the  plantation  in  good  order  for  active 
prosecution  of  our  planting  enterprise.  At  the  same 
time  many  lessees  in  our  vicinity  were  unable  to  com 
mence  operations,  owing  to  their  inability  to  obtain 
working  stock. 

The  negroes  discovered  that  the  mule  market  was 
not  well  supplied,  and  some  of  the  more  enterprising 
and  dishonest  sons  of  Ham  endeavored  to  profit  by  the 
situation.  Frequently  mules  would  be  offered  at  a  sus 
piciously  low  price,  with  the  explanation  that  the  owner 
was  anxious  to  dispose  of  his  property  and  return 
home.  Some  undertook  nocturnal  expeditions,  ten  or 
twenty  miles  into  the  interior,  where  they  stole  what 
ever  mules  they  could  find.  A  few  of  the  lessees  suf 
fered  by  the  loss  of  stock,  which  was  sold  an  hour  after 
it  was  stolen,  and  sometimes  to  the  very  party  from 
whom  it  had  been  taken.  We  took  every  care  to 
avoid  buying  stolen  property,  but  were  sometimes  de 
ceived. 

On  one  occasion  I  purchased  a  mule  of  a  negro  who 
lived  at  Waterproof.  The  purchase  was  made  an  hour 
before  sunset,  and  the  animal  was  stolen  during  the  night. 
On  the  following  morning,  Colburn  bought  it  again  of  the 
same  party  with  whom  I  had  effected  my  trade.  After 
this  occurrence,  we  adopted  the  plan  of  branding  each, 
mule  as  soon  as  it  came  into  our  hands.  All  the  lessees 


408  AN  EXCELLENT  PURCHASE. 

did  the  same  thing,  and  partially  protected  each  other 
against  fraud. 

White  men  were  the  worst  mule- thieves,  and  gen 
erally  instructed  the  negroes  in  their  villainy.  There 
were  several  men  in  Natchez  who  reduced  mule-steal 
ing  to  a  science,  and  were  as  thoroughly  skilled  in  it 
as  Charley  Bates  or  the  Artful  Dodger  in  the  science 
of  picking  pockets.  One  of  them  had  four  or  five  white 
men  and  a  dozen  negroes  employed  in  bringing  stock  to 
market.  I  think  he  retired  to  St.  Louis,  "before  the  end 
of  May,  with  ten  or  twelve  thousand  dollars  as  the  re 
sult  of  three  months'  industry. 

Some  of  the  lessees  resorted  to  questionable  methods 
for  supplying  their  plantations  with  the  means  for  plow 
ing  and  planting.  One  of  them  occupied  a  plantation 
owned  Iby  a  man  who  refused  to  allow  his  own  stock  to 
be  used.  He  wished  to  be  neutral  until  the  war  was 
ended. 

This  owner  had  more  than  sixty  fine  mules,  that  were 
running  loose  in  the  field.  One  day  the  lessee  told  the 
owner  that  he  had  purchased  a  lot  of  mules  at  Natchez, 
and  would  bring  them  out  soon.  On  the  following 
night,  while  the  owner  slept,  the  lessee  called  some 
trusty  negroes  to  his  aid,  caught  seventeen  mules  from 
the  field,  sheared  and  branded  them,  and  placed  them 
in  a  yard  by  themselves.  In  the  morning  he  called  the 
owner  to  look  at  the  "  purchase." 

"  You  have  bought  an  excellent  lot,"  said  the  latter 
individual.  ' '  Where  were  they  from  V ' 

"All  from  St.  Louis."  was  the  response.     "Thev 


IN  THE  MIDST   OF  DANGEKS.  409 

were  brought  down  two  days  ago.  I  don't  know  what 
to  do  about  turning  them  out.  Do  you  think,  if  I  put 
them  with  yours,  there  is  any  danger  of  their  straying, 
on  account  of  being  on  a  strange  placet" 

"  None  at  all.     I  think  there  is  no  risk." 

The  lessee  took  the  risk,  and  expressed  much  delight 
to  find  that  the  new  mules  showed  themselves  at  home 
on  the  plantation. 

Several  days  later  the  owner  of  the  plantation  dis 
covered  the  loss  of  his  mules,  but  never  suspected  what 
had  become  of  them.  Two  weeks  afterward,  the  Rebels 
came  and  asked  him  to  designate  the  property  of  the 
lessee,  that  they  might  remove  it.  He  complied  by 
pointing  out  the  seventeen  mules,  which  the  Rebels 
drove  away;  leaving  the  balance  unharmed. 

I  landed  at  the  plantation  one  Sunday  evening,  with 
the  goods  I  had  purchased  in  New  Orleans.  I  was  met 
with  the  unwelcome  information  that  the  small  force  at 
Waterproof,  after  committing  many  depredations  on  the 
surrounding  country,  had  been  withdrawn,  leaving  us 
exposed  to  the  tender  mercies  of  the  indignant  chivalry. 
We  were  liable  to  be  visited  at  any  moment.  We  knew 
the  Rebels  would  not  handle  us  very  tenderly,  in  view 
of  what  they  had  suffered  from  our  own  men.  A  party 
of  guerrillas  was  reported  seven  miles  distant  on  the 
day  previous,  and  there  was  nothing  to  hinder  their 
coming  as  near  as  they  chose. 

Accordingly,  we  determined  to  distribute  the  goods 
among  the  negroes  as  early  as  possible.  On  Monday 
morning  we  commenced.  There  was  some  delay,  but 


410  THE  AFRICAN  TASTE. 

we  succeeded  in  starting  a  very  lively  trade  before  seven 
o'  clock. 

Shoes  were  in  great  demand,  as  the  negroes  had 
not  been  supplied  with  these  articles  for  nearly  three 
years.  A  hundred  pairs  were  speedily  issued,  when  the 
balance  was  laid  aside  for  future  consideration.  There 
were  some  of  the  negroes  whose  feet  were  too  large 
for  any  shoes  we  had  purchased.  It  was  a  curious 
fact  that  these  large-footed  negroes  were  not  above 
the  ordinary  stature.  I  remember  one  in  particular 
who  demanded  "tliir teens,"  but  who  did  not  stand 
more  than  five  feet  and  five  inches  in  his  invisible 
stockings. 

After  the  shoes,  came  the  material  for  clothing.  For 
the  men  we  had  purchased  "  gray  denims  "  and  "  Ken 
tucky  jeans;"  for  the  women,  ""blue  denims"  and 
common  calico.  These  articles  were  rapidly  taken,  and 
with  them  the  necessary  quantity  of  thread,  buttons,  etc. 
A  supply  of  huge  bandana  kerchiefs  for  the  head 
was  eagerly  called  for.  I  had  procured  as  many  of 
these  articles  as  I  thought  necessary  for  the  entire 
number  of  negroes  on  the  plantation  ;  but  found  I 
had  sadly  miscalculated.  The  kerchiefs  were  large 
and  very  gaudy,  and  the  African  taste  was  at  once 
captivated  by  them.  Instead  of  being  satisfied  with 
one  or  two,  every  negro  desired  from  six  to  a  dozen, 
and  was  much  disappointed  at  the  refusal.  The  gaudy 
colors  of  most  of  the  calicoes  created  a  great  demand, 
while  a  few  pieces  of  more 'subdued  appearance  were 
wholly  discarded.  White  cotton  cloth,  palm-leaf  hats, 


PURCHASES  AND  PRESENTS.  411 

knives  and  forks,  tin  plates,  pans  and  dishes,  and  other 
articles  for  use  or  wear,  were  among  the  distributions 
of  the  day. 

Under  the  slave-owner's  rule,  the  negro  was  entitled 
to  nothing  beyond  his  subsistence  and  coarse  clothing. 
Out  of  a  large-hearted  generosity  the  master  gave  him 
various  articles,  amounting,  in  the  course  of  a  year,  to  a 
few  dollars  in  value.  These  articles  took  the  name  of 
"  presents,"  and  their  reception  was  designed  to  inspire 
feelings  of  gratitude  in  the  breast  of  the  slave. 

Most  of  the  negroes  understood  that  the  new  arrange 
ments  made  an  end  of  present-giving.  They  were  to  be 
paid  for  all  their  labor,  and  were  to  pay  for  whatever 
they  received.  When  the  plan  was  first  announced,  all 
were  pleased  with  it ;  but  when  we  came  to  the  distri 
bution  of  the  goods,  many  of  the  negroes  changed  their 
views.  They  urged  that  the  clothing,  and  every  thing 
else  we  had  purchased,  should  be  issued  as  " presents,' 
and  that  they  should  be  paid  for  their  labor  in  addition. 
Whatever  little  advantages  the  old  system  might  have, 
they  wished  to  retain  and  ingraft  upon  their  new  life. 
To  be  compensated  for  labor  was  a  condition  of  freedom 
which  they  joyfully  accepted.  To  receive  "  presents  " 
was  an  apparent  advantage  of  slavery  which  they  did 
not  wish  to  set  aside. 

The  matter  was  fully  explained,  •  and  I  am  confident 
all  our  auditors  understood  it.  Those  that  remained  ob 
stinate  had  an  eye  to  their  personal  interests.  Those 
who  had  been  sick,  idle,  absent,  or  disabled,  were  de- 
pirous  of  liberal  gifts,  while  the  industrious  were  gener- 


412  A  FORGOTTEN  PROMISE. 

ally  in  favor  of  the  new  system,  or  made  no  special  op 
position  to  it. 

One  negro,  who  had  Ibeen  in  our  employ  two  weeks, 
and  whose  whole  lalbor  in  that  time  was  less  than  four 
days,  thought  he  deserved  a  hundred  dollars'  worth  of 
presents,  and  compensation  in  money  for  a  fortnight' s 
toil.  All  were  inclined  to  value  their  services  very 
highly  ;  "but  there  were  some  whose  moderation  knew 
no  bounds. 

A  difficulty  arose  on  account  of  certain  promises  that 
had  "been  made  to  the  negroes  Iby  the  owner  of  the  plan 
tation,  long  before  our  arrival.  Mrs.  B.  had  told  them 
(according  to  their  version)  that  the  proceeds  of  the  cot 
ton  on  the  plantation  should  be  distributed  in  the  form 
of  presents,  whenever  a  sale  was  effected.  She  did  not 
inform  us  of  any  such  promise  when  we  secured  the 
lease  of  the  plantation.  If  she  made  any  agreement  to 
that  effect,  it  was  probably  forgotten.  Those  who  claim 
ed  that  this  arrangement  had  been  made  desired  liberal 
presents  in  addition  to  payment  for  their  labor.  Our 
non-compliance  with  this  demand  was  acknowledged  to 
be  just,  but  it  created  considerable  disappointment. 

One  who  had  been  her  mistress's  favorite  argued 
the  question  with  an  earnestness  that  attracted  my 
attention.  Though  past  sixty  years  of  age,  she  was 
straight  as  an  arrow,  and  her  walk  resembled  that 
of  a  tragedy  queen.  In  her  whole  features  she  was 
unlike  those  around  her,  except  in  her  complexion, 
which  was  black  as  ink.  There  was  a  clear,  silvery 
tone  to  her  voice,  such  as  I  have  rarely  observed  in 


A  NEGRO  OVERSEER.  413 

persons  of  her  race.  In  pressing  her  claim,  she  grew 
wonderfully  eloquent,  and  would  have  elicited  the 
admiration  of  an  educated  audience.  Had  there  Ibeen 
a  school  in  that  vicinity  for  the  development  of 
histrionic  talent  in  the  negro  race,  I  would  have 
given  that  woman  a  recommendation  to  its  halls. 

During  my  absence,  Mr.  Colburn  employed  an 
overseer  on  our  smaller  plantation,  and  placed  him 
in  full  charge  of  the  work.  This  overseer  was  a 
mulatto,  who  had  Ibeen  fifteen  years  the  manager 
of  a  large  plantation  about  seven  miles  distant  from 
ours.  In  voice  and  manner  he  was  a  white  man, 
but  his  complexion  and  hair  were  those  of  the  subject 
race.  There  was  nothing  about  the  plantation  which 
he  could  not  master  in  every  point.  Without  being- 
severe,  he  was  able  to  accomplish  all  that  had  been 
done  under  the  old  system.  He  imitated  the  customs 
of  the  white  man  as  much  as  possible,  and  it  was 
his  particular  ambition  to  rank  above  those  of  his 
own  color.  As  an  overseer  he  was  fully  competent 
to  take  charge  of  any  plantation  in  that  locality. 
During  all  my  stay  in  the  South,  I  did  not  meet  a 
white  overseer  whom  I  considered  the  professional 
equal  of  this  negro. 

"Richmond"  was  the  name  to  which  our  new 
assistant  answered.  His  master  had  prevented  his 
learning  to  read,  but  allowed  him  to  acquire  suffi 
cient  knowledge  of  figures  to  record  the  weight  of 
cotton  in  the  field.  Richmond  could  mark  upon 
the  slate  all  round  numbers  between  one  hundred 


414  AN  ALAEM. 

and  four  hundred;  "beyond  this  he  was  never  alble 
to  go.  He  could  neither  add  nor  subtract,  nor  could 
he  write  a  single  letter  of  the  alphabet.  He  was 
able,  however,  to  write  his  own  name  very  badly, 
having  copied  it  from  a  pass  written  by  his  master. 
He  had  possessed  himself  of  a  book,  and,  with  the 
help  of  one  of  our  negroes  who  knew  the  alphabet, 
he  was  learning  to  read.  His  house  was  a  model 
of  neatness.  I  regret  to  say  that  he  was  somewhat 
tyrannical  when  superintending  the  affairs  of  his 
domicile. 

As  the  day  of  our  distribution  of  goods  was  a 
stormy  one,  Richmond  was  called  from  the  plantation 
to  assist  us.  Under  his  assistance  we  were  progressing 
fairly,  interrupted  occasionally  by  various  causes  of 
delay.  Less  than  half  the  valuable  articles  were 
distributed,  when  our  watches  told  us  it  was  noon. 
Just  as  we  were  discussing  the  propriety  of  an  ad 
journment  for  dinner,  an  announcement  was  made 
that  banished  all  thoughts  of  the  mid-day  meal. 

One  of  our  boys  had  been  permitted  to  visit 
Waterproof  during  the  forenoon.  He  returned,  some 
what  breathless,  and  his  first  words  dropped  like 
a  shell  among  the  assembled  negroes  : 

"  The  Rebels  are  in  Waterproof" 

"  How  do  you  know  ?" 

"I  saw  them  there,  and  asked  a  lady  what  they 
.were.  She  said  they  were  Harrison's  Kebels." 

We  told  the  negroes  to  go  to  their  quarters.  Rich 
mond  mounted  his  horse  and  rode  off  toward  the 


"STRATEGY,  MY  BOY."  415 

plantation  of  which,  he  had  charge.  In  two  minutes, 
there  was  not  a  negro  in  the  yard,  with  the  exception 
of  the  house- servants.  Our  goods  were  lying  exposed. 
We  threw  some  of  the  most  valuable  articles  into  an 
obscure  closet. 

At  the  first  alarm  we  ordered  our  horses  brought 
out.  When  the  animals  appeared  we  desisted  from  our 
work. 

uThe  Rebels  are  coming  down  the  road,"  was  the 
next  bulletin  from  the  front. 

We  sprang  upon  our  horses  and  rode  a  hundred 
yards  along  the  front  of  our  "  quarter-lot,"  to  a  point 
where  we  could  look  up4the  road  toward  Waterproof. 
There  they  were,  sure  enough,  thirty  or  more  mounted 
men,  advancing  at  a  slow  trot.  They  were  about  half  a 
mile  distant,  and,  had  we  been  well  mounted,  there  was 
no  doubt  of  our  easy  escape. 

"Now  comes  the  race,"  said  Colburn.  "Twenty 
miles  to  Natchez.  A  single  heat,  with  animals  to  go  at 
will." 

We  turned  our  horses  in  the  direction  of  Natchez. 

".Stop,"  said  I,  as  we  reached  the  house  again. 
"They  did  not  see  us,  and  have  not  quickened  theii 
pace.  Strategy,  my  boy,  may  assist  us  a  little." 

Throwing  my  bridle  into  Colburn' s  hand,  I  slid 
from  my  saddle  and  bounded  into  the  dwelling.  It  was 
the  work  of  a  moment  to  bring  out  a  jug  and  a  glass 
tumbler,  but  I  was  delayed  longer  than  I  wished  in 
finding  the  key  of  our  closet.  The  jug  contained  five 
gallons  of  excellent  whisky  (so  pronounced  by  my 


416  THE  VALUE  OF  A  DEMIJOHN. 

friends),  and  would  have  been  a  valuable  prize  in  any 
portion  of  the  Confederacy. 

Placing  the  jug  and  tumbler  side  by  side  on  the 
veranda,  in  full  view  from  the  road,  I  remounted,  just 
as  the  Rebels  reached  the  corner  of  our  quarter-lot. 

'"We  have  pressing  engagements  in  Natchez,"  said 
Colburn. 

"So  we  have,"  I  replied;  "I  had  nearly  forgotten 
them.  Let  us  lose  no  time  in  meeting  them." 

As  we  rode  off,  some  of  the  foremost  Rebels  espied 
us  and  quickened  their  pace.  When  they  reached  the 
house  they  naturally  looked  toward  it  to  ascertain  if  any 
person  was  there.  They  saw  the  jug,  and  were  at  once 
attracted.  One  man  rode  past  the  house,  but  the  balance 
stopped.  The  minority  of  one  was  prudent,  and  re 
turned  after  pursuing  us  less  than  fifty  yards.  The 
whisky  which  the  jug  contained  was  quickly  absorbed. 
With  only  one  tumbler  it  required  some  minutes  to 
drain  the  jug.  These  minutes  were  valuable. 

Whisky  may  have  ruined  many  a  man,  but  it  saved 
us.  Around  that  seductive  jug  those  thirty  guerrillas 
became  oblivious  to  our  escape.  We  have  reason  to  be 
thankful  that  we  disobeyed  the  rules  of  strict  teetotalers 
by  "keeping  liquor  in  the  house." 

I  was  well  mounted,  and  could  have  easily  kept  out 
of  the  way  of  any  ordinary  chase.  Colburn  was  only 
fairly  mounted,  and  must  have  been  run  down  had  there 
been  a  vigorous  and  determined*  pur  suit.  As  each  was 
resolved  to  stand  by  the  other,  the  capture  of  one  would 
have  doubtless  been  the  capture  of  both. 


EXTENT  OF  THE  RAID.  417 


CHAPTER    XXXIX. 

VISITED  BY  GUERRILLAS. 

News  of  the  Raid. — Returning  to  the  Plantation. — Examples  of  Negro 
Cunning. — A  Sudden  Departure  and  a  Fortunate  Escape. — A  Second 
Visit. — "  Going  Through,"  in  Guerrilla  Parlance. — How  it  is  Accom 
plished. — Courtesy  to  Guests. — A  Holiday  Costume. — Lessees  Aban 
doning  their  Plantations. — Official  Promises. 

As  soon  as  satisfied  we  were  not  followed  we  took  a 
leisurely  pace,  and  in  due  time  reached  Natchez.  Four 
hours  later  we  received  the  first  "bulletin  from  the  plan 
tation.  About  thirty  guerrillas  had  "been  there,  mainly 
for  the  purpose  of  despoiling  the  plantation  next  above 
ours.  This  they  had  accomplished  by  driving  off  all  the 
mules.  They  had  not  stolen  OUT  mules,  simply  because 
they  iound  as  much  cloth  and  other  desirable  property 
as  they  wished  to  take  on  that  occasion.  Besides,  our 
neighbor's  mules  made  as  large  a  drove  as  they  could 
manage.  They  promised  to  come  again,  and  we  believed 
they  would  keep  their  word.  We  ascertained  that  my 
strategy  with  the  whisky  saved  us  from  pursuit. 

On  the  next  day  a  messenger  arrived,  saying  all  was 
quiet  at  the  plantation.  On  the  second  day,  as  every 
thing  continued  undisturbed,  I  concluded  to  return. 
Colburn  had  gone  to  Vicksburg,  and  left  me  to  look 
after  our  affairs  as  I  thought  best.  We  had  discussed 
the  propriety  of  hiring  a  white  overseer  to  stay  on  the 

21 


t 


418  A  NEW  OVERSEER. 

plantation  during  our  absence.  The  prospect  of  visits 
from  guerrillas  convinced  us  that  we  should  not  spend 
much  of  our  time  within  their  reach.  We  preferred  pay 
ing  some  one  to  risk  his  life  rather  than  to  risk  our  own 
lives.  The  prospect  of  getting  through  the  season  with 
out  serious  interruption  had  become  very  poor,  but  we 
desired  to  cling  to  the  experiment  a  little  longer.  Once 
having  undertaken  it,  we  were  determined  not  to  give  it 
up  hastily. 

I  engaged  a  white  man  as  overseer,  and  took  him 
with  me  to  the  plantation.  The  negroes  had  been  tem 
porarily  alarmed  at  the  visit  of  the  guerrillas,  but,  as 
they  were  not  personally  disturbed,  their  excitement  was 
soon  allayed.  I  found  them  anxiously  waiting  my  re 
turn,  and  ready  to  recommence  labor  on  the  following 
day. 

The  ravages  of  the  guerrillas  on  that  occasion  were 
not  extensive.  They  carried  off  a  few  bolts  of  cloth  and 
some  smaller  articles,  after  drinking  the  whisky  I  had 
set  out  for  their  entertainment.  The  negroes  had  care 
fully  concealed  the  balance  of  the  goods  in  places  where 
a  white  man  would  have  much  trouble  in  finding  them. 
In  the  garden  there  was  a  row  of  bee-hives,  whose  occu 
pants  manifested  much  dislike  for  all  white  men,  irre 
spective  of  their  political  sentiments.  Two  unused  hives 
were  filled  with  the  most  valuable  articles  on  our  in 
voice,  and  placed  at  the  ends  of  this  row.  In  a  clump 
of  weeds  under  the  bench  on  which  the  hives  stood,  the 
negroes  secreted  several  rolls  of  cloth  and  a  quantity  of 
shoes.  More  shoes  and  more  cloth  were  concealed  in  a 


A  FORTUNATE  DEPARTURE.  419 

hen-liouse,  under  a  series  of  nests  where  several  innocent 
hens  were  "sitting."  Crockery  was  placed  among  the 
rose-bushes  and  tomato-vines  in  the  garden  ;  "barrels  of 
sugar  were  piled  with  empty  barrels  of  great  age ;  and 
two  barrels  of  molasses  had  been  neatly  buried  in  a 
freshly-ploughed  potato-field.  Obscure  corners  in  stables 
and  sheds  were  turned  into  hiding-places,  and  the  cun 
ning  of  the  negro  was  well  evinced  by  the  successful 
concealment  of  many  bulky  articles. 

It  was  about  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  when  I 
arrived  at  the  plantation.  I  immediately  recommenced 
the  issue  of  goods,  which  was  suspended  so  hastily 
three  days  before.  From  two  o'clock  until  dark  the 
overseer  and  myself  were  busily  engaged,  and  distrib 
uted  about  two-thirds  of  our  remaining  stock.  Night 
came.  We  suspended  the  distribution  and  indulged  in 
supper.  After  giving  the  overseer  directions  for  the 
morrow,  I  recollected  an  invitation  to  spend  the  .night 
at  the  house  of  a  friend,  three  miles  away,  on  the  road 
to  Natchez. 

I  ordered  my  horse,  and  in  a  few  moments  the  animal 
was  ready,  at  the  door.  I  told  the  overseer  where  I  was 
going,  and  bade  him  good-night. 

"Where  are  you  going,  Mr.  K ?"  said  the  negro 

who  had  brought  out  the  horse,  as  he  delivered  the 
bridle  into  my  hands. 

"  If  any  one  calls  to  see  me,"  said  I,  "you  can  say  I 
have  gone  to  Natchez." 

With  that  I  touched  a  spur  to  my  horse  and  darted 
off  rapidly  toward  my  friend's  house.  A  half-dozen 


420  A  SECOND  VISIT. 

negroes  had  gathered  to  assist  in  saddling  and  holding 
the  horse.  As  I  sprang  into  the  saddle  I  heard  one  of 
them  say : 

"  I  don't  see  why  Mr.  K starts  off  to  Natchez  at 

this  time  of  night." 

Another  negro  explained  the  matter,  but  I  did  not 
hear  the  explanation.  If  he  gave  a  satisfactory  reason,  I 
think  he  did  "better  than  I  could  have  done. 

Immediately  after  my  departure  the  overseer  went  to 
"bed.  He  had  been  in  bed  about  fifteen  minutes  when 
he  heard  a  trampling  of  horses'  feet  around  the  house. 
A  moment  later  there  was  a  loud  call  for  the  door  to  be 
opened.  Before  the  overseer  could  comply  with  the 
request,  the  door  was  broken  in.  A  dozen  men  crowded 
into  the  house,  demanding  that  a  light  be  struck  instant 
ly.  As  the  match  gave  its  first  flash  of  light,  one  of  the 
visitors  said : 

"  Well,  K ,  we've  got  you  this  time." 

"That,"  said  another,  "is  no  K ;  that  is  Walter 

Owen,  who  used  to  be  overseer  on  Stewart's  planta 
tion." 

"  What  are  you  doing  here  ?"  demanded  another. 

Mr.  Owen,  trembling  in  his  night-clothes,  replied 
that  he  had  been  engaged  to  stay  there  as  overseer. 

"  Where  is  K ,  and  where  is  Colburn  ?" 

"Mr.  Colburn  hasn't  been  here  since  last  Monday. 
Mr.  K has  gone  to  Natchez." 

( c  That' s  a  —  -  lie, ' '  said  one  of  the  guerrillas.  ' '  We 
know  he  came  here  at  two  o'clock  this  afternoon,  and 
was  here  at  dark*  He  is  somewhere  around  this  house." 


"GOING  THROUGH."  421 

In  vain  did  Owen  protest  I  was  not  there.  Every 
room  and  every  closet  in  the  house  was  searched.  A 
pile  of  bagging  in  a  garret  was  overhauled,  in  the  ex 
pectation  that  I  was  concealed  within  it.  Even  the 
chimneys  were  not  neglected,  though  I  doubt  if  the 
smallest  of  professional  sweeps  could  pass  through 
them.  One  of  the  guerrillas  opened  a  piano,  to  see  if  I 
had  not  taken  refuge  under  its  cover.  They  looked 
into  all  possible  and  impossible  nooks  and  corners, 
in  the  hope  of  finding  me  somewhere.  At  last  they 
gave  up  the  search,  and  contented  themselves  with 
promising  to  catch  both  Colburn  and  myself  before 
long. 

"  We  want  to  go  through  those  d d  Abolitionists, 

and  we  will  do  it,  too.  They  may  dodge  us  for  a  while, 
but  we  will  have  them  by-and-by." 

Not  being  privileged  to  "go  through"  me  as  they 
had  anticipated,  the  gentlemanly  guerrillas  went  through 
the  overseer.  They  took  his  money,  his  hat,  his  panta 
loons,  and  his  saddle.  His  horse  was  standing  in  the 
stable,  and  they  took  that  also.  They  found  four  of  our 
mules,  and  appropriated  them  to  their  own  use.  They 
frightened  one  of  the  negroes  into  telling  where  certain 
articles  were  concealed,  and  were  thus  enabled  to  carry 
off  a  goodly  amount  of  plunder.  They  threatened  Mr. 
Owen  with  the  severest  punishment,  if  he  remained  any 
longer  on  the  plantation.  They  possessed  themselves 
of  a  "protection"  paper  which  Mrs.  B.  had  received 
from  the  commander  at  Natchez  several  months  before, 
and  were  half  inclined  to  burn  her  buildings  as  a  pun- 


422  COUETESY  TO  GUESTS. 

ishment  for  haying  sought  the  favor  of  the  Yankees. 
Their  stay  was  of  only  an  hour's  duration. 

From  our  plantation  the  robbers  went  to  the  one  next 
above,  where  they  were  more  fortunate  in  finding  the 
lessees  at  home.  They  surrounded  the  house  in  the 
same  manner  they  had  surrounded  ours,  and  then  burst 
open  the  doors.  The  lessees  were  plundered  of  every 
thing  in  the  shape  of  money,  watches,  and  knives,  and 
were  forced  to  exchange  hats  and  coats  with  their  cap 
tors.  One  of  the  guerrillas  observed  an  ivory-headed 
pencil,  which  he  appropriated  to  his  own  use,  with  the 
remark : 

"They  don't  make  these  things  back  here  in  the 
woods.  When  they  do,  I  will  send  this  one  back." 

These  lessees  were  entertaining  some  friends  on  that 
evening,  and  begged  the  guerrillas  to  show  them  some 
distinction. 

"D— n  your  friends,"  said  the  guerrilla  leader;  "I 
suppose  they  are  Yankees  ?" 

"  Yes,  they  are  ;  we  should  claim  friendship  with  no 
body  else." 

"Then  we  want  to  see  what  they  have,  and  go 
through  them  if  it  is  worth  the  while." 

The  strangers  were  unceremoniously  searched.  Their 
united  contributions  to  the  guerrilla  treasury  were  two 
watches,  two  revolvers,  three  hundred  dollars  in  money, 
and  their  hats  and  overcoats.  Their  horses  and  saddles 
were  also  taken.  In  consideration  of  their  being  guests 
of  the  house,  these  gentlemen  were  allowed  to  retain 
their  coats.  They  were  presented  with  five  dollars  each, 


ANOTHEE  RAHX  423 

to  pay  their  expenses  to  Natchez.  No  such  courtesy 
was  shown  to  the  lessees  of  the  plantation. 

On  the  following  morning,  I  was  awakened  at  an 
early  hour  "by  the  arrival  of  a  negro  from  our  plantation, 
with  news  of  the  raid.  A  little  later,  Mr.  Owen  made 
his  appearance,  wearing  pantaloons  and  hat  that  belonged 
to  one  of  the  negroes.  The  pantaloons  were  too  small 
and  the  hat  too  large  ;  both  had  long  "before  seen  their 
"best  days.  He  was  riding  a  mule,  on  which  was  tied  an 
old  saddle,  whose  cohesive  powers  were  very  doubtful. 
I  listened  to  the  story  of  the  raid,  and  was  convinced 
another  visit  would  be  made  very  soon.  I  gave  direc 
tions  for  the  overseer  to  gather  all  the  remaining  mules 
and  take  them  to  Natchez  for  safety. 

I  stopped  with  my  friend  until  nearly  noon,  and  then 
accompanied  him  to  Natchez.  On  the  next  morning,  I 
learned  that  the  guerrillas  returned  to  our  plantation 
while  I  was  at  my  friend' s  house.  They  carried  away 
what  they  were  unable  to  take  on  the  previous  night. 
They  needed  a  wagon  for  purposes  of  transportation, 
and  took  one  of  ours,  and  with  it  all  the  mules  they 
could  find.  Our  house  was  stripped  of  every  thing  of 
any  value,  and  I  hoped  the  guerrillas  would  have  no 
occasion  to  make  subsequent  visits.  Several  of  our 
mules  were  saved  by  running  them  into  the  woods  ad 
joining  the  plantation.  These  were  taken  to  Natchez, 
and,  for  a  time,  all  work  on  the  prospective  cotton  crop 
came  to  an  end. 

For  nearly  three  weeks,  the  guerrillas  had  full  and 
free  range  in  the  vicinity  of  the  leased  plantations.  One 


424  SUSPENDING  LABORS. 

after  another  of  the  lessees  were  driven  to  seek  refuge  at 
Natchez,  and  their  work  was  entirely  suspended.  The 
only  plantations  undisturbed  were  those  within  a  mile 
or  two  of  Vidalia.  As  the  son  of  Adjutant- General 
Thomas  was  interested  in  one  of  these  plantations,  and 
intimate  friends  of  that  official  were  concerned  in  others, 
it  was  proper  that  they  should  Ibe  well  protected.  The 
troops  at  Yidalia  were  kept  constantly  on  the  look-out 
to  prevent  raids  on  these  favored  localities. 

Nearly  every  day  I  heard  of  a  fresh  raid  in  our 
neighborhood,  though,  after  the  first  half-dozen  visits, 
I  could  not  learn  that  the  guerrillas  carried'  away  any 
thing,  for  the  simple  reason  there  was  nothing  left  to 
steal.  Some  of  the  negroes  remained  at  home,  while 
others  fled  to  the  military  posts  for  protection.  The 
robbers  showed  no  disposition  to  maltreat  the  negroes, 
and  repeatedly  assured  them  they  should  not  be  dis 
turbed  as  long  as  they  remained  on  the  plantations  and 
planted  nothing  but  corn.  It  was  declared  that  cotton 
should  not  be  cultivated  under  any  circumstances,  and 
the  negroes  were  threatened  with  the  severest  punish 
ment  if  they  assisted  in  planting  that  article. 


AGAIN  IN  THE  FIELD.  425 


CHAPTER    XL. 

PECULIARITIES    OF   PLANTATION   LABOR. 

Resuming  Operation. — Difficulties  in  the  "Way. — A  New  Method  of 
Healing  the  Sick. — A  Thief  Discovered  by  his  Ignorance  of  Arith 
metic. — How  Cotton  is  Planted. — The  Uses  of  Cotton-Seed. — A 
Novel  Sleeping-Room. — Constructing  a  Tunnel. — Vigilance  of  a 
Negro  Sentinel. 

ON  the  24th  of  March  a  small  post  was  established  at 
Waterproof,  and  on  the  following  day  we  recommenced 
our  enterprise  at  the  plantation.  We  were  much  crip 
pled,  as  nearly  all  our  mules  were  gone,  and  the  work  of 
replacing  them  could  not  "be  done  in  a  day.  The  market 
at  Natchez  was  not  supplied  with  mules,  and  we  were 
forced  to  depend  upon  the  region  around  us.  Three 
days  after  the  establishment  of  the  post  we  were  able  to 
start  a  half-dozen  plows,  and  within  two  weeks  we  had 
our  original  force  in  the  field.  The  negroes  that  had  left 
during  the  raid,  returned  to  us.  Under  the  superintend 
ence  of  our  overseer  the  work  was  rapidly  pushed. 
Richmond  was  back  again  on  our  smaller  plantation, 
whence  he  had  fled  during  the  disturbances,  and  was 
displaying  an  energy  worthy  of  the  highest  admiration. 

Our  gangs  were  out  in  full  force.  There  was  the 
trash-gang  clearing  the  ground  for  the  plows,  and  the 
plow-gang  busy  at  its  appropriate  work.  The  corn- 
gang,  with  two  ox-teams,  was  gathering  corn  at  the  rate 


426  A  NEW  DIFFICULTY. 

of  a  hundred  "bushels  daily,  and  the  fence-gang  was 
patting  the  fences  in  order.  The  shelling-gang  (com 
posed  of  the  oldest  men  and  women)  was  husking  and 
shelling  corn,  and  putting  it  in  sacks  for  market.  The 
gardener,  the  stock-tenders,  the  dairy-maids,  nursery 
maids,  hog-minders,  and  stable-keepers  were  all  in  their 
places,  and  we  "began  to  forget  our  recent  troubles  in 
the  apparent  prospect  of  success. 

One  difficulty  of  the  new  system  presented  itself. 
Several  of  the  negroes  began  to  feign  sickness,  and  cheat 
the  overseer  whenever  it  could  be  done  with  impunity. 
It  is  a  part  of  the  overseer' s  duty  to  go  through  the  quar 
ters  every  morning,  examine  such  as  claim  to  be  sick, 
determine  whether  their  sickness  be  real  or  pretended, 
and  make  the  appropriate  prescriptions.  Under  the 
old  system  the  pretenders  were  treated  to  a  liberal 
application  of  the  lash,  which  generally  drove  away 
all  fancied  ills.  Sometimes,  one  who  was  really  un 
well,  was  most  unmercifully  flogged  by  the  overseer, 
and  death  not  unfrequently  ensued  from  this  cause. 

As  there  was  now  no  fear  of  the  lash,  some  of  the 
lazily-inclined  negroes  would  feign  sickness,  and  thus 
be  excused  from  the  field.  The  trouble  was  not  gen 
eral,  but  sufficiently  prevalent  to  be  annoying.  We 
saw  that  some  course  must  be  devised  to  overcome 
this  evil,  and  keep  in  the  field  all  who  were  really 
able  to  be  there. 

We  procured  some  printed  .tickets,  which  the  over 
seer  was  to  issue  at  the  close  of  each  day.  There  were 
three  colors — red,  yellow,  and  white.  The  first  were 


A  MEDICAL  PRESCRIPTION.  427 

for  a  full  day's  work,  the  second  for  a  half  day,  and  the 
last  for  a  quarter  day.     On  the  face  of  each  was  the  fol 


lowing  : — 


AQUASCO  &  MONONO 

PLANTATION'S. 

1864. 


These  tickets  were  given  each  day  to  such  as  de 
served  them.  They  were  collected  every  Saturday,  and 
proper  credit  given  for  the  amount  .of  labor  performed 
during  the  week.  The  effect  was  magical.  The  day 
after  the  adoption  of  our  ticket  system  our  number  of 
sick  was  reduced  one-half,  and  we  had  no  further 
trouble  with  pretended  patients.  Colburn  and  myself, 
in  our  new  character  of  "  doctors,"  found  our  practice 
greatly  diminished  in  consequence  of  our  innovations. 
Occasionally  it  would  happen  that  one  who  was  not 
really  able  to  work,  would  go  to  the  field  through  a  fear 
of  diminished  wages. 

One  Saturday  night,  a  negro  whom  we  had  suspected 
of  thievish  propensities,  presented  eight  full-day  tickets 
as  the  representative  of  his  week' s  work. 

' '  Did  you  earn  all  these  this  week  V '  I  asked. 

"Yes,  sir,"  was  the  reply;  " Mr.  Owen  gave  them 
to  me.  I  worked  every  day,  straight  along." 

"Can  you  tell  me  on  which  days  he  gave  you  each 
ticket?" 

"Oh,  yes.    I  knows  every  one  of  them,"  said  the 


428  CAUGHT  IN  DISHONESTY. 

negro,  his  countenance  expressing  full  belief  in  his  abil 
ity  to  locate  each  ticket. 

As  I  held  the  tickets  in  my  hand,  the  negro  picked 
them  out.  "Mr.  Owen  gave  me  this  one  Monday,  this 
one  Tuesday,"  and  so  on,  toward  the  end  of  the  week. 
As  he  reached  Friday,  and  saw  three  tickets  remaining, 
when  there  was  only  another  day  to  "be  accounted  for, 
his  face  suddenly  fell.  I  pretended  not  to  notice  his 
embarrassment. 

"  Which  one  did  he  give  you  to-day  2" 

There  was  a  stammer,  a  hesitation,  a  slight  attempt 
to  explain,  and  then  the  truth  came  out.  He  had  stolen 
the  extra  tickets  from  two  fellow-laborers  only  a  few 
minutes  before,  and  had  not  reflected  upon  the  difficul 
ties  of  the  situation.  I  gave  him  some  good  advice,  re 
quired  him  to  restore  the  stolen  tickets,  and  promise  he 
would  not  steal  any  more.  I  think  he  kept  the  promise 
during  the  remainder  of  his  stay  on  the  plantation,  but 
am  by  no  means  certain. 

Every  day,  when  the  weather  was  favorable,  our 
work  was  pushed.  Every  mule  that  could  be  found 
was  put  at  once  into  service,  and  by  the  loth  of  April 
we  had  upward  of  five  hundred  acres  plowed  and  ready 
for  planting.  We  had  planted  about  eighty  acres  of 
corn  during  the  first  week  of  April,  and  arranged  to 
commence  planting  cotton  on  Monday,  the  18th  of  the 
month.  On  the  Saturday  previous,  the  overseer  on  each 
plantation  organized  his  planting-gangs,  and  placed 
every  thing  in  readiness  for  active  work. 

The  ground,  when  plowed  for  cotton,  is  thrown  into 


COTTON-SEED  AND  ITS  USES.  429 

a  series  of  ridges  by  a  process  technically  known  as 
"  four-furrowing."  Two  furrows  are  turned  in  one 
direction  and  two  in  another,  thus  making  a  ridge  four 
or  five  feet  wide.  Along  the  top  of  this  ridge  a  "  plant 
er,"  or  "  bull-tongue,"  is  drawn  by  a  single  mule, 
making  a  channel  two  or  three  inches  in  depth.  A 
person  carrying  a  bag  of  cotton  seed  follows  the  planter 
and  scatters  the  seed  into  the  channel.  A  small  harrow 
follows,  covering  the  seed,  and  the  work  of  planting  is 
complete. 

A  planting-gang  consists  of  drivers  for  the  planters, 
drivers  for  the  harrows,  persons  who  scatter  the  seed, 
and  attendants  to  supply  them  with  seed.  The  seed  is 
drawn  from  the  gin-house  to  the  field  in  ox- wagons,  and 
distributed  in  convenient  piles  of  ten  or  twenty  bushels 
each. 

Cotton-seed  has  never  been  considered  of  any  appre 
ciable  value,  and  consequently  the  negroes  are  very 
wasteful  in  using  it.  In  sowing  it  in  the  field,  they 
scatter  at  least  twenty  times  as  much  as  necessary,  and 
all  advice  to  use  less  is  unheeded.  It  is  estimated  that 
there  are  forty  bushels  of  seed  to  every  bale  of  cotton 
produced.  A  plantation  that  sends  a  thousand  bales  of 
cotton  to  market  will  thus  have  forty  thousand  bushels 
of  seed,  for  which  there  was  formerly  no  sale. 

With  the  most  lavish  use  of  the  article,  there  was 
generally  a  surplus  at  the  end  of  the  year.  Cattle  and 
sheep  will  eat  cotton- seed,  though  not  in  large  quanti 
ties.  Boiled  cotton-seed  is  fed  to  hogs  on  all  planta 
tions,  but  it  is  far  behind  corn  in  nutritious  and  fattening 


430  THE  PLANTING-GANG. 

qualities.  Cotton- seed  is  packed  around  the  roots  of 
small  trees,  where  it  is  necessary  to  give  them  warmth  or 
furnish  a  rich  soil  for  their  growth.  To  some  extent  it 
is  used  as  fuel  for  steam-engines,  on  places  where  the 
machinery  is  run  "by  steam.  When  the  war  deprived 
the  Southern  cities  of  a  supply  of  coal  for  their  gas 
works,  many  of  them  found  cotton  seed  a  very  good 
substitute.  Oil  can  be  extracted  from  it  in  large  quanti 
ties.  For  several  years,  the  Cotton- Seed  Oil  Works 
of  Memphis  carried  on  an  extensive  business.  Notwith 
standing  the  many  uses  to  which  cotton-seed  can  be 
applied,  its  great  abundance  makes  it  of  little  value. 

The  planting-gang  which  we  started  on  that  Monday 
morning,  consisted  of  five  planters  and  an  equal  number 
of  harrows,  sowers,  etc.  Each  planter  passed  over 
about  six  acres  daily,  so  that  every  day  gave  us  thirty 
acres  of  our  prospective  cotton  crop.  At  the  end  of  the 
week  we  estimated  we  had  about  a  hundred  and  seventy 
acres  planted.  On  the  following  week  we  increased  the 
number  of  planters,  but  soon  reduced  them,  as  we  found 
we  should  overtake  the  plows  earlier  than  we  desired. 
By  the  evening  of  Monday,  May  2d,  we  had  planted  up 
ward  of  four  hundred  acres.  A  portion  of  it  was  push 
ing  out  of  the  ground,  and  giving  promise  of  rapid 
growth. 

During  this  period  the  business  was  under  the  direct 
superintendence  of  our  overseers,  Mr.  Owen  being  re 
sponsible  for  the  larger  plantation,  and  Richmond  for 
the  smaller.  Every  day  they  were  visited  by  Colburn  or 
myself—sometimes  by  both  of  us — and  received  direc- 


HOW  TO  MAKE  A  TUNNEL.  431 

tions  for  the  general  management,  which  they  carried 
out  in  detail.  Knowing  the  habits  of  the  guerrillas,  we 
did  not  think  it  prudent  to  sleep  in  our  house  at  the 
plantation.  Those  individuals  were  liable  to  announce 
their  presence  at  any  hour  of  the  night,  by  quietly  sur 
rounding  the  house  and  requesting  its  inmates  to  make 
their  appearance. 

When  I  spent  the  night  at  the  plantation,  I  generally 
slept  on  a  pile  of  cotton- seed,  in  an  out-building  to 
which  I  had  secretly  conveyed  a  pair  of  blankets  and  a 
flour- bag.  This  bag,  filled  with  seed,  served  as  my 
pillow,  and  though  my  bed  lacked  the  elasticity  of  a 
spring  mattress,  it  was  really  quite  comfortable.  My 
sleeping-place  was  at  the  foot  of  a  huge  pile  of  seed, 
containing  many  hundred  bushels.  One  night  I  amused 
myself  by  making  a  tunnel  into  this  pile  in  much  the 
same  way  as  a  squirrel  digs  into  a  hill-side.  With  a 
minute's  warning  I  could  have  " hunted  my  hole," 
taking  my  blankets  with  me.  By  filling  the  entrance 
with  seed,  I  could  have  escaped  any  ordinary  search  of 
the  building.  I  never  had  occasion  to  use  my  tunnel. 

Generally,  however,  we  staid  in  Waterproof,  leaving 
there  early  in  the  morning,  taking  breakfast  at  the  upper 
plantation,  inspecting  the  work  on  both  plantations,  and, 
after  dinner,  returning  to  Waterproof.  We  could  obtain 
a  better  dinner  at  the  plantation  than  Waterproof  was 
able  to  furnish  us.  Strawberries  held  out  until  late  in 
the  season,  and  we  had,  at  all  times,  chickens,  eggs,  and 
milk  in  abundance.  Whenever  we  desired  roast  lamb, 
our  purveyor  caused  a  good  selection  to  be  made  from 


432  A  VIGILANT  SENTINEL. 

our  flock.  Fresh  pork  was  much  too  abundant  for  our 
tastes,  and  we  astonished  the  negroes  and  all  other 
natives  of  that  region,  Tby  our  seemingly  Jewish  propen 
sities.  Pork  and  corn-bread  are  the  great  staples  of  life 
in  that  hot  climate,  where  one  would  naturally  look  for 
lighter  articles  of  food. 

Once  I  was  detained  on  the  plantation  till  after  dark. 
As  I  rode  toward  Waterproof,  expecting  the  negro  sen 
tinel  to  challenge  and  halt  me,  I  was  suddenly  "brought 
to  a  stand  by  the  whistling  of  a  bullet  close  to  my  ear, 
followed  *by  several  others  at  wider  range. 

"  Who  comes  there  2" 

"  A  friend,  with  the  countersign." 

"If  that's  so,  come  in.  We  thought  you  was  the 
Kebels." 

As  I  reached  the  picket,  the  corporal  of  the  guard  ex 
plained  that  they  were  on  duty  for  the  first  time,  and  did 
not  well  understand  their  business.  I  agreed  with  him 
fully  on  the  latter  point.  To  fire  upon  a  solitary  horse 
man,  advancing  at  a  walk,  and  challenge  him  afterward, 
was  something  that  will  appear  ridiculous  in  the  eyes  of 
all  soldiers.  The  corporal  and  all  his  men  promised  to 
do  better  next  time,  and  begged  me  not  to  report  them 
at  head-quarters.  When  I  reached  the  center  of  the 
town,  I  found  the  garrison  had  been  alarmed  at  the 
picket  firing,  and  was  turning  out  to  repel  the  enemy. 
On  my  assurance  that  I  was  the  "  enemy,"  the  order  to 
fall  into  line  of  battle  was  countermanded. 


THE  NEGKOES  AS  SOLDIERS.  433 


CHAPTER    XLI. 

THE  NEGROES  AT  A  MILITARY  POST. 

The  Soldiers  at  Waterproof.— The  Black  Man  in  Blue.— Mutiny  and 
Desertion. — Their  Cause  and  Cure. — Tendering  a  Resignation. — No 
Desire  for  a  Barber. — Seeking  Protection. — Falsehood  and  Truth. — 
Proneness  to  Exaggeration. — Amusing  Estimates. 

THE  soldiers  forming  the  garrison  at  Waterproof,  at 
that  time,  were  from  a  regiment  raised  by  Colonel  Eaton, 
superintendent  of  contrabands  at  Vicksburg.  They  were 
recruited  in  the  vicinity  of  Vicksburg  and  Milliken's 
Bend,  especially  for  local  defense.  They  made,  as  the 
negro  everywhere  has  made,  excellent  material  for  the 
army.  Easily  subordinate,  prompt,  reliable,  and  keenly 
alert  when  on  duty  (as  their  shooting  at  me  will  evince), 
they  completely  gave  the  lie  to  the  Kebel  assertion  that 
the  negro  would  prove  worthless  under  arms. 

On  one  point  only  were  they  inclined  to  be  mutinous. 
Their  home  ties  were  very  strong,  and  their  affection  for 
their  wives  and  children  could  not  be  overcome  at  once. 
It  appeared  that  when  this  regiment  was  organized  it  was 
expected  to  remain  at  MHliken' s  Bend,  where  the  families 
of  nearly  all  the  men  were  gathered.  The  order  trans 
ferring  them  to  Waterproof  was  unlocked  for,  and  the 
men  made  some  complaint.  This  was  soon  silenced,  but 
after  the  regiment  had  been  there  three  or  four  weeks,  a 


434  GOING  HOME  WITHOUT  LEAVE. 

half-dozen  of  the  men  went  out  of  the  lines  one  night, 
and  started  to  walk  to  Milliken's  Bend.  They  were 
brought  back,  and,  after  several  days  in  the  guard 
house,  returned  to  duty.  Others  followed  their  example 
in  attempting  to  go  home,  and  for  a  while  the  camp  was 
in  a  disturbed  condition.  Desertions  were  of  daily  oc 
currence. 

It  was  difficult  to  make  them  understand  they  were 
doing  wrong.  The  army  regulations  and  the  intricacies 
of  military  law  were  unknown  to  them.  They  had  never 
studied  any  of  General  Halleck's  translations  from  the 
French,  and,  had  they  done  so,  I  doubt  if  they  would 
have  been  much  enlightened.  None  of  them  knew  what 
"desertion"  meant,  nor  the  duties  of  a  soldier  to  adhere 
to  his  flag  at  all  times.  All  intended  to  return  to  the 
post  after  making  a  brief  visit  to  their  families.  Most 
of  them  would  request  their  comrades  to  notify  their 
captains  that  they  would  only  be  absent  a  short  time. 
Two,  who  succeeded  in  eluding  pursuit,  made  their 
appearance  one  morning  as  if  nothing  had  happened, 
and  assured  their  officers  that  others  would  shortly  be 
back  again.  Gradually  they  came  to  understand  the 
wickedness  of  desertion,  or  absence  without  leave,  but 
this  comprehension  of  their  obligations  was  not  easily 
acquired. 

A  captain,  commanding  a  company  at  Waterproof, 
told  me  an  amusing  story  of  a  soldier  "  handing  in  his 
resignation."  As  the  captain  was  sitting  in  front  of  his 
quarters,  one  of  his  men  approached  him,  carrying  his 
musket  and  all  his  accoutrements.  Without  a  word  the 


TENDERING  A  RESIGNATION.  435 

man  laid  his  entire  outfit  upon  the  ground,  in  front  of 
the  captain,  and  then  turned  to  walk  away. 

"  Come  back  here,"  said  the  officer;  "  what  do  you 
mean  by  this?" 

"Tse  tired  of  staying  here,  and  I'se  going  home," 
was  the  negro's  answer,  and  he  again  attempted  to  move 
off. 

"  Come  Iback  here  and  pick  these  things  up,"  and  the 
captain  spoke  in  a  tone  that  convinced  the  negro  he 
would  do  well  to  obey. 

The  negro  told  his  story.  He  was  weary  of  the  war  ; 
he  had  been  four  weeks  a  soldier ;  he  wanted  to  see  his 
family,  and  had  concluded  to  go  home.  If  the  captain 
desired  it,  he  would  come  back  in  a  little  while,  but  he 
was  going  home  then,  "anyhow" 

The  officer  possessed  an  amiable  disposition,  and  ex 
plained  to  the  soldier  the  nature  of  military  discipline. 
The  latter  was  soon  convinced  he  had  done  wrong,  and 
returned  without  a  murmur  to  his  duty.  Does  any  sol 
dier,  who  reads  this,  imagine  himself  tendering  his  res 
ignation  in  the  above  manner  with  any  prospect  of  its 
acceptance.  ? 

When  the  first  regiment  of  colored  volunteers  was 
organized  in  Kansas,  it  was  mainly  composed  of  negroes 
who  had  escaped  from  slavery  in  Missouri.  They  were 
easily  disciplined  save  upon  a  single  point,  and  on  this 
they  were  very  obstinate.  Many  of  the  negroes  in  Mis 
souri,  as  in  other  parts  of  the  South,  wear  their  hair,  or 
wool,  in  little  knots  or  braids.  They  refused  to  submit 
to  a  close  shearing,  and  threatened  to  return  to  their 


436  THE  NEGROES  AT  MILITARY  POSTS. 

masters  rather  than  comply  with  the  regulation.  Some 
actually  left  the  camp  and  went  home.  The  officers 
finally  carried  their  point  "by  inducing  some  free  negroes 
in  Leavenworth,  whose  heads  were  adorned  with  the 
"  righting  cut,"  to  visit  the  camp  and  tell  the  obstinate 
ones  that  long  locks  were  a  badge  of  servitude. 

The  negroes  on  our  plantation,  as  well  as  elsewhere, 
had  a  strong  desire  to  go  to  Waterproof  to  see  the  sol 
diers.  Every  Sunday  they  were  permitted  to  go  there 
to  attend  church,  the  service  being  conducted  by  one  of 
their  own  color.  They  greatly  regretted  that  the  soldiers 
did  not  parade  on  that  day,  as  they  missed  their  oppor 
tunities  for  witnessing  military  drills.  To  the  negroes 
from  plantations  in  the  hands  of  disloyal  owners,  the 
military  posts  were  a  great  attraction,  and  they  would 
suffer  all  privations  rather  than  return  home.  Some  of 
them  declared  they  would  not  go  outside  the  lines  under 
any  consideration.  We  needed  more  assistance  on  our 
plantation,  but  it  was  next  to  impossible  to  induce  ne 
groes  to  go  there  after  they  found  shelter  at  the  military 
posts.  Dread  of  danger  and  fondness  for  their  new  life 
were  their  reasons  for  remaining  inside  the  lines.  A 
portion  were  entirely  idle,  but  there  were  many  who 
adopted  various  modes  of  earning  their  subsistence. 

At  Natchez,  Vicksburg,  and  other  points,  dealers  in 
fruit,  coffee,  lemonade,  and  similar  articles,  could  be 
found  in  abundance.  There  were  dozens  of  places 
where  washing  was  taken  in,  though  it  was  not  always 
well  done.  Wood-sawing,  house- cleaning,  or  any  other 
land  of  work  requiring  strength,  always  found  some  one 


USING  NEGRO   TESTIMONY.  437 

ready  to  perform  it.  Many  of  those  who  found  employ 
ment  supported  themselves,  while  those  who  could  not 
or  would  not  find  it,  lived  at  the  expense  of  Govern 
ment.  The  latter  class  was  greatly  in  the  majority. 

I  have  elsewhere  inserted  the  instructions  which  are 
printed  in  every  "  Plantation  Record,"  for  the  guidance 
of  overseers  in  the  olden  time.  "Never  trust  a  negro," 
'is  the  maxim  given  by  the  writer  of  those  instructions. 
I  was  frequently  cautioned  not  to  believe  any  statements 
made  "by  negroes.  They  were  charged  with  being  habit 
ual  liars,  and  entitled  to  no  credence  whatever.  Mrs.  33. 
constantly  assured  me  the  negroes  were  great  liars,  and 
I  must  not  believe  them.  This  assurance  would  be  gen 
erally  given  when  I  cited  them  in  support  of  any  thing 
she  did  not  desire  to  approve.  Per  contra,  she  had  no 
hesitation  in  referring  to  the  negroes  to  support  any  of 
her  statements  which  their  testimony  would  strengthen. 
This  was  not  altogether  feminine  weakness,  as  I  knew 
several  instances  in  which  white  persons  of  the  sterner 
sex  made  reference  to  the  testimony  of  slaves.  The 
majority  of  Southern  men  refuse  to  believe  them  on  all 
occasions ;  but  there  are  many  who  refer  to  them  if  their 
statements  are  advantageous,  yet  declare  them  utterly 
unworthy  of  credence  when  the  case  is  reversed. 

I  have  met  many  negroes  who  could  tell  falsehoods 
much  easier  than  they  could  tell  the  truth.  I  have  met 
others  who  saw  no  material  difference  between  truth 
and  its  opposite ;  and  I  have  met  many  whose  state 
ments  could  be  fully  relied  upon.  During  his  whole 
life,  from  the  very  nature  of  the  circumstances  which 


438  EXAGGEEATIOFS. 

surround  him,  the  slave  is  trained  in  deception.  If  he 
did  not  learn  to  lie  it  would  be  exceedingly  strange.  It 
is  my  belief  that  the  negroes  are  as  truthful  as  could  be 
expected  from  their  education.  White  persons,  under 
similar  experience  and  training,  would  not  be  good  ex 
amples  for  the  young  to  imitate.  The  negroes  tell  many 
lies,  but  all  negroes  are  not  liars.  Many  white  persons 
tell  the  truth,  but  I  have  met,  in  the  course  of  my  life, 
several  men,  of  the  Caucasian  race,  who  never  told  the 
truth  unless  by  accident. 

I  found  in  the  plantation  negroes  a  proneness  to  ex 
aggeration,  in  cases  where  their  fears  or  desires  were 
concerned.  One  day,  a  negro  from  the  back  country 
came  riding  rapidly  to  our  plantation,  declaring  that  the 
woods,  a  mile  distant,  were  "full  of  Rebels,"  and  ask 
ing  where  the  Yankee  soldiers  were.  I  questioned  him 
for  some  time.  When  his  fears  were  quieted,  I  ascer 
tained  that  he  had  seen  three  mounted  men,  an  hour 
before,  but  did  not  know  what  they  were,  or  whether 
armed  or  not. 

When  I  took  the  plantations,  Mrs.  B.  told  me  there 
were  twenty  bales  of  cotton  already  picked ;  the  negroes 
had  told  her  so.  When  I  surveyed  the  place  on  the 
first  day  of  my  occupation,  the  negroes  called  my  atten 
tion  to  the  picked  cotton,  of  which  they  thought  there 
were  twenty  or  twenty -five  bales.  With  my  little  ex 
perience  in  cotton,  I  felt  certain  there  would  be  not 
more  than  seven  bales  of  that  lot.  When  it  was  passed 
through  the  gin  and  pressed,  there  were  but  five  bales. 

We  wished  to  plant  about  fifty  acres  of  corn  on  the 


KUSTIO  JUDGMENT.  439 

larger  plantation.  There  was  a  triangular  patch  in  one 
corner  that  we  estimated  to  contain  thirty  acres.  The 
foreman  of  the  plow-gang,  who  had  lived  twenty  years 
on  the  place,  thought  there  were  about  sixty  acres.  He 
was  surprised  when  we  found,  Iby  actual  measurement, 
that  the  patch  contained  twenty-eight  acres.  Another 
spot,  which  he  thought  contained  twenty  acres,  meas 
ured  less  than  ten.  Doubtless  the  man's  judgment  had 
been  rarely  called  for,  and  its  exercise,  to  any  extent, 
was  decidedly  a  new  sensation. 

Any  thing  to  which  the  negroes  were  unaccustomed 
became  the  subject  of  amusing  calculations.  The  "  hog- 
minder"  could  estimate  with  considerable  accuracy  the 
weight  of  a  hog,  either  live  or  dressed.  When  I  asked 
him  how  much  he  supposed  his  own  weight  to  be,  he 
was  entirely  lost.  On  my  demanding  an  answer,  he 
thought  it  might  be  three  hundred  pounds.  A  hundred 
and  sixty  would  not  have  been  far  from  the  real  figure. 

Incorrect  judgment  is  just  as  prevalent  among  igno 
rant  whites  as  among  negroes,  though  with  the  latter 
there  is  generally  a  tendency  to  overestimate.  Where 
negroes  make  wrong  estimates,  in  three  cases  out  of  four 
they  will  be  found  excessive.  With  whites  the  variation 
will  be  diminutive  as  often  as  excessive.  In  judging  of 
numbers  of  men,  a  column  of  troops,  for  example,  both 
races  are  liable  to  exaggerate,  the  negro  generally  going 
beyond  the  pale-face.  Fifty  mounted  men  may  ride 
past  a  plantation.  The  white  inhabitants  will  tell  you 
a  hundred  soldiers  have  gone  by,  while  the  negroes  will 
think  there  were  two  or  three  hundred. 


440  POWEKS  OF  OBSERVATION. 

I  was  often  surprised  at  tlie  albility  of  tlie  negroes  to 
tell  the  names  of  the  steamboats  plying  on  the  river. 
None  of  the  negroes  could  read,  "but  many  of  them 
would  designate  the  different  "boats  with  great  accuracy. 
They  recognized  the  steamers  as  they  would  recognize 
the  various  trees  of  the  forest.  When  a  new  boat  made 
its  appearance  they  inquired  its  name,  and  forgot  it  very 
rarely. 

On  one  occasion  a  steamer  came  in  sight,  on  her  way 
up  the  river.  Before  she  was  near  enough  for  me  to 
make  out  the  name  on  her  side,  one  of  the  negroes 
declared  it  was  the  Laurel  Hill.  His  statement  proved 
correct.  It  was  worthy  of  note  that  the  boat  had  not 
passed  that  point  for  nearly  a  year  previous  to  that  day. 


GOVERNMENT  PROTECTION.  441 


CHAPTER   XLII. 

THE  END  OF  THE  EXPERIMENT. 

The  Nature  of  our  "  Protection."— Trade  Following  the  Flag.— A  For 
tunate  Journey. — Our  Last  Visit. — Inhumanity  of  the  Guerrillas. — 
Driving  Negroes  into  Captivity. — Killing  an  Overseer. — Our  Final 
Departure. — Plantations  Elsewhere. 

WE  did  not  look  upon  the  post  at  Waterproof  as  a  sure 
protection.  There  was  no  cavalry  to  make  the  promised 
patrol  between  Waterproof  and  the  post  next  "below  it, 
or  to  hunt  down  any  guerrillas  that  might  come  near.  A 
few  of  the  soldiers  were  mounted  on  mules  and  horses 
taken  from  the  vicinity,  "but  they  were  not  effective  for 
rapid  movements.  It  was  understood,  and  semi- officially 
announced,  that  the  post  was  established  for  the  protec 
tion  of  Government  plantations.  The  commandant  as 
sured  me  he  had  no  orders  to  that  effect.  He  was  placed 
there  to  defend  the  post,  and  nothing  else.  We  were 
welcome  to  any  protection  his  presence  afforded,  but  he 
could  not  go  outside  the  limits  of  the  town  to  make  any 
effort  in  our  behalf. 

There  was  a  store  at  Waterproof  which  was  doing  a 
business  of  two  thousand  dollars  daily.  Every  day  the 
wives,  brothers,  or  sisters  of  men  known  to  belong  to 
the  marauding  bands  in  .the  vicinity,  would  come  to  the 
town  and  make  any  purchases  they  pleased,  frequently 


442  A  BAD  POLICY. 

paying  for  them  in  money  which  the  guerrillas  had  stolen. 
A  gentleman,  who  was  an  intimate  friend  of  General 
Thomas,  was  one  of  the  proprietors  of  this  store,  and  a 
son  of  that  officer  was  currently  reported  to  hold  an 
interest  in  it.  After  a  time  the  ownership  was  trans 
ferred  to  a  single  cotton  speculator,  but  the  trading  went 
on  without  hinderance.  This  speculator  told  me  the 
guerrilla  leader  had  sent  him  a  verbal  promise  that  the 
post  should  not  be  disturbed  or  menaced  so  long  as  the 
store  remained  there.  Similar  scenes  were  enacted  at 
nearly  all  the  posts  established  for  the  " protection"  of 
leased  plantations.  Trading  stores  were  in  full  operation, 
and  the  amount  of  goods  that  reached  the  Rebels  and 
their  friends  was  enormous. 

I  have  little  doubt  that  this  course  served  to  prolong 
the  resistance  to  our  arms  along  the  Mississippi  River. 
If  we  had  stopped  all  commercial  intercourse  with  the 
inhabitants,  we  should  have  removed  the  inducement 
for  Rebel  troops  to  remain  in  our  vicinity.  As  matters 
were  managed,  they  kept  close  to  our  lines  at  all  the 
military  posts  between  Cairo  and  Baton  Rouge,  some 
times  remaining  respectfully  quiet,  and  at  others  making 
occasional  raids  within  a  thousand  yards  of  our  pickets. 

The  absence  of  cavalry,  and  there  being  no  prospect 
that  any  would  arrive,  led  us  to  believe  that  we  could  not 
long  remain  unmolested.  We  were  "in  for  it,"  how 
ever,  and  continued  to  plow  and  plant,  trusting  to  good 
fortune  in  getting  safely  through.  Our  misfortune  came 
at  last,  and  brought  our  free-labor  enterprise  to  an  un 
timely  end. 


THE  LAST  EAID.  443 

As  I  stated  in  the  previous  chapter,  Colburn  and 
myself  made  daily  visits  to  the  plantation,  remaining 
there  for  dinner,  and  returning  to  Waterproof  in  the 
afternoon.  On  Monday,  May  2d,  we  made  our  usual 
visit,  and  returned  to  the  post.  A  steamer  touched 
there,  on  its  way  to  Natchez,  just  after  our  return,  and 
we  accepted  the  invitation  of  her  captain  to  go  to  that 
place.  Our  journey  to  Natchez  was  purely  from  im 
pulse,  and  without  any  real  or  ostensible  "business  to 
call  us  away.  It  proved,  personally,  a  very  fortunate 
journey. 

On  Tuesday  evening,  a  neighbor  of  ours  reached 
Natchez,  bringing  news  that  the  guerrillas  had  visited 
our  plantation  on  that  day.  I  hastened  to  Waterproof 
by  the  first  boat,  and  found  our  worst  fears  were  realized. 

Thirty  guerrillas  had  surrounded  our  house  at  the 
hour  we  were  ordinarily  at  dinner.  They  called  our 
names,  and  commanded  us  to  come  out  and  be  shot.  The 
house  was  empty,  and  as  there  was  no  compliance  with 
the  request,  a  half-dozen  of  the  party,  pistols  in  hand, 
searched  the  building,  swearing  they  would  kill  us  on 
the  spot.  Had  we  been  there,  I  have  no  doubt  the  threat 
would  have  been  carried  out. 

Failing  to  find  us,  they  turned  their  attention  to  other 
matters.  They  caught  our  overseer  as  he  was  attempt 
ing  to  escape  toward  Waterproof.  He  was  tied  upon 
his  horse,  and  guarded  until  the  party  was  ready  to 
move.  The  teams  were  plowing  in  the  field  at  the  time 
the  robbers  made  their  appearance.  Some  of  the  ne 
groes  unloosed  the  mules  from  the  plows,  mounted  them, 


444    THE  GUEREILLAS  CARRYING  AWAY  CHILDREN. 

and  fled  to  Waterproof.  Others,  wlio  were  slow  in  their 
movements,  were  captured  with  the  animals.  Such  of 
the  negroes  as  were  not  captured  at  once,  fled  to  the 
woods  or  concealed  themselves  a"bout  the  buildings. 

Many  of  the  negroes  on  the  plantation  were  personal 
ly  known  to  some  of  the  guerrillas.  In  most  cases  these 
negroes  were  not  disturbed.  Others  were  gathered  in 
front  of  the  house,  where  they  were  drawn  up  in  line 
and  securely  tied.  Some  of  them  were  compelled  to 
mount  the  captured  mules  and  ride  between  their  cap 
tors. 

Several  children  were  thrown  upon  the  mules,  or 
taken  by  the  guerrillas  on  their  own  horses,  where  they 
were  firmly  held.  No  attention  was  paid  to  the  cries  of 
the  children  or  the  pleadings  of  their  mothers.  Some 
of  the  latter  followed  their  children,  as  the  guerrillas 
had,  doubtless,  expected.  In  others,  the  maternal  in 
stinct  was  less  than  the  dread  of  captivity.  Among 
those  taken  was  an  infant,  little  more  than  eight  months 
old. 

Delaying  but  a  few  moments,'  the  captors  and  the 
captives  moved  away.  Nineteen  of  our  negroes  were 
carried  off,  of  whom  ten  were  children  under  eleven 
years  of  age.  Of  the  nineteen,  five  managed  to  make 
their  escape  within  a  few  miles,  and  returned  home  dur 
ing  the  night.  One  woman,  sixty-five  years  old,  who 
had  not  for  a  long  time  been  able  to  do  any  work,  was 
among  those  driven  off.  She  fell  exhausted  before 
walking  th*ee  miles,  and  was  beaten  by  the  guerrillas 
until  she  lay  senseless  by  the  roadside.  It  was  not  for 


SPECULATING.  445 

several  hours  that  she  recovered  sufficiently  to  return  to 
the  plantation  and  tell  the  story  of  "barbarity. 

From  a  plantation  adjoining  ours,  thirty  negroes  were 
carried  away  at  the  same  time.  Of  these,  a  half-dozen 
escaped  and  returned.  The  balance,  joined  to  the 
party  from  our  own  plantation,  formed  a  mournful  pro 
cession.  I  heard  of  them  at  many  points,  from  residents 
of  the  vicinity.  These  persons  would  not  admit  that 
the  guerrillas  were  treating  the  negroes  cruelly.  Those 
who  escaped  had  a  frightful  story  to  tell.  They  had 
"been  "beaten  most  barbarously  with  whips,  sticks,  and 
frequently  with  the  butts  of  pistols  ;  two  or  three  were 
left  senseless  by  the  roadside,  and  one  old  man  had 
been  shot,  because  he  was  too  much  exhausted  to  go 
further.  I  learned,  a  few  days  later,  that  the  captured 
negroes  were  taken  to  Winnsboro' ,  a  small  town  in  the 
interior,  and  there  sold  to  a  party  of  Texas  traders. 

From  our  plantation  the  guerrillas  stole  twenty-four 
mules  at  the  time  of  their  visit,  and  an  equal  number 
from  our  neighbors.  These  were  sold  to  the  same  party 
of  traders  that  purchased  the  negroes,  and  there  was  evi 
dently  as  little  compunction  at  speculating  in  the  one 
" property"  as  in  the  other. 

Our  overseer,  Mr.  Owen,  had  been  bound  upon  his 
horse  and  taken  away.  This  I  learned  from  the  negroes 
remaining  on  the'  plantation.  I  made  diligent  inquiries 
of  parties  who  arrived  from  the  direction  taken  by  the 
guerrillas,  to  ascertain,  if  possible,  where  he  had  been 
carried.  One  person  assured  me,  positively,  that  he 
saw  Mr.  Owen,  a  prisoner,  twenty  miles  away.  Mrs. 


446  ABANDONING  THE    COTTON-FIELD. 

Owen  and  five  children  were  living  at  Waterproof,  and, 
of  course,  were  much  alarmed  on  hearing  of  his  capture. 

It  was  on  Thursday,  two  days  after  the  raid,  that  I 
visited  the  plantation.  Our.  lower  plantation  had  not 
been  disturbed,  but  many  of  the  negroes  were  gone,  and 
all  work  was  suspended.  It  was  of  no  use  to  attempt 
to  prosecute  the  planting  enterprise,  and  we  immediately 
prepared  to  abandon  the  locality.  The  remaining  ne 
groes  were  set  at  work  to  shell  the  corn  already  gath 
ered.  As  fast  as  shelled,  it  was  taken  to  Waterproof 
for  shipment  to  market.  The  plows  were  left  rusting  in 
the  furrows,  where  they  were  standing  at  the  moment 
the  guerrillas  appeared.  The  heaps  of  cotton- seed  and 
the  implements  used  by  the  planting-gaAg  remained  in 
statu  quo.  The  cotton  we  planted  was  growing  finely. 
To  leave  four  hundred  acres  thus  growing,  and  giving 
promise  of  a  fine  harvest,  was  to  throw  away  much 
labor,  but  there  was  no  alternative. 

On  Saturday,  four  days  after  the  raid,  the  corporal 
of  a  scouting  party  came  to  our  plantation  and  said  the 
body  of  a  white  man  had  been  found  in  the  woods  a 
short  distance  away.  I  rode  with  him  to  the  spot  he  des 
ignated.  The  mystery  concerning  the  fate  of  our  over 
seer  was  cleared  up.  The  man  was  murdered  within  a 
thousand  yards  of  the  house. 

From  the  main  road  leading  past  our  plantation,  a 
path  diverged  into  the  forest.  This  path  was  taken  by 
some  of  the  guerrillas  in  their  retreat.  Following  it  two 
hundred  yards,  and  then  turning  a  short  distance  to  the 
left,  I  found  a  small  cypress-tree,  not  more  than  thirty 


THE  VICTIM.  447 

feet  high.  One  limb  of  this  tree  drooped  as  it  left  the 
trunk,  and  then  turned  upward.  The  lowest  part  of  the 
bend  of  this  limb  was  not  much  higher  than  a  tall  man' s 
head. 

It  was  just  such  a  tree,  and  just  such  a  limb,  as  a 
party  bent  on  murder  would  select  for  hanging  their 
victim.  I  thought,  and  still  think,  that  the  guerrillas 
turned  aside  with  the  design  of  using  the  rope  as  the  in 
strument  of  death.  Under  this  tree  lay  the  remains  of 
our  overseer.  The  body  was  fast  decomposing.  A  flock 
of  buzzards  was  gathered  around,  and  was  driven  away 
with  difficulty.  They  had  already  begun  their  work, 
so  that  recognition  under  different  circumstances  would 
not  have  been  easy.  The  skull  was  detached  from  the 
body,  and  lay  with  the  face  uppermost.  A  portion  of 
the  scalp  adhered  to  it,  on  which  a  gray  lock  was 
visible.  A  bit  of  gray  beard  was  clinging  to  the  chin. 

In  the  centre  of  the  forehead  there  was  a  perforation, 
evidently  made  by  a  pistol-bullet.  Death  must  have 
been  instantaneous,  the  pistol  doing  the  work  which  the 
murderers  doubtless  intended  to  accomplish  by  other 
means.  The  body  had  been  stripped  of  all  clothing, 
save  a  single  under-garment.  Within  a  dozen  yards  lay 
a  pair  of  old  shoes,  and  close  by  their  side  a  tattered  and 
misshapen  hat.  The  shoes  and  hat  were  not  those 
which  our  overseer  had  worn,  but  were  evidently  dis 
carded  by  the  guerrillas  when  they  appropriated  the 
apparel  of  their  victim.  I  caused  a  grave  to  be  dug,  and 
the  remains  placed  in  a  rude  coffin  and  buried.  If  a 
head- stone  had  been  obtainable,  I  would  have  given  the 


448  BEEAKING  UP  THE  ESTABLISHMENT. 

locality  a  permanent  designation.     The  particulars  of 
the  murder  we  were  never  able  to  ascertain. 

Three  days  later  we  abandoned  the  plantation.  We 
paid  the  negroes  for  the  work  they  had  done,  and  dis 
charged  them  from  further  service.  Those  that  lived  on 
the  plantation  previous  to  our  going  there,  generally 
remained,  as  the  guerrillas  had  assured  them  they  would 
"be  unmolested  if  they  cultivated  no  cotton.  A  few  of 
them  went  to  Natchez,  to  live  near  their  "  missus." 
Those  whom  we  had  hired  from  other  localities  scattered 
in  various  directions.  Some  went  to  the  Contraband 
Home  at  Davis' s  Bend,  others  to  the  negro  quarters  at 
Natchez,  others  to  plantations  near  Vidalia,  and  a  few 
returned  to  their  former  homes.  Our  "family"  of  a 
hundred  and  sixty  persons  was  thus  broken  up. 

We  removed  the  widow  and  children  of  our  overseer 
to  Natchez,  and  purchased  for  them  the  stock  and  good 
will  of  a  boarding-house  keeper.  We  sent  a  note  to  the 
leader  of  the  guerrilla  band  that  manifested  such  a  desire 
to  "go  through"  us,  and  informed  him  that  we  could 
be  found  in  St.  Louis  or  New  York.  Before  the  end 
of  May  we  passed  Vicksburg  on.  our  Journey  Due 
North. 

Most  of  the  plantations  in  the  vicinity  of  Natchez, 
Vicksburg,  and  Milliken's  Bend  were  given  up.  Prob 
ably  a  dozen  lessees  were  killed,  and  the  same  number 
carried  to  Texas.  Near  Vicksburg,  the  chivalric  guer 
rillas  captured  two  lessees,  and  tortured  them  most  bar 
barously  before  putting  them  to  death.  They  cut  off 
the  ears  of  one  man,  and  broke  his  nose  by  a  blow  from 


EEBEL  BAEBARITY.  449 

a  club.  Thus  mutilated,  lie  was  compelled  to  walk  three 
or  four  miles.  When  he  fell,  fainting  from  loss  of  blood, 
he  was  tied  to  a  tree,  and  the  privilege  of  shooting  him 
was  sold  at  auction.  They  required  his  companion  to 
witness  these  brutalities.  Whenever  he  turned  away  his 
eyes,  his  captors  pressed  the  point  of  a  saber  into  his 
cheek.  Finally,  they  compelled  him  to  take  a  spade  and 
dig  his  own  grave.  When  it  was  finished,  they  stripped 
him  of  his  clothing,  and  shot  him  as  he  stood  by  the 
brink  of  the  newly-opened  trench. 

Blanchard  and  Robinson,  two  lessees  near  Natchez, 
both  of  them  residents  of  Boston,  were  murdered  with 
nearly  the  same  fiendishness  as  exhibited  in  the  preced 
ing  case.  Their  fate  was  for  some  time  unknown.  It 
was  at  length  ascertained  from  a  negro  who  was  captured 
at  the  same  time,  but  managed  to  escape.  That  "  slavery 
makes  barbarians"  would  seem  to  be  well  established 
by  the  conduct  of  these  residents  of  Louisiana. 

In  the  vicinity  of  Baton  Rouge  and  New  Orleans 
there  were  but  few  guerrillas,  and  the  plantations  gen 
erally  escaped  undisturbed.  In  all  localities  the  c  i  army- 
worm"  made  its  appearance  in  July  and  August,  and 
swept  away  almost  the  entire  crop.  Many  plantations 
that  were  expected  to  yield  a  thousand  bales  did  not 
yield  a  hundred,  and  some  of  them  made  less  than  ten. 
The  appearance  of  this  destructive  worm  was  very  sud 
den.  On  some  plantations,  where  the  cotton  was  grow 
ing  finely  and  without  a  trace  of  blight,  the  fields,  three 
days  later,  appeared  as  if  swept  by  fire.  There  was 
consequently  but  little  cotton  made  during  the  season. 

29 


450        DETAILS  OF  COTTON  CULTURE. 

The  possibility  of  producing  the  great  staples  of  the 
South  by  free  labor  was  fully  established.  Beyond  this 
there  was  little  accomplished. 

My  four  months  of  cotton-planting  was  an  experience 
I  shall  never  regret,  though  I  have  no  desire  to  renew  it 
under  similar  circumstances.  Agriculture  is  generally 
considered  a  peaceful  pursuit.  To  the  best  of  my  recol 
lection  I  found  it  quite  the  reverse. 

For  the  benefit  of  those  who  desire  to  know  the 
process  of  cotton  culture,  from  the  planting  season  to 
the  picking  season,  I  give  the  following  extract  from  an 
article  written  by  Colonel  T.  B.  Thorpe,  of  Louisiana, 
several  years  ago.  After  describing  the  process  of  pre 
paring  the  ground  and  planting  the  seed,  Colonel  Thorpe 
says  :— 


If  the  weather  be  favorable,  the  yoang  plant  is  discovered  making 
its  way  through  in  six  or  ten  days,  and  "the  scraping"  of  the  crop,  as 
it  is  termed,  now  begins.  A  light  plow  is  again  called  into  requisition, 
which  is  run  along  the  drill,  throwing  the  earth  away  from  the  plant ; 
then  come  the  laborers  with  their  hoes,  who  dexterously  cut  away  the 
superabundant  shoots  and  the  intruding  weeds,  and  leave  a  single  cot 
ton-plant  in  little  hills,  generally  two  feet  apart. 

Of  all  the  labors  of  the  field,  the  dexterity  displayed  by  the  negroes 
in  "scraping  cotton"  is  most  calculated  to  call  forth  the  admiration  of 
the  novice  spectator.  The  hoe  is  a  rude  instrument,  however  well 
made  and  handled ;  the  young  cotton-plant  is  as  delicate  as  vegetation 
can  be,  and  springs  up  in  lines  of  solid  masses,  composed  of  hundreds 
of  plants.  The  field-hand,  however,  will  single  one  delicate  shoot 
from  the  surrounding  multitude,  and  with  his  rude  hoe  he  will  trim 
away  the  remainder  with  all  the  boldness  of  touch  of  a  master,  leaving 
the  incipient  stalk  unharmed  and  alone  in  its  glory ;  and  at  nightfall 
you  can  look  along  the  extending  rows,  and  find  the  plants  correct  in 
line,  and  of  the  required  distance  of  separation  from  each  other. 

The  planter,  who  can  look  over  his  field  in  early  spring,  and  find  his 


THE  MIDDLE  OF  THE  SEASON.        451 

cotton  "  cleanly  scraped  "  and  his  "  stand  "  good,  is  fortunate ;  still,  the 
vicissitudes  attending  the  cultivation  of  the  crop  have  only  commenced. 
Many  rows,  from  the  operations  .of  the  "cut-worm,"  and  from  multitu 
dinous  causes  unknown,  have  to  be  replanted,  and  an  unusually  late  frost 
may  destroy  all  his  lahors,  and  compel  him  to  commence  again.  But, 
if  no  untoward  accident  occurs,  in  two  weeks  after  the  "scraping,"  an 
other  hoeing  takes  place,  at  which  time  the  plow  throws  the  furrow 
on  to  the  roots  of  the  now  strengthening  plant,  and  the  increasing  heat 
of  the  sun  also  justifying  the  sinking  of  the  roots  deeper  in  the  earth. 
The  pleasant  mouth  of  May  is  now  drawing  to  a  close,  and  vegetation 
of  all  kinds  is  struggling  for  precedence  in  the  fields.  Grasses  and 
weeds  of  every  variety,  with  vines  and  wild  flowers,  luxuriate  in  the 
newly-turned  sod,  and  seem  to  be  determined  to  choke  out  of  existence 
the  useful  and  still  delicately-grown  cotton. 

It  is  a  season  of  unusual  industry  on  the  cotton  plantations,  and  woe 
to  the  planter  who  is  outstripped  in  his  labors,  and  finds  himself  "  over 
taken  by  the  grass."  The  plow  tears  up  the  surplus  vegetation,  and 
the  hoe  tops  it  off  in  its  luxuriance.  The  race  is  a  hard  one,  but  industry 
conquers ;  and  when  the  third  working-over  of  the  crop  takes  place, 
the  cotton-plant,  so  much  cherished  and  favored,  begins  to  overtop  its 
rivals  in  the  fields — begins  to  cast  a  chilling  shade  of  superiority  over 
its  now  intimidated  groundlings,  and  commences  to  reign  supreme. 

Through  the  month  of  July,  the  crop  is  wrought  over  for  the  last 
time ;  the  plant,  heretofore  of  slow  growth,  now  makes  rapid  advances 
toward  perfection.  The  plow  and  hoe  are  still  in  requisition.  The 
"  water  furrows "  between  the  cotton-rows  are  deepened,  leaving  the 
cotton  growing  as  it  were  upon  a  slight  ridge ;  this  accomplished,  the 
crop  is  prepared  for  the  "rainy  season,"  should  it  ensue,  and  so  far  ad 
vanced  that  it  is,  under  any  circumstances,  beyond  the  control  of  art. 
Nature  must  now  have  its  sway. 

The  "cotton  bloom,"  under  the  matured  sun  of  July,  begins  to  make 
its  appearance.  The  announcement  of  the  "first  blossom"  of  the 
neighborhood  is  a  matter  of  general  interest ;  it  is  the  unfailing  sign  of 
the  approach  of  the  busy  season  of  fall ;  it  is  the  evidence  that  soon  the 
labor  of  man  will,  under  a  kind  Providence,  receive  its  reward. 

It  should  perhaps  here  be  remarked,  that  the  color  of  cotton  in  its 
perfection  is  precisely  that  of  the  blossom — a  beautiful  light,  but  warm 
cream-color.  In  buying  cotton  cloth,  the  "bleached"  and  "un 
bleached"  are  perceptibly  different  qualities  to  the  most  casual  ob 
server  ;  but  the  dark  hues  and  harsh  look  of  the  "  unbleached  domestic  " 
comes  from  the  handling  of  the  artisan  and  the  soot  of  machinery.  If 


452  A  FIELD  IN  BLOSSOM. 

cotton,  pure  as  it  looks  in  the  field,  could  be  wrought  into  fabrics,  the? 
would  have  a  brilliancy  and  beauty  never  yet  accorded  to  any  othei 
material  in  its  natural  or  artificial  state.  There  cannot  be  a  doubt  but 
that,  in  the  robes  of  the  ancient  royal  Mexicans  and  Peruvians,  this 
brilliant  and  natural  gloss  of  cotton  was  preserved,  and  hence  the  sur 
passing  value  it  possessed  in  the  eyes  of  cavaliers  accustomed  to  the 
fabrics  of  the  splendid  court  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella. 

The  cotton-blossom  is  exceedingly  delicate  in  its  organization.  It  is, 
if  in  perfection,  as  we  have  stated,  of  a  beautiful  cream-color.  It  un 
folds  in  the  night,  remains  in  its  glory  through  the  morn — at  meridian 
it  has  begun  to  decay.  The  day  following  its  birth  it  has  changed  to  a 
deep  red,  and  ere  the  sun  goes  down,  its  petals  have  fallen  to  the  earth, 
leavings  inclosed  in  the  capacious  calyx  a  scarcely  perceptible  germ. 
This  germ,  in  its  incipient  and  early  stages,  is  called  "a  form;"  in  its 
more  perfected  state,  "a  boll." 

The  cotton-plant,  like  the  orange,  has  often  on  one  stalk  every  pos 
sible  growth ;  and  often,  on  the  same  limb,  may  sometimes  be  seen  the 
first-opened  blossom,  and  the  bolls,  from  their  first  development  as 
"forms,"  through  every  size,  until  they  have  burst  open  and  scattered 
their  rich  contents  to  the  ripening  winds. 

The  appearance  of  a  well-cultivated  cotton-field,  if  it  has  escaped  the 
ravages  of  insects  and  the  destruction  of  the  elements,  is  of  singular 
beauty.  Although  it  may  be  a  mile  in  extent,  still  it  is  as  carefully 
wrought  as  is  the  mold  of  the  limited  garden  of  the  coldest  climate. 
The  cotton-leaf  is  of  a  delicate  green,  large  and  luxuriant ;  the  stalk  in 
dicates  rapid  growth,  yet  it  has  a  healthy  and  firm  look.  Viewed  from 
a  distance,  the  perfecting  plant  has  a  warm  and  glowing  expression. 
The  size  of  the  cotton-plant  depends  upon  the  accident  of  climate  and 
soil.  The  cotton  of  Tennessee  bears  very  little  resemblance  to  the  lux. 
uriant  growth  of  Alabama  and  Georgia ;  but  even  in  those  favored  States 
the  cotton-plant  is  not  everywhere  the  same,  for  in  the  rich  bottom 
lands  it  grows  to  a  commanding  size,  while  in  the  more  barren  regions 
it  is  an  humble  shrub.  In  the  rich  alluvium  of  the  Mississippi  the  cotton 
will  tower  beyond  the  reach  of  the  tallest  "picker,"  and  a  single  plant 
will  contain  hundreds  of  perfect  "bolls;"  in  the  neighboring  "piney- 
woods  "  it  lifts  its  humble  head  scarcely  above  the  knee,  and  is  propor- 
tionably  meager  in  its  produce  of  fruit. 

The  growing  cotton  is  particularly  liable  to  accidents,  and  suffers 
immensely  in  "  wet  seasons  "  from  the  "  rust "  and  "  rot."  The  first 
named  affects  the  leaves,  giving  them  a  brown  and  deadened  tinge,  and 
frequently  causes  them  to  crumble  away.  The  "rot "  attacks  the  "  boll." 


THE  ARMY-WORM.  453 

It  commences  by  a  black  spot  on  the  rind,  which,  increasing,  seems  to 
produce  fermentation  and  decay.  "Worms  find  their  way  to  the  roots ; 
the  caterpillar  eats  into  the  u  boll "  and  destroys  the  staple.  It  would 
be  almost  impossible  to  enumerate  all  the  evils  the  cotton-plant  is  heir 
to,  all  of  which,  however,  sink  into  nothingness  compared  with  the 
scourge  of  the  "  army-worm." 

The  moth  that  indicates  the  advent  of  the  army-worm  has  a  Quaker- 
like  simplicity  in  its  light,  chocolate-colored  body  and  wings,  and,  from 
its  harmless  appearance,  would  never  be  taken  for  the  destroyer  of  vast 
fields  of  luxuriant  and  useful  vegetation. 

The  little,  and,  at  first,  scarcely  to  be  perceived  caterpillars  that  fol 
low  the  appearance  of  these  moths,  can  absolutely  be  seen  to  grow  and 
swell  beneath  your  eyes  as  they  crawl  from  leaf  to  leaf.  Bay  by  day 
you  can  see  the  vegetation  of  vast  fields  becoming  thinner  and  thinner, 
while  the  worm,  constantly  increasing  in  size,  assumes  at  last  an  unc 
tuous  appearance  most  disgusting  to  behold.  Arrived  at  maturity,  a 
few  hours  only  are  necessary  for  these  modern  locusts  to  eat  up  all  liv 
ing  vegetation  that  comes  in  their  way.  Leaving  the  localities  of  their 
birth,  they  will  move  from  place  to  place,  spreading  a  desolation  as 
consuming  as  fire  in  their  path. 

All  efforts  to  arrest  their  progress  or  annihilate  them  prove  unavail 
ing.  They  seem  to  spring  out  of  the  ground,  and  fall  from  the  clouds  ; 
and  the  more  they  are  tormented  and  destroyed,  the  more  perceptible, 
seemingly,  is  their  power.  We  once  witnessed  the  invasion  of  the 
army-worm,  as  it  attempted  to  pass  from  a  desolated  cotton-field  to  one 
untouched.  Between  these  fields  was  a  wide  ditch,  which  had  been 
deepened,  to  prove  a  barrier  to  the  onward  march  of  the  worm.  Down 
the  perpendicular  sides  of  the  trench  the  caterpillars  rolled  in  untold 
millions,  until  its  bottom,  for  nearly  a  mile  in  extent,  was  a  foot  or  two 
deep  in  a  living  mass  of  animal  life.  To  an  immense  piece  of  unhewn 
timber  was  attached  a  yoke  of  oxen,  and,  as  this  heavy  log  was  drawn 
through  the  ditch,  it  seemed  absolutely  to  float  on  a  crushed  mass  of 
vegetable  corruption.  The  following  day,  under  the  heat  of  a  tropical 
sun,  the  stench  arising  from  this  decaying  mass  was  perceptible  the 
country  round,  giving  a  strange  and  incomprehensible  notion  of  the 
power  and  abundance  of  this  destroyer  of  the  cotton  crop. 

The  change  that  has  been  effected  "by  the  result  of 
the  Rebellion,  will  not  be  confined  to  the  social  sys 
tem  alone.  With  the  end  of  slavery  there  will  be  a 


454  INNOVATIONS. 

destruction  of  many  former  applications  of  labor.  In 
novations  have  already  "been  made,  and  their  number 
will  increase  under  the  management  of  enterprising 
men. 

In  Louisiana  several  planters  were  using  a  ".drill" 
for  depositing  the  cotton-seed  in  the  ground.  The  labor 
of  planting  is  reduced  more  than  one-half,  and  that  of 
•  "^scraping"  is  much  diminished.  The  saving  of  seed 
is  very  great — the  drill  using  about  a  tenth  of  the 
amount  required  under  the  old  system. 

One  man  is  endeavoring  to  construct  a  machine  that 
will  pick  cotton  from  the  stalks,  and  is  confident  he 
will  succeed.  Should  he  do  so,  his  patent  will  be  of 
the  greatest  value.  Owners  of  plantations  have  recent 
ly  offered  a  present  of  ten  thousand  dollars  to  the  first 
patentee  of  a  successful  machine  of  this  character. 


THE  GEE  AT  RIVER.  455 


CHAPTER    XLIII. 

THE  MISSISSIPPI  AND  ITS  PECULIARITIES. 

Length  of  the  Great  Kiver,  and  the  Area  it  Drains. — How  Itasca  Lakfc 
obtained  its  Name. — The  Bends  of  the  Mississippi. — Curious  Effect, 
upon  Titles  to  Keal  Estate. — A  Story  of  Napoleon. — A  Steamboat 
Thirty-five  Years  under  Water. — The  Current  anjl  its  Variations. — 
Navigating  Cotton  and  Corn  Fields. — Reminiscences  of  the  Islands. 

As  railways  are  to  the  East,  so  are  the  rivers  to  the 
West.  The  Mississippi,  with  its  tributaries,  drains  an 
immense  region,  traversed  in  all  directions  "by  steam 
boats.  From  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  one  can  travel  by 
water  to  the  Rocky  Mountain,  or  to  the  Alleghanies,  at 
pleasure.  It  is  estimated  there  are  twenty  thousand 
miles  of  navigable  streams  which  find  an  outlet  past  the 
city  of  New  Orleans.  The  Mississippi  Valley  contains 
nearly  a  million  and  a  quarter  square  miles,  and  is  one 
of  the  most  fertile  regions  on  the  globe. 

To  a  person  born  and  reared  in  the  East,  the  Missis 
sippi  presents  many  striking  features.  Above  its  junc 
tion  with  the  Missouri,  its  water  is  clear  and  its  banks, 
are  broken  and  picturesque.  After  it  joins  the  Missouri 
the  scene  changes.  The  latter  stream  is  of  a  chocolate 
hue,  and  its  current  is  very  rapid.  All  its  characteris 
tics  are  imparted  to  the  combined  stream.  The  Missis 
sippi  becomes  a  rapid,  tortuous,  seething  torrent.  It 
loses  its  blue,  transparent  water,  and  takes  the  complex- 


456  MAKING  A  NAME. 

ion  of  tlie  Missouri.    Thus  "it  goes  unvexed  to  the 


sea." 


There  is  a  story  concerning  the  origin  of  the  name 
given  to  the  source  of  the  Mississippi,  which  I  do  not 
remember  to  have  seen  in  print.  A  certain  lake,  which 
had  long  been  considered  the  head  of  the  Great  River, 
was  ascertained  by  an  exploring  party  to  have  no  claim 
to  that  honor.  A  new  and  smaller  lake  was  discovered, 
'in  which,  the  Mississippi  took  its  rise.  The  explorers 
wished  to  give  it  an  appropriate  name.  An  old  voya- 
geur  suggested  that  they  make  a  name,  by  coining  a 
word. 

"Will  some  of  you  learned  ones  tell  me,"  said  he, 
"what  is  the  Latin  word  for  true ? " 

"FmYas,"was  the  response. 

"  Well,  now,  what  is  i^e  Latin  for  head?" 

"Caput,  of  course." 

"Now,"  suggested  the  voyageur,-  "write  the  two 
words  together,  by  syllables.'5 

A  strip  of  birch  bark  was  the  tablet  on  which  "ver- 
i-tas-ca-put"  was  traced. 

"Read  it  out,"  was  his  next  request. 

The  five  syllables  were  read. 

"Now,  drop  the  first  and  last  syllables,  and  you  have 
a  name  for  this  lake." 

In  the  Indian  vernacular,  "Mississippi"  is  said  to 
signify  " Great  Water."  "Missouri,"  according  to  some 
authorities,  is  the  Indian  for  "Mud  River,"  a  most  fe 
licitous  appellation.  It  should  properly  belong  to  the 
entire  river  from  St.  Louis  to  the  Gulf,  as  that  stream 


MAKING  A  CUT-OFF.  457 

carries  down  many  thousand  tons  of  mud  every  year. 
During  the  many  centuries  that  the  Mississippi  has  "been 
sweeping  on  its  course,  it  has  formed  that  long  point  of 
land  known  as,  the  Delta,  and  shallowed  the  water  in 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico  for  more  than  two  hundred  miles. 

Flowing  from  north  to  south,  the  river  passes  through 
all  the  varieties  of  climate.  The  furs  from  the  Rocky 
Mountains  and  the  cereals  of  Wisconsin  and  Minnesota 
are  carried  on  its  bosom  to  the  great  city  which  stands 
in  the  midst  of  orange  groves  and  inhales  the  fragrance 
of  the  magnolia.  From  January  to  June  the  floods  of 
its  tributaries  follow  in  regular  succession,  as  the  open 
ing  spring  loosens  the  snows  that  line  their  banks. 

The  events  of  the  war  have  made  the  Mississippi  his 
toric,  and  familiarized  the  public  with  some  of  its  pecu 
liarities.  Its  tortuosity  is  well  known.  The  great  bend 
opposite  Yicksburg  will  be  long  remembered  by  thou 
sands  who  have  never  seen  it.  This  bend  is  eclipsed  by 
many  others.  At  "Terrapin  Neck"  the  river  flows 
twenty-one  miles,  and  gains  only  three  hundred  yards. 
At  "Raccourci  Bend"  was  a  peninsula  twenty-eight 
miles  around  and  only  half  a  mile  across.  Several  years 
ago  a  "  cut-off"  was  made  across  this  peninsula,  for  the 
purpose  of  shortening  the  course  of  the  river.  A  small 
ditch  was  cut,  and  opened  when  the  flood  was  highest. 

An  old  steamboat-man  once  told  me  that  he  passed 
the  upper  end  of  this  ditch  just  as  the  water  was  let  in. 
Four  hours  later,  as  he  passed  the  lower  end,  an  im 
mense  torrent  was  rushing  through  the  channel,  and  the 
tall  trees  were  falling  like  stalks  of  grain  before  a  sickle. 


458  THE  MISSISSIPPI  AN  ABOLITIONIST. 

Within  a  week  the  new  channel  "became  the  regular 
route  for  steamboats. 

Similar  "  cut-offs"  have  been  made  at  various  points 
along  the  river,  some  of  them  by  artificial  aid,  and  others 
entirely  by  the  action  of  the  water.  The  channel  of  the 
Mississippi  is  the  dividing  line  of  the  States  between 
which  it  flows,  and  the  action  of  the  river  often  changes 
the  location  of  real  estate.  There  is  sometimes  a  mate 
rial  difference  in  the  laws  of  States  that  lie  opposite  each 
other.  The  transfer  of  property  on  account  of  a  change 
in  the  channel  occasionally  makes  serious  work  with 
titles. 

I  once  heard  of  a  case  where  the  heirs  to  an  estate 
lost  their  title,  in  consequence  of  the  property  being 
transferred  from  Mississippi  to  Louisiana,  by  reason  of 
the  course  of  the  river  being  changed.  In  the  former 
State  they  were  heirs  beyond  dispute.  In  the  latter 
their  claim  vanished  into  thin  air. 

Once,  while  passing  up  the  Mississippi,  above  Cairo, 
a  fellow-passenger  called  my  attention  to  a  fine  planta 
tion,  situated  on  a  peninsula  in  Missouri.  The  river,  in 
its  last  flood,  had  broken  across  the  neck  of  the  penin 
sula.  It  was  certain  the  next  freshet  would  establish 
the  channel  in  that  locality,  thus  throwing  the  planta 
tion  into  Illinois.  Unless  the  negroes  should  be  re 
moved  before  this  event  they  would  become  free. 

"You  see,  sir,"  said  my  informant,  "that  this  great 
river  is  an  Abolitionist." 

The  alluvial  soil  through  which  the  Mississippi  runs 
easily  yields  to  the  action  of  the  fierce  current.  The 


DISAPPEARANCE  OF  TOWNS.  459 

land  worn  away  at  one  point  is  often  deposited,  in  the 
form  of  a  Ibar  or  tongue  of  land,  in  the  concave  of  the 
next  bend.  The  area  thus  added  becomes  the  property 
of  whoever  owns  the  river  front.  Many  a  man  has  seen 
his  plantation  steadily  falling  into  the  Mississippi,  year 
by  year,  while  a  plantation,  a  dozen  miles  below,  would 
annually  find  its  area  increased.  Real  estate  on  the 
banks  of  the  Mississippi,  unless  upon  the  bluffs,  has  no 
absolute  certainty  .of  permanence.  In  several  places, 
the  river  now  flows  where  there  were  fine  plantations 
ten  or  twenty  years  ago. 

Some  of  the  towns  along  the  Lower  Mississippi  are 
now,  or  soon  will  be,  towns  no  more.  At  Waterproof, 
Louisiana,  nearly  the  entire  town-site,  as  originally  laid 
out,  has  been  washed  away.  In  the  four  months* I  was 
in  its  vicinity,  more  than  forty  feet  of  its  front  disap 
peared.  Eighteen  hundred  and  seventy  will  probably 
find  Waterproof  at  the  bottom  of  the  Mississippi.  Na 
poleon,  Arkansas,  is  following  in  the  wake  of  Water 
proof.  If  the  distance  between  them  were  not  so  great, 
their  sands  might  mingle.  In  view  of  the  character  Na 
poleon  has  long  enjoyed,  the  friends  of  morality  will 
hardly  regret  its  loss. 

The  steamboat  captains  have  a  story  that  a  quiet 
clergyman  from  New  England  landed  at  Napoleon,  one 
morning,  and  made  his  way  to  the  hotel.  He  found  the 
proprietor  superintending  the  efforts  of  a  negro,  who 
was  sweeping  the  bar-room  floor.  Noticing  several  ob 
jects  of  a  spherical  form  among  the  debris  of  the  bar 
room,  the  stranger  asked  their  character. 


460  LIGHT  IN  ARKANSAS. 

* '  Them  round  tilings  ?  them' s  eyes.  The  boys  amused 
themselves  a  little  last  night.  Reckon  there's  'bout  a 
pint-cup  full  of  eyes  this  mornin' .  Sometimes  we  gets  a 
quart  or  so,  when  business  is  good." 

Curious  people  were  those  natives  of  Arkansas,  ten 
or  twenty  years  ago.  Schools  were  rare,  and  children 
grew  up  with  little  or  no  education.  If  there  was  a 
"  barbarous  civilization"  anywhere  in  the  United  States, 
it  was  in  Arkansas.  In  1860,  a  man  was  hung  at  Napo 
leon  for  reading  The  Tribune.  It  is  an  open  question 
whether  the  character  of  the  paper  or  the  man' s  ability 
to  read  was  the  reason  for  inflicting  the  death  penalty. 

The  current  of  the  Mississippi  causes  islands  to  be 
destroyed  in  some  localities  and  formed  in  others.  A 
large  object  settling  at  the  bottom  of  the  stream  creates 
an  eddy,  in  which  the  floating  sand  is  deposited.  Un 
der  favorable  circumstances  an  island  will  form  in  such 
an  eddy,  sometimes  of  considerable  extent. 

About  the  year  1820,  a  steamboat,  laden  with  lead, 
was  sunk  in  mid-channel  several  miles  below  St.  Louis. 
An  island  formed  over  this  steamer,  and  a  growth  of 
cotton- wood  trees  soon  covered  it.  These  trees  grew  to 
a  goodly  size,  and  were  cut  for  fuel.  The  island  was 
cleared,  and  for  several  successive  years  produced  fine 
crops  of  corn.  About  1855,  there  was  a  change  in  the 
channel  of  the  river,  and  the  island  disappeared.  After 
much  search  the  location  of  the  sunken  steamer  was  as 
certained.  By  means  of  a  diving-bell,  its  cargo  of  lead, 
which  had  been  lying  thirty-five  years  under  earth  and 
under  water,  was  brought  to  light.  The  entire  cargo 


CURRENT  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI.  461 

was  raised,  together  with  a  portion  of  the  engines.  The 
lead  was  uninjured,  "but  the  engines  were  utterly  worth 
less  after  their  long  burial. 

The  numerous  bends  of  the  Mississippi  are  of  service 
in  rendering  the  river  navigable.  If  the  channel  were 
a  straight  line  from  Cairo  to  New  Orleans,  the  current 
would  be  so  strong  that  no  boat  could  stem  it.  In  sev 
eral  instances,  where  " cut-offs"  have  been  made,  the 
current  at  their  outlets  is  so  greatly  increased  that  the 
opposite  banks  are  washed  away.  New  bends  are  thus 
formed  that  may,  in  time,  be  as  large  as  those  overcome. 
Distances  have  been  shortened  by  "cut-offs,"  but  the 
Mississippi  displays  a  decided  unwillingness  to  have  its 
length  curtailed. 

From  St.  Louis  to  the  Eed  River  the  current  of  the 
Mississippi  is  about  three  miles  an  hour.  It  does  not 
flow  in  a  steady,  unbroken  volume.  The  surface  is  con 
stantly  ruffled  by  eddies  and  little  whirlpools,  caused  by 
the  inequalities  of  the  bottom  of  the  river,  and  the  reflec 
tion  of  the  current  from  the  opposite  banks.  As  one 
gazes  upon  the  stream,  it  half  appears  as  if  heated  by 
concealed  flres,  and  ready  to  break  into  violent  ebulli 
tion.  The  less  the  depth,  the  greater  the  disturbance  of 
the  current.  So  general  is  this  rule,  that  the  pilots 
judge  of  the  amount  of  water  by  the  appearance  of  the 
surface.  Exceptions  occur  where  the  bottom,  below  the 
deep  water,  is  particularly  uneven. 

From  its  source  to  the  mouth  of  Red  River,  the  Mis 
sissippi  is  fed  by  tributaries.  Below  that  point,  it 
throws  off  several  streams  that  discharge  no  small  por- 


462  BAYOUS  IN  THE  SOUTHWEST. 

tion  of  its  waters  into  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  These 
streams,  or  "  bayous,"  are  narrow  and  tortuous,  "but 
generally  deep,  and  navigable  for  ordinary  steamboats. 
The  "Atchafalaya"  is  the  first,  and  enters  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico  at  the  bay  of  the  same  name.  At  one  time  it 
was  feared  the  Mississippi  might  leave  its  present  bed, 
and  follow  the  course  of  this  bayou.  Steps  were  taken 
to  prevent  such  an  occurrence.  Bayou  Plaquemine, 
Bayou  Sara,  Bayou  La  Fourche,  Bayou  Goula,  and 
Bayou  Teche,  are  among  the  streams  that  drain  the 
great  river. 

These  bayous  form  a  wonderful  net- work  of  naviga 
ble  waters,  throughout  Western  Louisiana.  If  we  have 
reason  to  be  thankful  that  "  great  rivers  run  near  large 
cities  in  all  parts  of  the  world,"  the  people  of  Louisiana 
should  be  especially  grateful  for  the  numerous  natural 
canals  in  that  State.  These  streams  are  as  frequent  and 
run  in  nearly  as  many  directions  as  railways  in  Massa 
chusetts. 

During  its  lowest  stages,  the  Mississippi  is  often  forty 
feet  "  within  its  banks ;"  in  other  words,  the  surface  is 
forty  feet  below  the  level  of  the  land  which  borders  the 
river.  It  rises  witlr  the  freshets,  and,  when  "bank 
full,"  is  level  with  the  surrounding  lowland. 

It  does  not  always  stop  at  this  point ;  sometimes  it 
rises  two,  four,  six,  or  even  ten  feet  above  its  banks. 
The  levees,  erected  at  immense  cost,  are  designed  to  pre 
vent  the  overflowing  of  the  country  on  such  occasions. 
When  the  levees  become  broken  from  any  cause,  im 
mense  areas  of  country  are  covered  with  water.  Plan-% 


NAVIGATING  A  COTTON-FIELD.  463 

tations,  swamps,  forests,  all  are  submerged.  During  the 
present  year  (1865)  thousands  of  square  miles  have  been 
flooded,  hundreds  of  houses  swept  away,  and  large 
amounts  of  property  destroyed. 

During  the  freshet  of '63,  General  Grant  opened  the 
levee  at  Providence,  Louisiana,  in  the  hope  of  reaching 
Bayou  Mason,  and  thence  taking  his  boats  to  Red  River. 
After  the  levee  was  cut  an  immense  volume  of  water 
rushed  through  the  break.  Anywhere  else  it  would 
have  been  a  goodly -sized  river,  but  it  was  of  little  mo 
ment  by  the  side  of  the  Mississippi.  A  steamboat  was 
sent  to  explore  the  flooded  region.  I  saw  its  captain 
soon  after  his  return. 

"  I  took  my  boat  through  the  cut,"  said  he,  "  with 
out  any  trouble.  We  drew  nearly  three  feet,  but  there 
was  plenty  of  water.  We  ran  two  miles  over  a  cotton- 
field,  and  could  see  the  stalks  as  our  wheels  tore  them 
up.  Then  I  struck  the  plank  road,  and  found  a  good 
stage  of  water  for  four  miles,  which  took  me  to  the 
bayou.  I  followed  this  several  miles,  until  I  was  stop 
ped  by  fallen  trees,  when  I  turned  about  and  came 
back.  Coming  back,  I  tried  a  cornfield,  but  found  it 
wasn't  as  good  to  steam  in  as  the  cotton-field." 

A  farmer  in  the  Eastern  or  Middle  States  would, 
doubtless,  be  much  astonished  at  seeing  a  steamboat 
paddling  at  will  in  his  fields  and  along  his  roads.  A 
similar  occurrence  in  Louisiana  does  not  astonish  the 
natives.  Steamers  have  repeatedly  passed  over  regions 
where  corn  or  cotton  had  been  growing  six  months  be 
fore.  At  St.  Louis,  in  1844,  small  boats  found  no  difficulty 


464  EEMIMSCENCES   OF  THE  ISLANDS. 

in  running  from  East  St.  Louis  to  Caseyville,  nine  miles 
distant.  In  making  these  excursions  they  passed  over 
many  excellent  farms,  and  stopped  at  houses  whose 
owners  had  "been  driven  to  the  upper  rooms  "by  the 
water. 

Above  Cairo,  the  islands  in  the  Mississippi  are  desig 
nated  by  names  generally  received  from  the  early  settlers. 
From  Cairo  to  New  Orleans  the  islands  are  numbered, 
the  one  nearest  the  former  point  being  "  One,"  and  that 
nearest  New  Orleans  "One  Hundred  and  Thirty-one." 
Island  Number  Ten  is  historic,  being  the  first  and  the 
last  island  in  the  great  river  that  the  Eebels  attempted 
to  fortify.  Island  Number  Twenty -eight  was  the  scene 
of  several  attacks  by  guerrillas  upon  unarmed  trans 
ports.  Other  islands  have  an  equally  dishonorable 
reputation.  Fifty  years  ago  several  islands  were  noted 
as  the  resorts  of  robbers,  who  conducted  an  extensive 
and  systematic  business.  Island  Number  Sixty-five  (if  I 
remember  correctly)  was  the  rendezvous  of  the  notorious 
John  A.  Murrell  and  his  gang  of  desperadoes. 


OBSTRUCTING  THE  MISSISSIPPI.  465 


CHAPTER    XLIY. 

STEAMBOATING  ON  THE  MISSISSIPPI  IN  PEACE  AND  WAR. 

Attempts  to  Obstruct  the  Great  River. — Chains,  Booms,  and  Batteries. 
— A  Novelty  in  Piloting. — Travel  in  the  Days  Before  the  Rebellion. 
— Trials  'of  Speed. — The  Great  Race.— Travel  During  the  War. — 
Running  a  Rebel  Battery  on  the  Lower  Mississippi. — Incidents  of 
the  Occasion. — Comments  on  the  Situation. 

No  engineer  has  "been  able  to  dam  the  Mississippi, 
except  by  the  easy  process  which  John  Phenix  adopted 
on  the  Yuma  River.  General  Pillow  stretched  a  chain 
from  Columbus,  Kentucky,  to  the  opposite  shore,  in 
order  to  prevent  the  passage  of  our  gun-boats.  The 
chain  broke  soon  after  being  placed  in  position. 

Near  Forts  Jackson  and  Philip,  below  New  Orleans, 
the  Rebels  constructed  a  boom  to  oppose  the  progress 
of  Farragut'  s  fleet.  A  large  number  of  heavy  anchors, 
with  the  strongest  cables,  were  fixed  in  the  river.  For  a 
time  the  boom  answered  the  desired  purpose.  But  the 
river  rose,  drift-wood  accumulated,  and  the  boom  at 
length  went  the  way  of  all  things  Confederate.  Farragut 
passed  the  forts,  and  appeared  before  New  Orleans  ; 
"  Picayune  Butler  came  to  town,"  and  the  great  city 
of  the  South  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  all- conquering 
Yankees. 

Before  steam  power  was  applied  to  the  propulsion 
of  boats,  the  ascent  of  the  Mississippi  was  very  difficult. 

30 


466  OUKIOSITIES  OF  NAVIGATION 

From  New  Orleans  to  St.  Louis,  a  "boat  consumed  from 
two  to  four  months'  time.  Sails,  oars,  poles,  and  ropes 
attached  to  trees,  were  the  various  means  of  stemming 
the  powerful  current.  Long  after  steamboats  were  in 
troduced,  many  flat-boats,  loaded  with  products  of  the 
Northern  States,  floated  down  the  river  to  a  market. 
At  New  Orleans,  boats  and  cargoes  were  sold,  and  the 
boatmen  made  their  way  home  on  foot.  Until  twenty 
years  ago,  the  boatmen  of  the  Mississippi  were  almost 
a  distinct  race.  At  present  they  are  nearly  extinct. 

In  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  and  its  tributa 
ries,  the  pilot  is  the  man  of  greatest  importance.  He  is 
supposed  to  be  thoroughly  familiar  with  the  channel  of 
the  river  in  all  its  windings,  and  to  know  the  exact  loca 
tion  of  every  snag  or  other  obstruction.  He  can  gener 
ally  judge  of  the  depth  of  water  by  the  appearance  of  the 
surface,  and  he  is  acquainted  with  every  headland, 
forest,  house,  or  tree-top,  that  marks  the  horizon  and  tells 
him  how  to  keep  his  course  at  night.  Professional  skill 
is  only  acquired  by  a  long  and  careful  training. 

Shortly  after  the  occupation  of  Little  Rock  by  Gen 
eral  Steele,  a  dozen  soldiers  passed  the  lines,  without 
authority,  and  captured  a  steamboat  eighteen  miles  be 
low  the  city.  Steam  was  raised,  when  the  men  discov 
ered  they  had  no  pilqt.  One  of  their  number  hit  upon  a 
plan  as  novel  as  it  was  successful. 

The  Arkansas  was  very  low,  having  only  three  feet  of 
water  in  the  channel.  Twenty -five  able-bodied  negroes 
were  taken  from  a  neighboring  plantation,  stretched  in 
a  line  across  the  river,  and  ordered  to  wade  against  the 


STEAMBOATING  IN  THE  PALMY  DAYS.  467 

current.  By  keeping  their  steamer,  which  drew  only 
twenty  inches,  directly  "behind  the  negro  who  sank  the 
deepest,  the  soldiers  took  their  prize  to  Little  Rock  with 
out  difficulty. 

For  ten  years  previous- to  the  outbreak  of  the  Rebel 
lion,  steamboating  on  the  Mississippi  was  in  the  height 
of  its  glory.  Where  expense  of  construction  and  man 
agement  were  of  secondary  consideration,  the  steamboats 
on  the  great  river  could  oifer  challenge  to  the  world.  It 
was  the  boast  of  their  officers  that  the  tables  of  the  great 
passenger-boats  were  better  supplied  than  those  of  the 
best  hotels  in  the  South.  On  many  steamers,  claret,  at 
dinner,  was  free  to  all.  Fruit  and  ices  were  distributed 
in  the  evening,  as  well  as  choice  cups  of  coffee  and  tea. 
On  one  line  of  boats,  the  cold  meats  on  the  supper-table 
were  from  carefully  selected  pieces,  cooked  and  cooled 
expressly  for  the  cenatory  meal.  Bands  of  music  en 
livened  the  hours  of  day,  and  afforded  opportunity  for 
dancing  in  the  evening.  Spacious  cabins,  unbroken  by 
machinery ;  guards  of  great  width,  where  cigars  and 
small- talk  were  enjoyed ;  well-furnished  and  well- 
lighted  state-rooms,  and  tables  loaded  with  all  luxuries 
of  the  place  and  season,  rendered  these  steamers  attract 
ive  to  the  traveler.  Passengers  were  social,  and  partook 
of  the  gayety  around  them.  Men  talked,  drank,  smoked, 
and  sometimes  gambled,  according  to  their  desires.  The 
ladies  practiced  no  frigid  reserve  toward  each  other,  but 
established  cordial  relations  in  the  first  few  hours  of  each 
journey. 

Among  the  many  fine  and  fast  steamers  on  the  West- 


468  THE  GREAT  RACE. 

ern  waters,  there  was  necessarily  much  competition  in 
speed.  Every  new  "boat  of  the  first  class  was  obliged  to 
give  an  example  of  her  abilities  soon  after  her  appear 
ance.  Every  owner  of  a  steamboat  contends  that  Jiis 
boat  is  the  best  afloat.  I  have  rarely  been  on  board  a 
Mississippi  steamer  of  any  pretensions  whose  captain 
has  not  assured  me,  "  She  is  the  fastest  thing  afloat,  sir. 

Nothing  can  pass  her.  We  have  beaten  the ,  and 

the :,  and  the ,  in  a  fair  race,  sir."  To  a  stran 
ger,  seeking  correct  information,  the  multiplicity  of  these 
statements  is  perplexing. 

In  1853  there  was  a  race  from  New  Orleans  to  Louis 
ville,  between  the  steamers  Eclipse  and  A.  L.  STwiwell, 
on  which  seventy  thousand  dollars  were  staked  by  the 
owners  of  the  boats.  An  equal  amount  was  invested  in 
"private  bets"  among  outside  parties.  The  two  boats 
were  literally  "stripped  for  the  race."  They  were 
loaded  to  the  depth  that  would  give  them  the  greatest 
speed,  and  their  arrangements  for  taking  fuel  were  as 
complete  as  possible.  Barges  were  filled  with  wood  at 
stated  points  along  the  river,  and  dropped  out  to  mid 
stream  as  the  steamers  approached.  They  were  taken 
alongside,  and  their  loads  of  wood  transferred  without 
any  stoppage  of  the  engines  of  the  boats. 

At  the  end  of  the  first  twenty-four  hours  the  Eclipse 
and  Shotwell  were  side  by  side,  three  hundred  and  sixty 
miles  from  New  Orleans.  The  race  was  understood  to 
be  won  by  the  Eclipse,  but  was  so  close  that  the  stakes 
were  never  paid. 

In  the  palmy  days  of  steamboating,  the  charges  for 


OLD  CUSTOMS  ABOLISHED.  469 

way-travel  were  varied  according  to  the  locality.  Below 
Memphis  it  was  the  rule  to  take  no  single  fare  less  than 
five  dollars,  even  if  the  passenger  were  going  but  a  half- 
dozen  miles.  Along  Red  River  the  steamboat  clerks 
graduated  the  fare  according  to  the  parish  where  the 
passenger  came  on  board.  The  more  fertile  and  wealthy 
the  region,  the  higher  was  the  price  of  passage.  Travel 
ers  from  the  cotton  country  paid  more  than  those  from 
the  tobacco  country.  Those  from  the  sugar  country 
paid  more  than  any  other  class.  With  few  exceptions, 
there  was  no  " ticket"  system.  Passengers  paid  their 
fare  at  any  hour  of  their  journey  that  best  suited  them. 
Every  man  was  considered  honest  until  he  gave  proof  to 
the  contrary.  There  was  an  occasional  Jeremy  Diddler, 
but  his  operations  were  very  limited. 

When  the  Rebellion  began,  the  old  customs  on  the 
Mississippi  were  swept  away.  The  most  rigid  "  pay-on- 
entering"  system  was  adopted,  and  the  man  who  could 
evade  it  must  be  very  shrewd.  The  wealth  along  the 
Great  River  melted  into  thin  air.  The  bon7iommie  of 
travel  disappeared,  and  was  succeeded  by  the  most 
thorough  selfishness  in  collective  and  individual  bodies. 
Scrambles  for  the  first  choice  of  state-rooms,  the  first 
seat  at  table,  and  the  first  drink  at  the  bar,  became  a 
part  of  the  new  regime.  The  ladies  were  little  regarded 
in  the  hurly-burly  of  steamboat  life.  Men  would  take 
possession  of  ladies'  chairs  at  table,  and  pay  no  heed  to 
remonstrances. 

I  have  seen  an  officer  in  blue  uniform  place  his 
muddy  boots  on  the  center-table  in  a  cabin  full  of  ladies, 


470  HOW  TO  ENJOY   TRAVEL. 

and  proceed  to  light  a  cigar.  The  captain  of  the  "boat 
suggested  that  the  officer's  conduct  was  in  violation  of 
the  rules  of  propriety,  and  received  the  answer : 

"I  have  fought  to  help  open  the  Mississippi,  and,  by 
,  I  am  going  to  enjoy  it." 

The  careless  display  of  the  butt  of  a  revolver,  while 
he  gave  this  answer,  left  the  pleasure-seeker  master  of 
the  situation.  I  am  sorry  to  say  that  occurrences  of  a 
similar  character  were  very  frequent  in  the  past  three 
years.  With  the  end  of  the  war  it  is  to  be  hoped  that 
the  character  of  Mississippi  travel  will  be  improved. 

In  May,  1861,  the  Rebels  blockaded  the  Mississippi 
at  Memphis.  In  the  same  month  the  National  forces 
established  a  blockade  at  Cairo.  In  July,  '  63,  the  cap 
ture  of  Vicksburg  and  Port  Hudson  removed  the  last 
Rebel  obstruction.  The  Imperial  was  the  first  passen 
ger  boat  to  descend  the  river,  after  the  reopening  of 
navigation. 

Up  to  within  a  few  months  of  the  close  of  the  Rebel 
lion,  steamers  plying  on  the  river  were  in  constant  dan 
ger  of  destruction  by  Rebel  batteries.  The  Rebel 
Secretary  of  War  ordered  these  batteries  placed  along 
the  Mississippi,  in  the  hope  of  stopping  all  travel  by 
that  route.  His  plan  was  unsuccessful.  Equally  so 
was  the  barbarous  practice  of  burning  passenger  steam 
boats  while  in  motion  between  landing-places.  On 
transports  fired  upon  by  guerrillas  (or  Rebels),  about  a 
hundred  persons  were  killed  and  as  many  wounded.  A 
due  proportion  of  these  were  women  and  children.  On 
steamboats  burned  by  Rebel  incendiaries,  probably  a 


UNDER  FIEE.  471 

hundred  and  fifty  lives  were  lost.  This  does  not  include 
the  dead  by  the  terrible  disaster  to  the  Sultana.  It  is 
supposed  that  this  boat  was  blown  up  by  a  Rebel 
torpedo  in  her  coal. 

It  was  my  fortune  to  be  a  passenger  on  the  steamer 
Von  Plml,  which  left  New  Orleans  for  St.  Louis  on  the 
evening  of  December  7th,  1863.  I  had  been  for  some 
time  traveling  up  and  down  the  Mississippi,  and  running 
the  gauntlet  between  Rebel  batteries  on  either  shore. 
There  was  some  risk  attending  my  travels,  but  up  to 
that  time  I  escaped  unharmed. 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  8th,  when  the  boat  was  about 
eight  miles  above  Bayou  Sara,  I  experienced  a  new  sen 
sation. 

Seated  at  a  table  in  the  cabin,  and  busily  engaged  in 
writing,  I  heard  a  heavy  crash  over  my  head,  almost  in. 
stantly  followed  by  another.  My  first  thought  was  that 
the  chimneys  or  some  part  of  the  pilot-house  had  fallen, 
and  I  half  looked  to  see  the  roof  of  the  cabin  tumbling 
in.  I  saw  the  passengers  running  from  the  cabin,  and 
heard  some  one  shout : 

"  The  guerrillas  are  firing  on  us." 

I  collected  my  writing  materials  and  sought  my  state 
room,  where  I  had  left  Mr.  Colburn,  my  traveling  com 
panion,  soundly  asleep  a  few  minutes  before. 

He  was  sitting  on  the  edge  of  his  berth,  and  wonder 
ing  what  all  the  row  was  about.  The  crash  that  startled 
me  had  awakened  him.  He  thought  the  occurrence  was 
of  little  moment,  and  assented  to  my  suggestion,  that  we 
were  just  as  safe  there  as  anywhere  else  on  the  boat. 


472  AN  ALAEM. 

Gallantry  prevented  our  remaining  quiet.  There 
were  several  ladies  on  "board,  and  it  behooved  us  to  ex 
tend  them  what  protection  we  could.  We  sought  them, 
and  "protected"  them  to  the  best  of  our  united  ability. 
Their  place  of  refuge  was  between  the  cabin  and  the 
wheel-house,  opposite  the  battery's  position.  A  sheet 
of  wet  paper  would  afford  as  much  resistance  to  a 
paving-stone  as  the  walls  of  a  steamboat  cabin  to  a 
six-pound  shot.  As  we  stood  among  the  ladies,  two 
shells  passed  through  the  side  of  the  cabin,  within  a 
few  inches  of  our  heads. 

The  shots  grew  fewer  in  number,  and  some  of  them 
dropped  in  the  river  behind  us.  Just  as  we  thought  all 
alarm  was  over,  we  saw  smoke  issuing  from  the  cabin 
gangway.  Then,  some  one  shouted,  "  The  'boat  is  on 
fire!" 

Dropping  a  lady  who  evinced  a  disposition  to  faint, 
I  entered  the  cabin.  A  half-dozen  men  were  there  be 
fore  me,  and  seeking  the  locality  of  the  fire.  I  was  first 
to  discover  it. 

A  shell,  in  passing  through  a  state-room,  entered  a 
pillow,  and  scattered  the  feathers  through  the  cabin.  A 
considerable  quantity  of  these  feathers  fell  upon  a  hot 
stove,  and  the  smoke  and  odor  of  their  burning  caused 
the  alarm. 

The  ladies  concluded  not  to  faint.  Three  minutes 
after  the  affair  was  over,  they  were  as  calm  as  ever. 

The  Rebels  opened  fire  when  we  were  abreast  of  their 
position,  and  did  not  cease  until  we  were  out  of  range. 
We  were  fifteen  minutes  within  reach  of  their  guns. 


DEATH  OF  OUR  CAPTAIN.  473 

Our  wheels  seemed  to  turn  very  slowly.  No  one  'can 
express  in  words  the  anxiety  with  which  we  listened, 
after  each  shot,  for  the  puffing  of  the  engines.  So  long 
as  the  machinery  was  uninjured,  there  was  no  danger 
of  our  falling  into  Rebel  hands.  But  with  our  engines 
disabled,  our  chances  for  capture  would  be  very  good. 

As  the  last  shot  fell  astern  of  the  boat  and  sent  up 
a  column  of  spray,  we  looked  about  the  cabin  and  saw 
that  no  one-  had  been  injured.  A  moment  later  came  the 
announcement  from  the  pilot-house : 

"  Captain  Gorman  is  killed !  " 

I  ascended  to  the  hurricane  deck,  and  thence  to  the 
pilot-house.  The  pilot,  with  his  hat  thrown  aside  and 
his  hair  streaming  in  the  wind,  stood  at  his  post,  care 
fully  guiding  the  boat  on  her  course.  The  body  of  the 
captain  was  lying  at  his  feet.  Another  man  lay  dying, 
close  by  the  opening  in  which  the  wheel  revolved.  The 
floor  was  covered  with  blood,  splinters,  glass,  and  the 
fragments  of  a  shattered  stove.  One  side  of  the  little 
room  was  broken  in,  and  the  other  side  was  perforated 
where  the  projectiles  made  their  exit. 

The  first  gun  from  the  Rebels  threw  a  shell  which 
entered  the  side  of  the  pilot-house,  and  struck  the  cap 
tain,  who  was  sitting  just  behind  the  pilot.  Death  must 
have  been  instantaneous.  A  moment  later,  a  "  spheri 
cal-case  shot;>  followed  the  shell.  It  exploded  as  it 
struck  the  wood- work,  and  a  portion  of  the  contents  en 
tered  the  side  of  the  bar-keeper  of  the  boat.  In  falling 
to  the  floor  he  fell  against  the  wheel.  The  pilot,  steering 
the  boat  with  one  hand,  pulled  the  dying  man  from  the 


474  A  TRYING  SITUATION. 

wheel  with  the  other,  and  placed  him  Iby  the  side  of  the 
dead  captain. 

Though,  apparently,  the  pilot  was  as  cool  and  undis 
turbed  as  ever,  his  face  was  whiter  than  usual.  He 
said  the  most  trying  moment  of  all  was  soon  after  the 
first  shots  were  fired.  Wishing  to  "round  the  "bend" 
as  speedily  as  possible,  he  rang  the  bell  as  a  signal  to 
the  engineer  to  check  the  speed  of  one  of  the  wheels. 
The  signal  was  not  obeyed,  the  engineers  having  fled  to 
places  of  safety.  He  rang  the  bell  once  more.  He 
shouted  down  the  speaking-tube,  to  enforce  compliance 
with  his  order. 

There  was  no  answer.  The  engines  were  caring  for 
themselves.  The  boat  must  be  controlled  by  the  rudder 
alone.  With  a  dead  man  and  a  dying  man  at  his  feet, 
with  the  Rebel  shot  and  shell  every  moment  perforating 
the  boat  or  falling  near  it,  and  with  no  help  from  those 
who  should  control  the  machinery,  he  felt  that  his  posi 
tion  was  a  painful  one. 

We  were  out  of  danger.  An  hour  later  we  found 
the  gun-boat  Neoslio,  at  anchor,  eight  miles  further  up 
the  stream.  Thinking  we  might  again  be  attacked,  the 
commander  of  the  NeosTio  offered  to  convoy  us  to  Bed 
River.  We  accepted  his  offer.  As  soon  as  the  Neosho 
raised  sufficient  steam  to  enable  her  to  move,  we  pro 
ceeded  on  our  course. 

Order  was  restored  on  the  Von  PJml.  Most  of  the 
passengers  gathered  in  little  groups,  and  talked  about 
the  recent  occurrence.  I  returned  to  my  writing,  and 
Colburn  gave  his  attention  to  a  book.  With  the  gun- 


AGAIN  UNDER  FIRE.  475 

"boat  at  our  side,  no  one  supposed  there  was  danger  of 
another  attack. 

A  half-hour  after  starting  under  convoy  of  the  gun 
boat,  the  Rebels  once  more  opened  fire.  They  paid  no 
attention  to  the  Neoslio,  but  threw  all  their  projectiles  at 
the  Von  PJiul.  The  first  shell  passed  through  the 
cabin,  wounding  a  person  near  me,  and  grazing  a  post 
against  which  Colburn  and  myself  were  resting  our 
chairs.  This  shell  was  followed  by  others  in  quick  suc 
cession,  most  of  them  passing  through  the  cabin.  One 
exploded  under  the  portion  of  the  cabin  directly  beneath 
my  position.  The  explosion  uplifted  the  boards  with 
such  force  as  to  overturn  my  table  and  disturb  the 
steadiness  of  my  chair. 

I  dreaded  splinters  far  more  than  I  feared  the  pitiless 
iron.  I  left  the  cabin,  through  which  the  shells  were 
pouring,  and  descended  to  the  lower  deck.  It  was  no 
better  there  than  above.  We  were  increasing  the  dis 
tance  between  ourselves  and  the  Rebels,  and  the  shot 
began  to  strike  lower  down.  Nearly  every  shot  raked 
the  lower  deck. 

A  loose  plank  on  which  I  stood  was  split  for  more 
than  half  its  length,  by  a  shot  which  struck  my  foot 
when  its  force  was  nearly  spent.  Though  the  skin  was 
not  abraded,  and  no  bones  were  broken,  I  felt  the  effect 
of  the  blow  for  several  weeks. 

I  lay  down  upon  the  deck.  A  moment  after  I  had 
taken  my  horizontal  position,  two  men  who  lay  against 
me  were  mortally  wounded  by  a  shell.  The  right  leg 
of  one  was  completely  severed  below  the  knee.  This 


476  OUT  OF  DANGER. 

shell  was  the  last  projectile  that  struck  the.  forward  por 
tion  of  the  boat. 

With  a  handkerchief  loosely  tied  and  twisted  with  a 
stick,  I  endeavored  to  stop  the  flow  of  blood  from  the 
leg  of  the  wounded  man.  I  was  partially  successful, 
but  the  stoppage  of  blood  could  not  save  the  man's  life. 
He  died  within  the  hour. 

Forty-two  shot  and  shell  struck  the  boat.  The 
escape-pipe  was  severed  where  it  passed  between  two 
state-rooms,  and  filled  the  cabin  with  steam.  The  safe 
in  the  captain' s  office  was  perforated  as  if  it  had  been 
made  of  wood.  A  trunk  was  broken  by  a  shell,  and  its 
contents  were  scattered  upon  the  floor.  Splinters  had 
fallen  in  the  cabin,  and  were  spread  thickly  upon  the 
carpet.  Every  person  who  escaped  uninjured  had  his 
own  list  of  incidents  to  narrate. 

Out  of  about  fifty  persons  on  board  the  Von  Plml 
at  the  time  of  this  occurrence,  twelve  were  killed  or 
wounded.  One  of  the  last  projectiles  that  struck  the 
boat,  injured  a  boiler  sufficiently  to  allow  the  escape  of 
steam.  In  ten  minutes  our  engines  moved  very  feebly. 
We  were  forced  to  " tie  up"  to  the  eastern  bank  of  the 
river.  We  were  by  this  time  out  of  range  of  the  Rebel 
battery.  The  NeosJio  had  opened  fire,  and  by  the  time 
we  made  fast  to  the  bank,  the  Rebels  were  in  retreat. 

The  NeosJio  ceased  firing  and  moved  to  our  relief. 
Before  she  reached  us,  the  steamer  Atlantic  came  in 
sight,  descending  the  river.  We  hailed  her,  and  she 
came  alongside.  Immediately  on  learning  our  condi 
tion,  her  captain  offered  to  tow  the  Von  PTiul  to  Red 


A  CHRISTIAN  SENTIMENT.  477 

River,  twenty  miles  distant.  There  we  could  lie,  under 
protection  of  the  gun-boats,  and  repair  the  damages  to 
our  machinery.  We  accepted  his  offer  at  once. 

I  can  hardly  imagine  a  situation  of  greater  helpless 
ness,  than  a  place  on  board  a  Western  passenger-steamer 
under  the  guns  of  a  hostile  battery.  A  battle-field  is  no 
comparison.  On  solid  earth  the  principal  danger  is  from 
projectiles.  You  can  fight,  or,  under  some  circum 
stances,  can  run  away.  On  a  Mississippi  transport,  you 
are  equally  in  danger  of  being  shot.  Added  to  this,  you 
may  be  struck  by  splinters,  scalded  by  steam,  burned 
by  fire,  or  drowned  in  the  water.  You  cannot  fight, 
you  cannot  run  away,  and  you  cannot  find  shelter. 
With  no  power  for  resistance  or  escape,  the  sense  of 
danger  and  helplessness  cannot  be  set  aside. 

A  few  weeks  after  the  occurrence  just  narrated,  the 
steamer  Brazil,  on  her  way  from  Yicksburg  to  Natchez, 
was  fired  upon  by  a  Rebel  battery  near  Rodney,  Mis 
sissippi.  The  boat  was  struck  a  half-dozen  times  by 
shot  and  shell.  More  than  a  hundred  rifle-bullets  were 
thrown  on  board.  Three  persons  were  killed  and  as 
many  wounded. 

Among  those  killed  on  the  Brazil,  was  a  young 
woman  who  had  engaged  to  take  charge  of  a  school  for 
negro  children  at  Natchez.  The  Rebel  sympathizers  at 
Natchez  displayed  much  gratification  at  her  death.  On 
several  occasions  I  heard  some  of  the  more  pious  among 
them  declare  that  the  hand  of  God  directed  the  fatal 
missile.  They  prophesied  violent  or  sudden  deaths  to 
all  who  came  to  the  South  on  a  similar  mission. 


478  A  KEMARKABLE  ESCAPE. 

The  steamer  Black  Hawk  was  fired  upon  "by  a  Rebel 
battery  at  the  mouth  of  Red  River.  The  "boat  ran 
aground  in  range  of  the  enemy's  guns.  A  shell  set  her 
pilot-house  on  fire,  and  several  persons  were  killed  in 
the  cabin. 

Strange  to  say,  though  aground  and  on  fire  under  a 
Rebel  battery,  the  Black  Hawk  was  saved.  By  great 
exertions  on  the  part  of  officers  and  crew,  the  fire  was 
extinguished  after  the  pilot-house  was  burned  away. 
A  temporary  steering  apparatus  was  rigged,  and  the 
boat  moved  from  the  shoal  where  she  had  grounded. 
She  was  a  full  half  hour  within  range  of  the  Rebel 
guns. 


THE  LAKE  ERIE  PIRACY.  479 


CHAPTER  XLY. 

THE  ARMY  CORRESPONDENT. 

The  Beginning  and  the  End. — The  Lake  Erie  Piracy. — A  Rochester 
Story. — The  First  War  Correspondent. — Napoleon's  Policy. — Wa 
terloo  and  the  Rothschilds. — Journalistic  Enterprise  in  the  Mexican 
War. — The  Crimea  and  the  East  Indian  Rebellion. — Experiences  at 
the  Beginning  of  Hostilities. — The  Tender  Mercies  of  the  Insurgents. 
— In  the  Field. — Adventures  in  Missouri  and  Kentucky. — Corre 
spondents  in  Captivity. — How  Battle-Accounts  were  Written. — Pro 
fessional  Complaints. 

HAVING  lain  aside  my  pen  while  engaged  in  planting 
cotton  and  entertaining  guerrillas,  I  resumed  it  on  com 
ing  North,  after  that  experiment  was  finished.  Setting 
aside  my  capture  in  New  Hampshire,  narrated  in  the 
first  chapter,  my  adventures  in  the  field  commenced  in 
Missouri  in  the  earliest  campaign.  Singularly  enough, 
they  terminated  on  our  Northern  border.  In  the  earlier 
days  of  the  Rebellion,  it  was  the  jest  of  the  correspond 
ents,  that  they  would,  some  time,  find  occasion  to  write 
war-letters  from  the  Northern  cities.  The  jest  became  a 
reality  in  the  siege  of  Cincinnati.  During  that  siege  we 
wondered  whether  it  would  be  possible  to  extend  our 
labors  to  Detroit  or  Mackinaw. 

In  September,  1864,  the  famous  "Lake  Erie  Piracy" 
occurred.  I  was  in  Cleveland  when  the  news  of  the 
seizure  of  the  PMlo  Parsons  was  announced  by  tele 
graph,  and  at  once  proceeded  to  Detroit. 


480  BELLIGERENT  ACTS. 

The  capture  of  the  Parsons  was  a  very  absurd  move 
ment  on  the  part  of  the  Rebels,  who  had  taken  refuge  in 
Canada.  The  original  design  was,  doubtless,  the  cap 
ture  of  the  gun-boat  Michigan,  and  the  release  of  the 
prisoners  on  Johnson's  Island.  The  captors  of  the  Par- 
sons  had  confederates  in  Sandusky,  who  endeavored  to 
have  the  Michigan  in  a  half-disabled  condition  when 
the  Parsons  arrived.  This  was  not  accomplished,  and 
the  scheme  fell  completely  through.  The  two  small 
steamers,  the  Parsons  and  Island  Queen,  were  aban 
doned  after  being  in  Rebel  hands  only  a  few  hours. 

The  officers  of  the  Parsons  told  an  interesting  story 
of  their  seizure.  Mr.  Ashley,  the  clerk,  said  the  boat 
left  Detroit  for  Sandusky  at  her  usual  hour.  She  had  a 
few  passengers  from  Detroit,  and  received  others  at  va 
rious  landings.  The  last  party  that  came  on  board 
brought  an  old  trunk  bound  with  ropes.  The  different 
parties  did  not  recognize  each  other,  not  even  when 
drinking  at  the  bar.  When  near  Kelly' s  Island  in  Lake 
Erie,  the  various  officers  of  the  steamer  were  suddenly 
seized.  The  ropes  on  the  trunk  were  cut,  the  lid  flew 
open,  and  a  quantity  of  revolvers  and  hatchets  was 
brought  to  light. 

The  pirates  declared  they  were  acting  in  the  interest 
of  the  "  Confederacy."  They  relieved  Mr.  Ashley  of 
his  pocket-book  and  contents,  and  appropriated  the 
money  they  found  in  the  safe.  Those  of  the  passengers 
who  were  not  "in  the  ring,"  were  compelled  to  con 
tribute  to  the  representatives  of  the  Rebel  Government. 
This  little  affair  was  claimed  to  be  "  belligerent " 


TROUBLE  ON  THE  BORDER.  481 

throughout.  At  Kelly's  Island  the  passengers  and  crew 
were  liberated  on  parole  not  to  take  tip  arms  against  the 
Confederacy  until  properly  exchanged. 

After  cruising  in  front  of  Sandusky,  and  failing  to 
receive  signals  which  they  expected,  the  pirates  returned 
to  Canada  with  their  prize.  One  of  their  "  belligerent" 
acts  was  to  throw  overboard  the  cargo  of  the  Parsons, 
together  with  most  of  her  furniture.  At  Sandwich,  near 
Detroit,  they  left  the  boat,  after  taking  ashore  a  piano 
and  other  articles.  Her  Majesty's  officer  of  customs 
took  possession  of  this  stolen  property,  on  the  ground 
that  it  was  brought  into  Canada  without  the  proper 
permits  from  the  custom-house.  It  was  subsequently 
recovered  by  its  owners. 

The  St.  Albans  raid,  which  occurred  a  few  months 
later,  was  a  similar  act  of  belligerency.  It  created  more 
excitement  than  the  Lake  Erie  piracy,  but  the  questions 
involved  were  practically  the  same.  That  the  Rebels 
had  a  right  of  asylum  in  Canada  no  one  could  deny,  but 
there  was  a  difference  of  opinion  respecting  the  proper 
limits  to  those  rights.  The  Rebels  hoped  to  involve  us 
in  a  controversy  with  England,  that  should  result  in  the 
recognition  of  the  Confederacy.  This  was  frequently 
avowed  by  some  of  the  indiscreet  refugees. 

After  the  capture  of  the  Parsons  and  the  raid  upon 
St.  Albans,  the  Canadian  authorities  sent  a  strong  force 
of  militia  to  watch  the  frontier.  A  battalion  of  British 
regulars  was  stationed  at  Windsor,  opposite  Detroit, 
early  in  1864,  but  was  removed  to  the  interior  before  the 
raids  occurred.  The  authorities  assigned  as  a  reason 

31 


482  OUK  SPECIAL  CORRESPONDENT. 

for  this  removal,  the  desire  to  concentrate  their  forces 
at  some  central  point.  The  real  reason  was  the  rapid 
desertion  of  their  men,  allured  by  the  high  pay  and  op 
portunity  of  active  service  in  our  army.  In  two  months 
the  battalion  at  Windsor  was  reduced  fifteen  per  cent. 
by  desertions  alone. 

Shortly  after  the  St.  Albans  raid,  a  paper  in  Roches- 
ter  announced  a  visit  to  that  city  by  a  cricket- club  from 
Toronto.  The  paragraph  was  written  somewhat  ob 
scurely,  and  jestingly  spoke  of  the  Toronto  men  as 
"  raiders."  The  paper  reached  New  York,  and  so 
alarmed  the  authorities  that  troops  were  at  once  ordered 
to  Rochester  and  other  points  on  the  frontier.  The  mis 
apprehension  was  discovered  in  season  to  prevent  the 
actual  moving  of  the  troops. 


WITH  the  suppression  of  the  Rebellion  the  mission 
of  the  war  correspondent  was  ended.  Let  us  all  hope 
that  his  services  will  not  again  be  required,  in  this 
country,  at  least,  during  the  present  century.  The  pub 
lication  of  the  reports  of  battles,  written  on  the  field, 
and  frequently  during  the  heat  of  an  engagement,  was  a 
marked  feature  of  the  late  war.  U0ur  Special  Corre 
spondent"  is  not,  however,  an  invention  belonging  to 
this  important  era  of  our  history. 

His  existence  dates  from  the  days  of  the  Greeks  and 
Romans.  If  Homer  had  witnessed  the  battles  which  he 
described,  he  would,  doubtless,  be  recognized  as  the 
earliest  war  correspondent.  Xenophon  was  the  first 


HISTORY  OF  WAR  CORRESPONDENCE.  483 

regular  correspondent  of  which  we  have  any  record. 
He  achieved  an  enduring  fame,  which  is  a  just  tribute 
to  the  man  and  his  profession. 

During  the  Middle  Ages,  the  Crusades  afforded  fine 
opportunities  for  the  war  correspondents  to  display 
their  abilities.  The  prevailing  ignorance  of  those  times 
is  shown  in  the  absence  of  any  reliable  accounts  of  the 
Holy  Wars,  written  by  journalists  on  the  field.  There 
was  no  daily  press,  and  the  mail  communications  were 
very  unreliable.  Down  to  the  nineteenth  century, 
Xenophon  had  no  formidable  competitors  for  the  honors 
which  attached  to  his  name. 

The  elder  Napoleon  always  acted  as  his  own  "Spe 
cial."  His  bulletins,  by  rapid  post  to  Paris,  were  gen 
erally  the  first  tidings  of  his  brilliant  marches  and  vic 
tories.  His  example  was  thought  worthy  of  imitation 
by  several  military  officials  during  the  late  Rebellion. 
Rear- Admiral  Porter  essayed  to  excel  Napoleon  in  send 
ing  early  reports  of  battles  for  public  perusal.  "I  have 
the  honor  to  inform  the  Department,"  is  a  formula  with 
which  most  editors  and  printers  became  intimately  ac 
quainted.  The  admiral's  veracity  was  not  as  conspicu 
ous  as  his  eagerness  to  push  his  reports  in  print. 

At  Waterloo  there  was  no  regular  correspondent  of 
the  London  press.  Several  volunteer  writers  furnished 
accounts  of  the  battle  for  publication,  whose  accuracy 
has  been  called  in  question.  Wellington's  official  dis 
patches  were  outstripped  by  the  enterprise  of  a  London 
banking-house.  The  Rothschilds  knew  the  result  of  the 
battle  eight  hours  before  Wellington's  courier  arrived. 


484  MEXICO  AND  THE  CRIMEA. 

Carrier  pigeons  were  used  to  convey  the  intelligence. 
During  the  Rebellion,  Wall  Street  speculators  endeav 
ored  to  imitate  the  policy  of  the  Rothschilds,  but  were 
only  partially  successful. 

In  the  war  between  Mexico  and  the  United  States, 
"Our  Special"  was  actively,  though  not  extensively, 
employed.  On  one  occasion,  The  Herald  obtained  its 
news  in  advance  of  the  official  dispatches  to  the  Gov 
ernment.  The  magnetic  telegraph  was  then  unknown. 
Horse-flesh  and  steam  were  the  only  means  of  transmit 
ting  intelligence.  If  we  except  the  New  Orleans  Pica 
yune,  The  Herald  was  the  only  paper  represented  in 
Mexico  during  the  campaigns  of  Scott  and  Taylor. 

During  the  conflict  between  France  and  England  on 
the  one  hand,  and  Russia  on  the  other,  the  journals  of 
London  and  Paris  sent  their  representatives  to  the 
Crimea.  The  London  Times,  the  foremost  paper  of 
Europe,  gave  Russell  a  reputation  he  will  long  retain. 
The  " Thunderer's"  letters  from  the  camp  before  Sebas- 
topol  became  known  throughout  the  civilized  world. 
A  few  years  later,  the  East  Indian  rebellion  once  more 
called  the  London  specials  to  the  field.  In  giving  the 
history  of  the  campaigns  in  India,  TJie  Times  and  its 
representative  overshadowed  all  the  rest.  ; 

Just  before  the  commencement  of  hostilities  in  the 
late  Rebellion,  the  leading  journals  of  New  York  were 
well  represented  in  the  South.  Each  day  these  papers 
gave  their  readers  full  details  of  all  important  events 
that  transpired  in  the  South.  The  correspondents  that 
witnessed  the  firing  of  the  Southern  heart  had  many 


TENDER  MERCIES  OF  THE  INSURGENTS.    485 

adventures.  Some  of  them  narrowly  escaped  with  their 
lives. 

At  Richmond,  a  crowd  visited  the  Spottswood 
House,  with  the  avowed  intention  of  hanging  a  Herald 
correspondent,  who  managed  to  escape  through  a  back 
door  of  the  "building.  A  representative  of  The  Tribune 
was  summoned  before  the  authorities  at  Charleston,  on 
the  charge  of  being  a  Federal  spy.  He  was  cleared  of 
the  charge,  but  advised  to  proceed  North  as  early  as 
possible.  When  he  departed,  Governor  Pickens  re 
quested  him,  as  a  particular  favor,  to  ascertain  the  name 
of  The  Tribune  correspondent,  on  arrival  in  New  York, 
and  inform  him  by  letter.  He  promised  to  do  so.  On 
reaching  the  North,  he  kindly  told  Governor  Pickens 
who  The  Tribune  correspondent  was. 

A  Times  correspondent,  passing  through  Harper's 
Ferry,  found  himself  in  the  hands  of  "  the  Chivalry,"  who 
proposed  to  hang  him  on  the  general  charge  of  being  an 
Abolitionist.  He  was  finally  released  without  injury, 
but  at  one  time  the  chances  of  his  escape  were  small. 

The  New  Orleans  correspondent  of  The  Tribune 
came  North  on  the  last  passenger-train  from  Richmond 
to  Aquia  Creek.  One  of  The  Herald?  s  representatives 
was  thrown  into  prison  by  Jeff.  Davis,  but  released 
through  the  influence  of  Pope  Walker,  the  Rebel  Secre 
tary  of  War.  Another  remained  in  the  South  until  all 
regular  communication  was  cut  off.  He  reached  the 
North  in  safety  by  the  line  of  the  "  underground  rail 
way." 

When  the  Rebellion  was  fairly  inaugurated,  the  va- 


486  AX  EVENTFUL  LIFE. 

rious  points  of  interest  were  at  once  visited  by  the  corre 
spondents  of  the  press.  Wherever  our  armies  operated, 
the  principal  dailies  of  New  York  and  other  cities  were 
represented.  Washington  was  the  center  of  gravity 
around  which  the  Eastern  correspondents  revolved.  As 
the  army  advanced  into  Virginia,  every  movement  was 
carefully  chronicled.  The  competition  "between  the  dif 
ferent  journals  was  very  great. 

In  the  West  the  field  was  broader,  and  the  compe 
tition,  though  active,  was  less  bitter  than  along  the 
Potomac.  In  the  early  days,  St.  Louis,  Cairo,  and  Louis 
ville  were  the  principal  Western  points  where  corre 
spondents  were  stationed.  As  our  armies  extended 
their  operations,  the  journalists  found  their  field  of  labor 
enlarged.  St.  Louis  lost  its  importance  when  the  Rebels 
were  driven  from  Missouri.  For  a  long  time  Cairo  was 
the  principal  rendezvous  of  the  journalists,  but  it  be 
came  less  noted  as  our  armies  pressed  forward  along  the 
Mississippi. 

Every  war- correspondent  has  his  story  of  experiences 
in  the  field.  Gathering  the  details  of  a  battle  in  the 
midst  of  its  dangers ;  sharing  the  privations  of  the  camp 
and  the  fatigues  of  the  march ;  riding  with  scouts,  and 
visiting  the  skirmishers  on  the  extreme  front ;  journey 
ing  to  the  rear  through  regions  infested  by  the  enemy's 
cavalry,  or  running  the  gauntlet  of  Rebel  batteries,  his 
life  was  far  from  monotonous.  Frequently  the  corre 
spondents  acted  as  volunteer  aids  to  generals  during 
engagements,  and  rendered  important  service.  They 
often  took  the  muskets  of  fallen  soldiers  and  used  them 


PERSONAL  ADVENTURES.  487 

to  advantage.  On  the  water,  as  on  land,  they  sustained 
their  reputation,  and  proved  that  the  hand  which 
wielded  the  pen  was  alble  to  wield  the  sword.  They 
contributed  their  proportion  of  killed,  wounded,  and 
captured  to  the  casualties  of  the  war.  Some  of  them 
accepted  commissions  in  the  army  and  navy. 

During  the  campaign  of  General  Lyon  in  Missouri, 
the  journalists  who  accompanied  that  army  were  in  the 
habit  of  riding  outside  the  Unes  to  find  comfortable 
quarters  for  the  night.  Frequently  they  went  two  or 
three  miles  ahead  of  the  entire  column,  in  order  to  make 
sure  of  a  good  dinner  before  the  soldiers  could  overtake 
them.  One  night  two  of  them  slept  at  a  house  three 
miles  from  the  road  which  the  army  was  following.  The 
inmates  of  the  mansion  were  unaware  of  the  vicinity  of' 
armed  "Yankees,"  and  entertained  the  strangers  with 
out  question.  Though  a  dozen  Rebel  scouts  called  at 
the  house  before  daylight,  the  correspondents  were  un 
disturbed.  After  that  occasion  they  were  more  cautious 
in  their  movements. 

In  Kentucky,  during  the  advance  of  Kirby  Smith 
upon  Cincinnati,  the  correspondents  of  TJie  Gazette  and 
The  Commercial  were  captured  by  the  advance-guard 
of  Rebel  cavalry.  Their  baggage,  money,  and  watches 
became  the  property  of  their  captors.  The  correspond 
ents  were  released,  and  obliged  to  walk  about  eighty 
miles  in  an  August  sun.  A  short  time  later,  Mr.  Shanks 
and  Mr.  Westfall,  correspondents  of  The  Herald,  were 
made  acquainted  with  John  Morgan,  in  one  of  the  raids 
of  that  famous  guerrilla.  The  acquaintance  resulted  in 


488  JOURNALISTS  IN  REBEL  HANDS. 

a  thorough  depletion  of  the  wardrobes  of  the  captured 
gentlemen, 

In  Virginia,  Mr.  Cadwallader  and  Mr.  Fitzpatrick,  of 
The  Herald,  and  Mr.  Crounse,  of  17ie  Times,  were  cap 
tured  by  Moslby,  and  liberated  after  a  brief  detention 
and  a  complete  relief  of  every  thing  portable  and  valua 
ble,  down  to  their  vests  and  pantaloons.  Even  their 
dispatches  were  taken  from  them  and  forwarded  to 
Richmond.  A  portion  of  these  reports  found  their  way 
into  the  Richmond  papers.  Stonewall  Jackson  and 
Stuart  were  also  fortunate  enough  to  capture  some  of 
the  representatives  of  the  Press.  At  one  time  there  were 
five  correspondents  of  The  Herald  in  the  hands  of  the 
Rebels.  One  of  them,  Mr.  Anderson,  was  held  more 
-than  a  year.  He  was  kept  for  ten  days  in  an  iron  dun 
geon,  where  no  ray  of  light  could  penetrate. 

I  have  elsewhere  alluded  to  the  capture  of  Messrs. 
Richardson  and  Browne,  of  TJie  Tribune,  and  Mr.  Col- 
burn,  of  The  World,  in  front  of  Vicksburg.  The  story 
of  the  captivity  and  perilous  escape  of  these  representa 
tives  of  The  Tribune  reveals  a  patience,  a  fortitude,  a 
daring,  and  a  fertility  of  resource  not  often  excelled. 

Some  of  the  most  graphic  battle-accounts  of  the  war 
were  written  very  hastily.  During  the  three  days'  bat 
tle  at  Gettysburg,  The  Herald  published  each  morning 
the  details  of  the  fighting  of  the  previous  day,  down 
to  the  setting  of  the  sun.  This  was  accomplished  by 
having  a  correspondent  with  each  corps,  and  one  at 
head-quarters  to  forward  the  accounts  to  the  nearest 
telegraph  office.  AtAntietam,  The  Tribune  correspond- 


WRITING  UNDER  DIFFICULTIES.  489 

ent  viewed  the  "battle  "by  day,  and  then  hurried  from 
the  field,  writing  the  most  of  Ms  account  on  a  railway 
train.  From  Fort  Donelson  the  correspondents  of  The 
World  and  The  Tribune  went  to  Cairo,  on  a  hospital  "boat 
crowded  with  wounded.  Their  accounts  were  written 
amid  dead  and  suffering  men,  but  when  published  they 
bore  little  evidence  of  their  hasty  preparation. 

I  once  wrote  a  portion  of  a  letter  at  the  end  of  a 
medium-sized  table.  At  the  other  end  of  the  table  a 
party  of  gamblers,  with  twenty  or  thirty  spectators, 
were  indulging  in  "  Chuck-a-Luck."  I  have  known 
dispatches  to  be  written  on  horseback,  but  they  were 
very  brief,  and  utterly  illegible  to  any  except  the  writer. 
Much  of  the  press  correspondence  during  the  war  was 
written  in  railway  cars  and  on  steamboats,  and  much  on 
camp-chests,  stumps,  or  other  substitutes  for  tables.  I 
have  seen  a  half-dozen  correspondents  busily  engaged 
with  their  letters  at  the  same  moment,  each  of  them  resting 
his  port-folio  on  his  knee,  or  standing  upright,  with  no 
support  whatever.  On  one  occasion  a  fellow- journalist 
assured  me  that  the  broad  chest  of  a  slumbering  confrere 
made  an  excellent  table,  the  undulations  caused  by  the 
sleeper's  breathing  being  the  only  objectionable  feature. 

Sometimes  a  correspondent  reached  the  end  of  a  long 
ride  so  exhausted  as  to  be  unable  to  hold  a  pen  for  ten 
consecutive  minutes.  In  such  case  a  short-hand  writer 
was  employed,  when  accessible,  to  take  down  from  rapid 
dictation  the  story  of  our  victory  or  defeat. 

Under  all  the  disadvantages  of  time,  place,  and  cir 
cumstances,  of  physical  exhaustion  and  mental  anxiety, 


490      THE  CORRESPONDENTS'  COMPLAINT. 

it  is  greatly  to  the  correspondents'  credit  that  they  wrote 
so  well.  Battle-accounts  were  frequently  published  that 
would  be  no  mean  comparison  to  the  studied  pen-pictures 
of  the  famous  writers  of  this  or  any  other  age.  They 
were  extensively  copied  by  the  press  of  England  and 
the  Continent,  and  received  high  praise  for  their  vivid 
portrayal  of  the  battle-field  and  its  scenes.  Apart  from 
the  graphic  accounts  of  great  battles,  they  furnished 
materials  from  which  the  historians  will  write  the  en 
during  records  of  the  war.  With  files  of  the  New  York 
dailies  at  his  side,  an  industrious  writer  could  compile  a 
history  of  the  Rebellion,  complete  in  all  its  details. 

It  was  a  general  complaint  of  the  correspondents  that 
their  profession  was  never  officially  recognized  so  as  to 
give  them  an  established  position  in  the  army.  They 
received  passes  from  head-quarters,  and  could  generally 
go  where  they  willed,  but  there  were  many  officers  who 
chose  to  throw  petty  but  annoying  restrictions  around 
them.  As  they  were  generally  situated  throughout  the 
army,  they  were,  to  some  extent,  dependent  upon  official 
courtesies.  Of  course,  this  dependence  was  injurious  to 
free  narration  or  criticism  when  any  officer  had  conducted 
improperly. 

If  there  is  ever  another  occasion  for  the  services  of 
the  war  correspondent  on  our  soil,  it  is  to  be  hoped 
Congress  will  pass  a  law  establishing  a  position  for  the 
journalists,  fixing  their  status  in  the  field,  surrounding 
them  with  all  necessary  restrictions,  and  authorizing 
them  to  purchase  supplies  and  forage  from  the  proper 
departments.  During  the  Crimean  war,  the  correspond- 


BONHOMMIE.  491 

ents  of  the  French  and  English  papers  had  a  recognized 
position,  where  they  were  subject  to  the  same  rules,  and 
entitled  to  the  same  privileges,  as  the  officers  they  ac 
companied.  When  Sir  George  Brown,  at  Eupatoria, 
forbade  any  officer  appearing  in  public  with  unshaven 
chin,  he  made  no  distinction  in  favor  of  the  members  of 
the  Press. 

Notwithstanding  their  fierce  competition  in  serving 
the  journals  they  represented,  the  correspondents  with 
our  army  were  generally  on  the  most  friendly  terms 
with  each  other.  Perhaps  this  was  less  the  case  in  the 
East  than  in  the  West,  where  the  rivalry  was  not  so 
intense  and  continuous.  In  the  armies  in  the  Mississippi 
Valley,  the  representatives  of  competing  journals  fre 
quently  slept,  ate,  traveled,  and  smoked  together,  and 
not  unfrequently  drank  from  the  same  flask  with  equal 
relish.  In  the  early  days,  uKoom  45,"  in  the  St. 
Charles  Hotel  at  Cairo,  was  the  resort  of  all  the  corre 
spondents  at  that  point.  There  they  laid  aside  their 
professional  jealousies,  and  passed  their  idle  hours  in 
efforts  for  mutual  amusement.  On  some  occasions  the 
floor  of  the  room  would  be  covered,  in  the  morning, 
with  a  confused  mass  of  boots,  hats,  coats,  and  other 
articles  of  masculine  wear,  out  of  which  the  earliest  riser 
would  array  himself  in  whatever  suited  his  fancy,  with 
out  the  slightest  regard  to  the  owner.  " Forty-five'7 
was  the  neutral  ground  where  the  correspondents  plan 
ned  campaigns  for  all  the  armies  of  the  Union,  arranged 
the  downfall  of  the  Rebellion,  expressed  their  views  of 
military  measures  and  military  men,  exulted  over  sue- 


492  POST  BELLUM. 

cesses,  mourned  over  defeats,  and  toasted  in  full  glasses 
the  flag  that  our  soldiers  upheld. 

Since  the  close  of  the  war,  many  of  the  correspond 
ents  have  taken  positions  in  the  offices  of  the  journals 
they  represented  in  the  field.  Some  have  established 
papers  of  their  own  in  the  South,  and  a  few  have  retired 
to  other  civil  pursuits.  Some  are  making  professional 
tours  of  the  Southern  States  and  recording  the  status  of 
the  people  lately  in  rebellion.  The  Herald  has  sent 
several  of  its  attaches  to  the  European  capitals,  and 
promises  to  chronicle  in  detail  the  next  great  war  in 
the  Old  World. 


POPULATION  OF  THE  SOUTH.  493 


CHAPTER   XLVI. 

THE  PRESENT  CONDITION  OF  THE  SOUTH. 

Scarcity  of  the  Population. — Fertility  of  the  Country. — Northern  Men 
already  in  the  South. — Kansas  Emigrants  Crossing  Missouri. — Change 
of  the  Situation. — Present  Disadvantages  of  Emigration. — Feeling  of 
the  People. — Property-Holders  in  Kichmond. — The  Sentiment  in 
North  Carolina. — South  Carolina  Chivalry. — The  Effect  of  War. — 
Prospect  of  the  Success  of  Free  Lahor. — Trade  in  the  South. 

THE  suppression  of  the  Rebellion,  and  the  restoration 
of  peace  throughout  the  entire  South,  have  opened  a 
large  field  for  emigration.  The  white  population  of  the 
Southern  States,  never  as  dense  as  that  of  the  North, 
has  been  greatly  diminished  in  consequence  of  the  war. 
In  many  localities  more  than  half  the  able-bodied  male 
inhabitants  have  been  swept  away,  and  everywhere  the 
loss  of  men  is  severely  felt.  The  breaking  up  of  the 
former  system  of  labor  in  the  cotton  and  sugar  States 
will  hinder  the  progress  of  agriculture  for  a  considerable 
time,  but  there  can  be  little  doubt  of  its  beneficial  effect 
in  the  end.  The  desolation  that  was  spread  in  the  track 
of  our  armies  will  be  apparent  for  many  years.  The 
South  will  ultimately  recover  from  all  her  calamities, 
but  she  will  need  the  energy  and  capital  of  the  Northern 
States  to  assist  her. 

During  the  progress  of  the  war,  as  our  armies  pene 
trated  the  fertile  portions  of  the  "  Confederacy,"  many 


494  SETTLING  IN  DIXIE. 

of  our  soldiers  cast  longing  eyes  at  the  prospective 
wealth  around  them.  "  When  the  war  is  over  we  will 
come  here  to  live,  and  show  these  people  something 
they  never  dreamed  of,"  was  a  frequent  remark.  Men 
born  and  reared  in  the  extreme  North,  were  amazed  at 
the  luxuriance  of  Southern  verdure,  and  wondered  that 
the  richness  of  the  soil  had  not  "been  turned  to  greater 
advantage.  It  is  often  said  in  New  England  that  no 
man  who  has  once  visited  the  fertile  West  ever  returns 
to  make  his  residence  in  the  Eastern  States.  Many  who 
have  explored  the  South,  and  obtained  a  knowledge  of 
its  resources,  will  be  equally  reluctant  to  dwell  in  the 
regions  where  their  boyhood  days  were  passed. 

While  the  war  was  in  progress  many  Northern  men 
purchased  plantations  on  the  islands  along  the  Southern 
coast,  and  announced  their  determination  to  remain  there 
permanently.  After  the  capture  of  New  Orleans,  busi 
ness  in  that  city  passed  into  the  hands  of  Northerners, 
much  to  the  chagrin  of  the  older  inhabitants.  When 
the  disposition  of  our  army  and  the  topography  of  the 
country  made  the  lower  portion  of  Louisiana  secure 
against  Kebel  raids,  many  plantations  in  that  locality 
were  purchased  outright  by  Northern  speculators.  I 
have  elsewhere  shown  how  the  cotton  culture  was  ex 
tensively  carried  on  by  "Yankees,"  and  that  failure 
was  not  due  to  their  inability  to  conduct  the  details  of 
the  enterprise. 

Ten  years  ago,  emigration  to  Kansas  was  highly  pop 
ular.  Aid  Societies  were  organized  in  various  localities, 
and  the  Territory  was  rapidly  filled.  Political  influ- 


MISSOURI  AS  A  SLAVE  STATE,  495 

ences  had  much  to  do  with  this  emigration  from  "both 
North  and  South,  and  many  implements  carried  "by  the 
emigrants  were  not  altogether  agricultural  in  their  char 
acter.  The  soil  of  Kansas  was  known  to  be  fertile,  and 
its  climate  excellent.  The  Territory  presented  attrac 
tions  to  settlers,  apart  from  political  considerations. 
But  in  going  thither  the  emigrants  crossed  a  region 
equally  fertile,  and  possessing  superior  advantages  in 
its  proximity  to  a  market.  No  State  in  the  Union  could 
"boast  of  greater  possibilities  than  Missouri,  yet  few 
travelers  in  search  of  a  home  ventured  to  settle  within 
her  limits. 

The  reason  was  apparent.  Missouri  was  a  slave 
State,  though  bounded  on  three  sides  by  free  soil.  Few 
Northern  emigrants  desired  to  settle  in  the  midst  of 
slavery.  The  distinction  between  the  ruling  and  labor 
ing  classes  was  not  as  great  as  in  the  cotton  States,  but 
there  was  a  distinction  beyond  dispute.  Whatever  his 
blood  or  complexion,  the  man  who  labored  with  his 
hands  was  on  a  level,  or  nearly  so,  with  the  slave. 
Thousands  passed  up  the  Missouri  River,  or  crossed  the 
northern  portion  of  the  State,  to  settle  in  the  new  Terri 
tory  of  Kansas.  When  political  influences  ceased,  the 
result  was  still  the  same.  The  Hannibal  and  St.  Joseph 
Railway  threw  its  valuable  lands  into  the  market,  -but 
with  little  success. 

With  the  suppression  of  the  late  Rebellion,  and  the 
abolition  of  slavery  in  Missouri,  the  situation  is  mate 
rially  changed.  From  Illinois,  Ohio,  and  Indiana,  there 
is  a  large  emigration  to  Missouri.  I  was  recently  in- 


496  WESTWARD  TRAVEL. 

formed  that  forty  families  from  a  single  county  in  Ohio 
had  sent  a  delegation  to  Missouri  to  look  out  suitable 
locations,  either  of  wild  land  or  of  farms  under  cultiva 
tion.  There  is  every  prospect  that  the  State  will  be  rap 
idly  filled  with  a  population  that  believes  in  freedom 
and  in  the  dignity  of  labor.  She  has  an  advantage  over 
the  other  ex- slave  States,  in  lying  west  of  the  populous 
regions  of  the  North.  Hitherto,  emigration  has  general 
ly  followed  the  great  isothermal  lines,  as  can  be  readily 
seen  when  we  study  the  population  of  the  Western 
States.  Northern  Ohio  is  more  New  Englandish  than 
Southern  Ohio,  and  the  parallel  holds  good  in  Northern 
and  Southern  Illinois.  There  will  undoubtedly  be  a 
large  emigration  to  Missouri  in  preference  to  the  other 
Southern  States,  but  our  whole  migratory  element  will 
not  find  accommodation  in  her  limits.  The  entire  South 
will  be  overrun  by  settlers  from  the  North. 

Long  ago,  Punch  gave  advice  to  persons  about  to 
marry;  It  was  all  comprised  in  the  single  word, 
"  DON'T."  Whoever  is  in  haste  to  emigrate  to  the 
South,  would  do  well  to  consider,  for  a  time,  this  brief, 
but  emphatic  counsel.  No  one  should  think  of  leaving 
the  Northern  States,  until  he  has  fairly  considered  the 
advantages  and  disadvantages  of  the  movement.  If  he 
departs  with  the  expectation  of  finding  every  thing  to 
his  liking,  he  will  be  greatly  disappointed  at  the  result. 

There  will  be  many  difficulties  to  overcome.  The 
people  now  residing  in  the  late  rebellious  States  are 
generally  impoverished.  They  have  little  money,  and, 
in  many  cases,  their  stock  and  valuables  of  all  kinds 


THE  SENTIMENT  IN  KICHMOND.  497 

have  been  swept  away.  Their  farms  are  often  without 
fences,  and  their  farming-tools  worn  out,  disabled,  or 
destroyed.  Their  system  of  labor  is  broken  up.  The 
negro  is  a  slave  no  longer,  and  the  transition  from  bond 
age  to  freedom  will  affect,  for  a  time,  the  producing  in 
terests  of  the  South. 

Though  the  Rebellion  is  suppressed,  the  spirit  of  dis 
content  still  remains  in  many  localities,  and  will  retard 
the  process  of  reconstruction.  The  teachings  of  slavery 
have  made  the  men  of  the  South  bitterly  hostile  to 
those  of  the  North.  This  hostility  was  carefully  nur 
tured  by  the  insurgent  leaders  during  the  Rebellion, 
and  much  of  it  still  exists.  In  many  sections  of  the 
South,  efforts  will  be  made  to  prevent  immigration 
from  the  North,  through  a  fear  that  the  old  inhabitants 
will  lose  their  political  rights. 

At  the  time  I  am  writing,  the  owners  of  property  in 
Richmond  are  holding  it  at  such  high  rates  as  to  repel 
Northern  purchasers.  Letters  from  that  city  say,  the  resi 
dents  have  determined  to  sell  no  property  to  Northern 
men,  when  they  can  possibly  avoid  it.  No  encourage 
ment  is  likely  to  be  given  to  Northern  farmers  and  arti 
sans  to  migrate  thither.  A  scheme  for  taking  a  large  num 
ber  of  European  emigrants  directly  from  foreign  ports  to 
Richmond,  and  thence  to  scatter  them  throughout  Vir 
ginia,  is  being  considered  by  the  Virginia  politicians. 
The  wealthy  men  in  the  Old  Dominion,  who  were  Seces 
sionists  for  the  sake  of  secession,  and  who  gave  every 
assistance  to  the  Rebel  cause,  are  opposed  to  the  admis 
sion  of  Northern  settlers.  They  may  be  unable  to  pre- 
32 


498  THE  "CHIVALRY." 

vent  it,  Ibut  they  will  "be  none  the  less  earnest  in  their 
efforts. 

This  feeling  extends  throughout  a  large  portion  of 
Virginia,  and  exists  in  the  other  States  of  the  South.  Its 
intensity  varies  in  different  localities,  according  to  the 
extent  of  the  slave  population  in  the  days  "before  the 
war,  and  the  influence  that  the  Eadical  men  of  the  South 
have  exercised.  While  Virginia  is  unwilling  to  receive 
strangers,  North  Carolina  is  manifesting  a  desire  to  fill 
her  territory  with  Northern  capital  and  men.  She  is  al 
ready  endeavoring  to  encourage  emigration,  and  has 
offered  large  quantities  of  land  on  liberal  terms.  In 
Newbern,  Wilmington,  and  Raleigh,  the  Northern  ele 
ment  is  large.  Newbern  is  "Yankeeized"  as  much  as 
New  Orleans.  Wilmington  "bids  fair  to  have  intimate 
relations  with  New  York  and  Boston.  An  agency  has 
been  established  at  Ealeigh,  under  the  sanction  of  the 
Governor  of  the  State,  to  secure  the  immediate  occupa 
tion  of  farming  and  mining  lands,  mills,  manufactories, 
and  all  other  kinds  of  real  estate.  Northern  capital  and 
sinew  is  already  on  its  way  to  that  region.  The  great 
majority  of  the  North  Carolinians  approve  the  move 
ment,  but  there  are  many  persons  in  the  State  who  equal 
the  Virginians  in  their  hostility  to  innovations. 

In  South  Carolina,  few  beside  the  negroes  will  wel 
come  the  Northerner  with  open  arms.  The  State  that 
hatched  the  secession  egg,  and  proclaimed  herself  at  all 
times  first  and  foremost  for  the  perpetuation  of  slavery, 
will  not  exult  at  the  change  which  circumstances  have 
wrough't.  Her  Barnwells,  her  McGfraths,  her  Ehetts, 


WAR  AND  DEVASTATION.  499 

and  her  Hamptons  declared  they  would  perish  in  the 
last  ditch,  rather  than  submit.  Some  of  them  have  per 
ished,  but  many  still  remain.  Having  been  life-long 
opponents  of  Northern  policy,  Northern  industry,  and 
Northern  enterprise,  they  will  hardly  change  their  opin 
ions  until  taught  by  the  logic  of  events. 

Means  of  transportation  are  limited.  On  the  railways 
the  tracks  are  nearly  worn  out,  and  must  be  newly  laid 
before  they  can  be  used  with  their  old  facility.  Rolling 
stock  is  disabled  or  destroyed.  Much  of  it  must  be 
wholly  replaced,  and  that  which  now  remains  must  un 
dergo  extensive  repairs.  Depots  and  machine-shops 
have  been  burned,  and  many  bridges  are  bridges  no 
longer.  On  the  smaller  riyers  but  few  steamboats  are 
running,  and  these  are  generally  of  a  poor  class. 
Wagons  are  far  from  abundant,  and  mules  and  horses 
are  very  scarce.  The  wants  of  the  armies  have  been 
supplied  with  little  regard  to  the  inconvenience  of  the 
people. 

Corn-mills,  saw-mills,  gins,  and  factories  have  fed  the 
flames.  Wherever  our  armies  penetrated  they  spread 
devastation  in  their  track.  Many  portions  of  the  South 
were  not  visited  by  a  hostile  force,  but  they  did  not 
escape  the  effects  of  war.  Southern  Georgia  and  Florida 
suffered  little  from  the  presence  of  the  Northern  armies, 
but  the  scarcity  of  provisions  and  the  destitution  of 
the  people  are  nearly  as  great  in  that  region  as  else 
where. 

Until  the  present  indignation  at  their  defeat  is  passed 
away,  many  of  the  Southern  people  will  not  be  inclined 


500  IMPEDIMENTS  TO  EMIGRATION. 

to  give  any  countenance  to  the  employment  of  freed 
negroes.  They  believe  slavery  is  the  proper  condition 
for  the  negro,  and  declare  that  any  system  "based  on  free 
labor  will  prove  a  failure.  This  feeling  will  not  be  gen 
eral  among  the  Southern  people,  and  will  doubtless  be 
removed  in  time. 

The  transition  from  slavery  to  freedom  will  cause 
some  irregularities  on  the  part  of  the  colored  race.  I  do 
not  apprehend  serious  trouble  in  controlling  the  negro, 
and  believe  his  work  will  be  fully  available  throughout 
the  South.  It  is  natural  that  he  should  desire  a  little 
holiday  with  his  release  from  bondage.  For  a  time 
many  negroes  will  be  idle,  and  so  will  many  white  men 
who  have  returned  from  the  Eebel  armies.  According 
to  present  indications,  the  African  race  displays  far  more 
industry  than  the  Caucasian  throughout  the  Southern 
States.  Letters  from  the  South  say  the  negroes  are  at 
work  in  some  localities,  but  the  whites  are  everywhere 
idle. 

Those  who  go  to  the  South  for  purposes  of  traffic 
may  or  may  not  be  favored  with  large  profits.  All  the 
products  of  the  mechanic  arts  are  very  scarce  in  the  in 
terior,  while  in  the  larger  towns  trade  is  generally  over 
done.  Large  stocks  of  goods  were  taken  to  all  places 
accessible  by  water  as  soon  as  the  ports  were  opened. 
The  supply  exceeded  the  demand,  and  many  dealers 
suffered  heavy  loss.  From  Richmond  and  other  points 
considerable  quantities  of  goods  have  been  reshipped 
to  New  York,  or  sold  for  less  than  cost.  Doubtless  the 
trade  with  the  South  will  ultimately  "be  very  large,  but 


HEAR  BOTH  SIDES.  501 

it  cannot  spring  up  in  a  day.  Money  is  needed  before 
speculation  can  be  active.  A  year  or  two,  at  the  least, 
will  be  needed  to  fill  the  Southern  pocket. 

So  much  for  the  dark  side  of  the  picture.  Emigrants 
are  apt  to  listen  to  favorable  accounts  of  the  region 
whither  they  are  bound,  while  they  close  their  ears  to 
all  stories  of  an  unfavorable  character.  To  insure  a 
hearing  of  both  sides  of  the  question  under  discussion, 
I  have  given  the  discouraging  arguments  in  advance  of 
all  others.  Already  those  who  desire  to  stimulate  travel 
to  the  South,  are  relating  wonderful  stories  of  its  fer 
tility  and  its  great  advantages  to  settlers.  !Nb  doubt 
they  are  telling  much  that  is  true,  but  they  do  not 
tell  all  the  truth.  Every  one  has  heard  the  statement, 
circulated  in  Ireland  many  years  since,  that  America 
abounded  in  roasted  pigs  that  ran  about  the  streets,  car 
rying  knives  and  forks  in  their  mouths,  and  making 
vocal  requests  to  be  devoured.  Notwithstanding  the 
absurdity  of  the  story,  it  is  reported  to  have  received 
credit. 

The  history  of  every  emigration  scheme  abounds  in 
narratives  of  a  brilliant,  though  piscatorial,  character. 
The  interior  portions  of  all  the  Western  States  are  of 
wonderful  fertility,  and  no  inhabitant  of  that  region  has 
any  hesitation  in  announcing  the  above  fact.  But  not 
one  in  a  hundred  will  state  frankly  his  distance  from 
market,  and  the  value  of  wheat  and  corn  at  the  points 
of  their  production.  In  too  many  cases  the  bright  side 
of  the  story  is  sufficient  for  the  listener. 

I  once  traveled  in  a  railway  car  where  there  were  a 


502  AN  IMPERTINENT  QUESTION. 

dozen  emigrants  from  the  New  England  States,  seeking 
a  home  in  the  West.  An  agent  of  a  county  in  Iowa  was 
endeavoring  to  call  their  attention  to  the  great  advan 
tages  which  his  region  afforded.  He  told  them  of  the 
fertility  of  the  soil,  the  amount  of  corn  and  wheat  that 
could  Tbe  produced  to  the  acre,  the  extent  of  labor  need 
ed  for  the  production  of  a  specified  quantity  of  cereals, 
the  abundance  of  timber,  and  the  propinquity  of  fine 
streams,  with  many  other  brilliant  and  seductive  stories. 
The  emigrants  listened  in  admiration  of  the  Promised 
Land,  and  were  on  the  point  of  consenting  to  follow  the 
orator. 

I  ventured  to  ask  the  distance  from  those  lands  to  a 
market  where  the  products  could  be  sold,  and  the  prob 
able  cost  of  transportation. 

The  answer  was  an  evasive  one,  but  was  sufficient  to 
awaken  the  suspicions  of  the  emigrants.  My  question 
destroyed  the  beautiful  picture  which  the  voluble  agent 
had  drawn. 

Those  who  desire  to  seek  their  homes  in  the  South 
will  do  well  to  remember  that  baked  pigs  are  not  likely 
to  exist  in  abundance  in  the  regions  traversed  by  the 
National  armies. 


OVERCOMING  OBSTACLES.          503 


CHAPTER   XLYII. 

HOW  DISADVANTAGES  MAY  BE  OVERCOME. 

Conciliating  the  People  of  the  South.— Kailway  Travel  and  its  Improve 
ment. — Rebuilding  Steamboats. — Replacing  Working  Stock. — The 
Condition  of  the  Plantations. — Suggestions  about  Hasty  Departures. 
— Obtaining  Information. — The  Attractions  of  Missouri. 

THE  Mnderances  I  have  mentioned  in  the  way  of 
Southern  emigration  are  of  a  temporary  character. 
The  opposition  of  the  hostile  portion  of  the  Southern 
people  can  "be  overcome  in  time.  When  they  see  there 
is  no  possible  hope  for  them  to  control  the  National 
policy,  when  they  fully  realize  that  slavery  is  ended, 
and  ended  forever,  when  they  discover  that  the  negro 
will  work  as  a  free  man  with  advantage  to  his  employer, 
they  will  become  more  amiable  in  disposition.  Much 
of  their  present  feeling  arises  from  a  hope  of  compelling 
a  return  to  the  old  relation  of  master  and  slave.  When 
this  hope  is  completely  destroyed,  we  shall  have  accom 
plished  a  great  step  toward  reconstruction.  A  practical 
knowledge  of  Northern  industry  and  enterprise  will 
convince  the  people  of  the  South,  unless  their  hearts  are 
thoroughly  hardened,  that  some  good  can  come  out  of 
Nazareth.  They  may  never  establish  relations  of  great 
intimacy  with  their  new  neighbors,  but  their  hostility 
will  be  diminished  to  insignificance. 


504  SOUTHERN  RAILWAYS. 

Some  of  the  advocates  of  the  "last  ditch"  theory, 
who  have  sworn  never  to  live  in  the  United  States,  will, 
donlbtless,  depart  to  foreign  lands,  or  follow  the  example 
of  the  Virginia  gentleman  who  committed  suicide  on 
ascertaining  the  hopelessness  of  the  Rebellion.  Failing 
to  do  either  of  these  things,  they  must  finally  acquiesce 
in  the  supremacy  of  National  authority. 

The  Southern  railways  will  "be  repaired,  their  rolling 
stock  replaced,  and  the  routes  of  travel  restored  to  the 
old  status.  All  cannot  be  done  at  once,  as  the  destruc 
tion  and  damage  have  been  very  extensive,  and  many 
of  the  companies  are  utterly  impoverished.  From  two 
to  five  years  will  elapse  before  passengers  and  freight 
can  be  transported  with  the  same  facility,  in  all  direc 
tions,  as  before  the  war. 

Under  a  more  liberal  policy  new  lines  will  be  opened, 
and  the  various  portions  of  the  Southern  States  become 
accessible.  During  the  war  two  railways  were  con 
structed  under  the  auspices  of  the  Rebel  Government, 
that  will  prove  of  great  advantage  in  coming  years. 
These  are  the  lines  from  Meridian,  Mississippi,  to  Selma, 
Alabama,  and  from  Danville,  Virginia,  to  Greens- 
borough,  North  Carolina.  A  glance  at  a  railway  map 
of  the  Southern  States  will  show  their  importance. 

On  many  of  the  smaller  rivers  boats  are  being  im 
provised  by  adding  wheels  and  motive  power  to  ordi 
nary  scows.  In  a  half-dozen  years,  at  the  furthest,  we 
will,  doubtless,  see  the  rivers  of  the  Southern  States 
traversed  by  as  many  steamers  as  before  the  war.  On 
the  Mississippi  and  its  tributaries  the  destruction  of 


THE  PEESENT  CONDITION.  505 

steamboat  property  was  very  great,  but  the  loss  is 
rapidly  being  made  good.  Siiice  1862  many  fine  boats 
have  been  constructed,  some  of  them  larger  and  more 
costly  than  any  that  existed  during  the  most  prosperous 
days  before  the  Rebellion.  On  the  Alabama  and  other 
rivers,  efforts  are  being  made  to  restore  the  steamboat 
fleets  to  their  former  magnitude. 

Horses,  mules,  machinery,  and  farming  implements 
must  and  will  be  supplied  out  of  the  abundance  in  the 
North.  The  want  of  mules  will  be  severely  felt  for 
some  years.  No  Yankee  has  yet  been  able  to  invent  a 
machine  that  will  create  serviceable  mules  to  order.  We 
must  wait  for  their  production  by  the  ordinary  means, 
and  it  will  be  a  considerable  time  before  the  supply  is 
equal  to  the  demand.  Those  who  turn  their  attention  to 
stock-raising,  during  the  next  ten  or  twenty  years,  can 
always  be  certain  of  finding  a  ready  and  remunerative 
market. 

The  Southern  soil  is  as  fertile  as  ever.  Cotton,  rice, 
corn,  sugar,  wheat,  and  tobacco  can  be  produced  in  their 
former  abundance.  Along  the  Mississippi  the  levees 
must  be  restored,  to  protect  the  plantations  from  floods. 
This  will  be  a  work  of  considerable  magnitude,  and, 
without  extraordinary  effort,  cannot  be  accomplished  for 
several  years.  Everywhere  fences  must  be  rebuilt,  and 
many  buildings  necessary  in  preparing  products  for 
market  must  be  restored.  Time,  capital,  energy,  and 
patience  will  be  needed  to  develop  anew  the  resources 
of  the  South.  Properly  applied,  they  will  be  richly 
rewarded. 


506  OBTAINING  INFORMATION. 

No  person  should  be  hasty  in  liis  departure,  nor  rusli 
blindly  to  the  promised  land.  Thousands  went  to  Cal 
ifornia,  in  '49  and  '50,  with  the  impression  that  the  gold 
mines  lay  within  an  hour's  walk  of  San  Francisco.  In 
'59,  many  persons  landed  at  Leavenworth,  on  their  way 
to  Pike's  Peak,  under  the  belief  that  the  auriferous 
mountain  was  only  a  day's  journey  from  their  landing- 
place.  Thousands  have  gone  "  West"  from  New  York 
and  New  England,  believing  that  Chicago  was  very 
near  the  frontier.  Those  who  start  with  no  well-defined 
ideas  of  their  destination  are  generally  disappointed. 
The  war  has  given  the  public  a  pretty  accurate  knowl 
edge  of  the  geography  of  the  South,  so  that  the  old  mis 
takes  of  emigrants  to  California  and  Colorado  are  in 
slight  danger  of  repetition,  but  there  is  a  possibility  of 
too  little  deliberation  in  setting  out. 

Before  starting,  the  emigrant  should  obtain  all  acces 
sible  information  about  the  region  he  intends  to  visit. 
Geographies,  gazetteers,  census  returns,  and  works  of  a 
similar  character  will  be  of  great  advantage.  Much  can 
be  obtained  from  persons  who  traveled  in  the  rebellious 
States  during  the  progress  of  the  war.  The  leading 
papers  throughout  the  country  are  now  publishing  let 
ters  from  their  special  correspondents,  relative  to  the 
state  of  aifairs  in  the  South.  These  letters  are  of  great 
value,  and  deserve  a  careful  study. 

Information  from  interested  parties  should  be  re 
ceived  with  caution.  Those  who  have  traveled  in,  the 
far  West  know  how  difficult  it  is  to  obtain  correct  state 
ments  relative  to  the  prosperity  or  advantages  of  any 


HOW  TO  TRAVEL.  507 

specified  locality.  Every  man  assures  you  that  the  town 
or  the  county  where  he  resides,  or  where  he  is  interested, 
is  the  "best  and  the  richest  within  a  hundred  miles.  To 
an  impartial  observer,  lying  appears  to  "be  the  only  per 
sonal  accomplishment  in  a  new  country.  I  presume 
those  who  wish  to  encourage  Southern  migration  will 
be  ready  to  set  forth  all  the  advantages  (but  none  of  the 
disadvantages)  of  their  own  localities. 

•  Having  fully  determined  where  to  go  and  what  to 
do,  having  selected  his  route  of  travel,  and  ascertained, 
as  near  as  possible,  what  will  be  needed  on  the  journey, 
the  emigrant  will  next  consider  his  financial  policy.  No 
general  rule  can  be  given.  In  most  cases  it  is  better  not 
to  take  a  large  amount  of  money  at  starting.  To  man}?- 
this  advice  will  be  superfluous.  Bills  of  exchange  are 
much  safer  to  carry  than  ready  cash,  and  nearly  as  con 
venient  for  commercial  transactions.  Beyond  an  amount 
double  the  estimated  expenses  of  his  journey,  the  traveler 
will  usually  carry  very  little  cash. 

For  the  present,  few  persons  should  take  their  wives 
and  children  to  the  interior  South,  and  none  should  do 
so  on  their  first  visit.  Many  houses  have  been  burned 
or  stripped  of  their  furniture,  provisions  are  scarce  and 
costly,  and  the  general  facilities  for  domestic  happiness 
are  far  from  abundant.  The  conveniences  for  locomo 
tion  in  that  region  are  very  poor,  and  will  continue  so 
for  a  considerable  time.  A  man  can  "  rough  it"  any 
where,  but  he  can  hardly  expect  his  family  to  travel  on 
flat  cars,  or  on  steamboats  that  have  neither  cabins  nor 
decks,  and  subsist  on  the  scanty  and  badly-cooked  pro- 


508  FREE  MISSOURI. 

visions  that  the  Sunny  South  affords.  By  all  means,  I 
would  counsel  any  young  man  on  his  way  to  the  South 
not  to  elope  with  his  neighbor's  wife.  In  yiew  of  the 
condition  of  the  country  beyond  Mason  and  Dixon's 
line,  an  elopement  would  prove  his  mistake  of  a  life 
time. 

I  have  already  referred  to  the  resources  of  Missouri. 
The  State  possesses  greater  mineral  wealth  than  any 
other  State  of  the  Union,  east  of  the  Kocky  Mountains. 
Her  lead  mines  are  extensive,  easily  worked,  very  pro 
ductive,  and  practically  inexhaustible.  The  same  may 
be  said  of  her  iron  mines.  Pilot  Knob  and  Iron 
Mountain  are  nearly  solid  masses  of  ore,  the  latter  being 
a  thousand  feet 'in  height.  Copper  mines  have  been 
opened  and  worked,  and  tin  has  been  found  in  several 
localities.  The  soil  of  the  Northern  portion  of  Missouri 
can  boast  of  a  fertility  equal  to  that  of  Kansas  or  Illinois. 
In  the  Southern  portion  the  country  is  more  broken,  but 
it  contains  large  areas  of  rich  lands.  The  productions 
of  Missouri  are  similar  to  those  of  the  Northern  States  in 
the  same  latitude.  More  hemp  is  raised  in  Missouri 
than  in  any  other  State  except  Kentucky.  Much  of  this 
article  was  used  during  the  Kebellion,  in  efforts  to  break 
up  the  numerous  guerrilla  bands  that  infested  the  State. 
Tobacco  is  an  important  product,  and  its  culture  is 
highly  remunerative.  At  Hermann,  Booneville,  and 
other  points,  the  manufacture  of  wine  from  the  Catawba 
grape  is  extensively  carried  on.  In  location  and  re 
sources,  Missouri  is  without  a  rival  among  the  States 
that  formerly  maintained  the  system  of  slave  labor. 


THE  SOUTHERN  PEOPLE.          509 


.      CHAPTER   XLVIII. 

THE    RESOURCES    OF   THE    SOUTHERN   STATES. 

How  the  People  have  Lived. — An  Agricultural  Community. — Mineral 
and  other  Wealth  of  Virginia. — Slave-Breeding  in  Former  Times. — 
The  Auriferous  Region  of  North  Carolina. — Agricultural  Advan 
tages. — Varieties  of  Soil  in  South  Carolina. — Sea-Island  Cotton. — 
Georgia  and  her  Railways. — Probable  Decline  of  the  Rice  Culture.— 
The  Everglade  State.— The  Lower  Mississippi  Valley.— The  Red 
River. — Arkansas  and  its  Advantages. — A  Hint  for  Tragedians. — 
Mining  in  Tennessee. — The  Blue-Grass  Region  of  Kentucky. — Texas 
and  its  Attractions. — Difference  between  Southern  and  Western 
Emigration. — The  End. 

COMPARED  with  the  North,  the  Southern  States  have 
"been  strictly  an  agricultural  region.  Their  few  manu 
factures  were  conducted  on  a  small  scale,  and  could  not 
compete  with  those  of  the  colder  latitudes.  They  gave 
some  attention  to  stock-raising  in  a  few  localities,  "but  did 
not  attach  to  it  any  great  importance.  Cotton  was  the 
product  which  fed,  clothed,  sheltered,  and  regaled  the 
people.  Even  with  the  immense  profits  they  received 
from  its  culture,  they  did  not  appear  to  understand  the  art 
of  enjoyment.  They  generally  lived  on  large  and  com 
fortless  tracts  of  land,  and  had  very  few  cities  away  from 
the  sea-coast.  They  thought  less  of  personal  comfort  than 
of  the  acquisition  of  more  land,  mules,  and  negroes. 

In  the  greatest  portion  of  the  South,  the  people  lived 


510  HOW  THEY  LIVED. 

poorer  than  many  Northern  mechanics  have  lived  in  the 
past  twenty  years.  The  property  in  slaves,  to  the  extent 
of  four  hundred  millions  of  dollars,  was  their  heaviest 
item  of  wealth,  "but  they  seemed  unalble  to  turn  this 
wealth  to  the  greatest  advantage.  With  the  climate  and 
soil  in  their  favor,  they  paid  little  attention  to  the  cheaper 
luxuries  of  rational  living,  Ibut  surrounded  themselves 
with  much  that  was  expensive,  though  utterly  useless. 
On  plantations  where  the  owners  resided,  a  visiter 
would  find  the  women  adorned  with  diamonds  and  laces 
that  cost  many  thousand  dollars,  and  feast  his  eyes  upon 
parlor  furniture  and  ornaments  of  the  most  elaborate 
character.  But  the  dinner-table  would  present  a  repast 
far  below  that  of  a  New  England  farmer  or  mechanic  in 
ordinary  circumstances,  and  the  sleeping-rooms  wo.uld 
give  evidence  that  genuine  comfort  was  a  secondary  con 
sideration.  Outside  of  New  Orleans  and  Charleston, 
where  they  are  condiicted  by  foreigners,  the  South  has 
no  such  market  gardens,  or  such  abundance  and  variety 
of  wholesome  fruits  and  vegetables,  as  the  more  sterile 
North  can  boast  of  everywhere.  So  of  a  thousand  other 
marks  of  advancing  civilization. 

Virginia,  "the  mother  of  Presidents,"  is  rich  in  min 
erals  of  the  more  useful  sort,  and  some  of  the  precious 
metals.  Her  list  of  mineral  treasures  includes  gold,  cop 
per,  iron,  lead,  plumbago,  coal,  and  salt.  The  gold 
mines  are  not  available  except  to  capitalists,  and  it  is 
not  yet  fully  settled  whether  the  yield  is  sufficient  to 
warrant  large  investments.  The  gold  is  extracted  from 
an  auriferous  region,  extending  from  the  Rappahannock 


THE  MOTHER  OF  PKESIDENTS.        511 

to  the  Coosa  Biver,  in  Alabama.  The  coal-"beds  in  the 
State  are  easy  of  access,  and  said  to  "be  inexhaustible. 
The  Kanawha  salt-works  are  well  known,  and  the  pe 
troleum  regions  of  West  Virginia  are  attracting  much 
attention. 

Virginia  presents  many  varieties  of  soil,  arid,  with  a 
better  system  of  cultivation,  her  productions  can  be 
greatly  increased.  (The  same  may  be  said  of  all  the 
Southern  States,  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Rio  Grande.) 
Her  soil  is  favorable  to'  all  the  products  of  the  Northern 
States.  The  wheat  and  corn  of  Virginia  have  a  high 
reputation.  In  the  culture  of  tobacco  she  has  always 
surpassed  every  other  State  of  the  Union,  and  was  also 
the  first  State  in  which  it  was  practiced  by  civilized  man 
to  any  extent.  Washington  pronounced  the  central 
counties  of  Virginia  the  finest  agricultural  district  in 
the  United  States,  as  he  knew  them.  Daniel  Webster 
declared,  in  a  public  speech  in  the  Shenandoah  Valley, 
that  he  had  seen  no  finer  farming  land  in  his  European 
travel  than  in  that  valley. 

Until  1860,  the  people  of  Virginia  paid  considerable 
attention  to  the  raising  of  negroes  for  the  Southern 
market.  For  some  reason  this  trade  has  greatly  de 
clined  within  the  past  five  years,  the  stock  becoming 
unsalable,  and  its  production  being  interrupted.  I 
would  advise  no  person  to  contemplate  moving  to  Vir 
ginia  with  a  view  to  raising  negroes  for  sale.  The 
business  was  formerly  conducted  by  the  u  First  Fami 
lies,"  and  if  it  should  be  revived,  they  will  doubtless 
claim  an  exclusive  privilege. 


512  GOLD  MINES  IN  NORTH  CAROLINA. 

North  Carolina  abounds  in  minerals,  especially  in 
gold,  copper,  iron,  and  coal.  The  fields  of  the  latter  are 
very  extensive.  The  gold  mines  of  North  Carolina  have 
Ibeen  profitably  worked  for  many  years.  A  correspond 
ent  of  The  World,  in  a  recent  letter  from  Charlotte, 
North  Carolina,  says : 

In  these  times  of  mining  excitement  it  should  be  more  widely 
known  that  North  Carolina  is  a  competitor  with  California,  Idaho,  and 
Nebraska.  Gold  is  found  in  paying  quantities  in  the  State,  and  in  the 
northern  parts  of  South  Carolina  and  Georgia.  For  a  hundred  miles 
west  and  southwest  of  Charlotte,  all  the  streams  contain  more  or  less 
gold-dust.  Nuggets  of  a  few  ounces  have  been  frequently  found,  and 
there  is  one  well-authenticated  case  of  a  solid  nugget  weighing  twenty- 
eight  pounds,  which  was  purchased  from  its  ignorant  owner  for  three 
dollars,  and  afterward  sold  at  the  Mint.  Report  says  a  still  larger 
lump  was  found  and  cut  up  by  the  guard  at  one  of  the  mines.  Both  at 
Greensboro',  Salisbury,  and  here,  the  most  reliable  residents  concur  in 
pointing  to  certain  farms  where  the  owners  procure  large  sums  of  gold. 
One  German  is  said  to  have  taken  more  than  a  million  of  dollars  from 
his  farm,  and  refuses  to  sell  his  land  for  any  price.  Negroes  are  and 
have  been  accustomed  to  go  out  to  the  creeks  and  wash  on  Saturdays, 
frequently  bringing  in  two  or  three  dollars'  worth,  and  not  unfrequently 
negroes  come  to  town  with  little  nuggets  of  the  pure  ore  to  trade. 

The  iron  and  copper  mines  were  developed  only  to  a  limited  extent 
before  the  war.  The  necessities  of  the  case  led  the  Southern  authori 
ties,  however,  after  the  outbreak,  to  turn  their  attention  to  them,  and 
considerable  quantities  of  the  ore  were  secured.  This  was  more  espe 
cially  true  of  iron. 

North  Carolina  is  adapted  to  all  the  agricultural 
products  of  both  North  and  South,  with  the  exception 
of  cane  sugar.  The  marshes  on  the  coast  make  excel 
lent  rice  plantations,  and,  when  drained,  are  very  fertile 
in  cotton.  Much  of  the  low,  sandy  section,  extending 
sixty  miles  from  the  coast,  is  covered  with  extensive 


THE  CRADLE  OF  SECESSION.  513 

forests  of  pitch-pine,  that  furnish  large  quantities  of 
lumber,  tar,  turpentine,  and  resin,  for  export  to  North 
ern  cities.  When  cleared  and  cultivated,  this  region 
proves  quite  fertile,  "but  Southern  energy  has  thus  far 
Ibeen  content  to  give  it  very  little  improvement.  Much 
of  the  land  in  the  interior  is  very  rich  and  productive. 
With  the  exception  of  Missouri,  North  Carolina  is  fore 
most,  since  the  close  of  the  war,  in  encouraging  immi 
gration.  As  soon  as  the  first  steps  were  taken  toward 
reconstruction,  the  "North  Carolina  Land  Agency"  was 
opened  at  Ealeigh,  under  the  recommendation  of  the 
Governor  of  the  State.  This  agency  is  under  the  man 
agement  of  Messrs.  Seek,  Battle  &  Co.,  citizens  of  Ka- 
leigh,  and  is  now  (August,  1865)  establishing  offices  in 
the  Northern  cities  for  the  purpose  of  representing  the 
advantages  that  North  Carolina  possesses. 

The  auriferous  region  of  North  Carolina  extends  into 
South  Carolina  and  Georgia.  In  South  Carolina  the 
agricultural  facilities  are  extensive.  According  to  Kuffin 
and  Tuomey  (the  agricultural  surveyors  of  the  State), 
there  are  six  varieties  of  soil :  1.  Tide  swamp,  devoted 
to  the  culture  of  rice.  2.  Inland  swamp,  devoted  to 
rice,  cotton,  corn,  wheat,  etc.  3.  Salt  marsh,  devoted  to 
long  cotton.  4.  Oak  and  pine  regions,  devoted  to  long 
cotton,  corn,  and  wheat.  5.  Oak  and  hickory  regions, 
where  cotton  and  corn  flourish.  6.  Pine  barrens,  adapt 
ed  to  fruit  and  vegetables. 

The  famous  "  sea-island  cotton"  comes  from  the 
islands  along  the  coast,  where  large  numbers  of  the 
freed  negroes  of  South  Carolina  have  been  recently 

33 


514  THE  SEA-ISLANDS. 

located.  South  Carolina  can  produce,  side  Iby  side,  the 
corn,  wheat,  and  tobacco  of  the  North,  and  the  cotton, 
rice,  and  sugar-cane  of  the  South,  though  the  latter  arti 
cle  is  not  profitably  cultivated. 

Notwithstanding  the  prophecies  of  the  South  Caro 
linians  to  the  contrary,  the  free-labor  scheme  along  the 
Atlantic  coast  has  proved  successful.  The  following 
paragraph  is  from  a  letter  written  by  a  prominent  jour 
nalist  at  Savannah : — 

The  condition  of  the  islands  along  this  coast  is  now  of  the  greatest 
interest  to  the  world  at  large,  and  to  the  people  of  the  Sonth  in  particu 
lar.  Upon  careful  inquiry,  I  find  that  there  are  over  two  hundred  thou 
sand  acres  of  land  under  cultivation  by  free  labor.  The  enterprises  are 
mostly  by  Northern  men,  although  there  are  natives  working  their  ne 
groes  under  the  new  system,  and  negroes  who  are  working  land  on  their 
own  account.  This  is  the  third  year  of  th'e  trial,  and  every  year  has 
been  a  success  more  and  more  complete.  The  profits  of  some  of  the 
laborers  amount  to  five  hundred,  and  in  some  cases  five  thousand  dollars 
a  year.  The  amount  of  money  deposited  in  bank  by  the  negroes  of  these 
islands  is  a  hundred  and  forty  thousand  dollars.  One  joint  subscription 
to  the  seven-thirty  loan  amounted  to  eighty  thousand  dollars.  Notwith 
standing  the  fact  that  the  troops  which  landed  on  the  islands  robbed, 
indiscriminately,  the  negroes  of  their  money,  mules,  and  supplies,  the 
negroes  went  back  to  work  again.  General  Saxton,  who  has  chief 
charge  of  this  enterprise,  has  his  head-quarters  at  Beaufort.  If  these 
facts,  and  the  actual  prosperity  of  these  islands  could  be  generally 
known  throughout  the  South,  it  would  do  more  to  induce  the  whites  to 
take  hold  of  the  freed-labor  system  than  all  the  general  orders  and  arbi 
trary  commands  that  General  Hatch  has  issued. 

The  resources  of  Georgia  are  similar  to  those  of  South 
Carolina,  and  the  climate  differs  but  little  from  that  of 
the  latter  State.  The  rice-swamps  are  unhealthy,  and 
the  malaria  which  arises  from  them  is  said  to  be  fatal 
to  whites.  Many  of  the  planters  express  a  fear  that  the 


AMONG  THE  EVERGLADES.  515 

abolition  of  slavery  has  ended  the  culture  of  rice.  They 
argue  that  the  labor  is  so  difficult  and  exhaustive,  that 
the  negroes  will  never  perform  it  excepting  under  the 
lash.  Cruel  modes  of  punishment  being  forbidden,  the 
planters  look  upon  the  rice-lands  as  valueless.  Time 
will  show  whether  these  fears  are  to  be  realized  or  not. 
If  it  should  really  happen  that  the  negroes  refuse  to  la 
bor  where  their  lives  are  of  comparatively  short  dura 
tion,  the  country  must  consent  to  restore  slavery  to  its 
former  status,  or  purchase  its  rice  in  foreign  countries. 
As  rice  is  produced  in  India  without  slave  labor,  it  is 
possible  that  some  plan  may  be  invented  for  its  cultiva 
tion  here. 

Georgia  has  a  better  system  of  railways  than  any 
other  Southern  State,  and  she  is  fortunate  in  possessing 
several  navigable  rivers.  The  people  are  not  as  hostile 
to  Northerners  as  the  inhabitants  of  South  Carolina,  but 
they  do  not  display  the  desire  to  encourage  immigration 
that  is  manifested  in  North  Carolina.  In  the  interior  of 
Georgia,  at  the  time  I  am  writing,  there  is  much  suffer 
ing  on  account  of  a  scarcity  of  food.  Many  cases  of 
actual  starvation  are  reported. 

Florida  has  few  attractions  to  settlers.  It  is  said 
there  is  no  spot  of  land  in  the  State  three  hundred 
feet  above  the  sea-level.  Men  born  with  fins  and 
webbed  feet  might  enjoy  themselves  in  the  lakes  and 
swamps,  which  form  a  considerable  portion  of  Florida. 
Those  whose  tastes  are  favorable  to  timber-cutting,  can 
find  a  profitable  employment  in  preparing  live-oak  and 
other  timbers  for  market.  The  climate  is  very  healthy, 


516  ALONG  THE  LOWER  MISSISSIPPI. 

and  has  been  found  highly  beneficial  to  invalids.  The 
vegetable  productions  vof  the  State  are  of  similar  charac 
ter  to  those  of  Georgia,  but  their  amount  is  not  large. 

In  the  Indian  tongue,  Alabama  signifies  "Here  we 
rest."  The  traveler  who  rests  in  the  State  of  that  name, 
finds  an  excellent  agricultural  region.  He  finds  that 
cotton  is  king  with  the  Alabamians,  and  that  the  State 
has  fifteen  hundred  miles  of  navigable  rivers  and  a  good 
railway  system.  He  finds  that  Alabama  suffered  less  by 
the  visits  of  our  armies  than  either  Georgia  or  South 
Carolina.  The  people  extend  him  the  same  welcome 
that  he  received  in  Georgia.  They  were  too  deeply  in 
terested  in  the  perpetuation  of  slavery  to  do  otherwise 
than  mourn  the  faUure  to  establish  tha  Confederacy. 

Elsewhere  I  have  spoken  of  the  region  bordering  the 
lower  portion  of  the  Great  River  of  the  West,  which  in 
cludes  Louisiana  and  Mississippi.  In  the  former  State, 
sugar  and  cotton  are  the  great  products.  In  the  latter, 
cotton  is  the  chief  object  of  attention.  It  is  quite  prob 
able  that  the  change  from  slavery  to  freedom  may  ne 
cessitate  the  division  of  the  large  plantations  into  farms 
of  suitable  size  for  cultivation  by  persons  of  moderate 
capital.  If  this  should  be  done,  there  will  be  a  great 
demand  for  Northern  immigrants,  and  the  commerce  of 
these  States  will  be  largely  increased. 

Early  in  July,  of  the  present  year,  after  the  dispersal 
of  the  Eebel  armies,  a  meeting  was  held  at  Shreveport, 
Louisiana,  at  which  resolutions  were  passed  favoring 
the  encouragement  of  Northern  migration  to  the  Red 
River  valley.  The  resolutions  set  forth,  that  the  pine- 


PECULIARITIES  OF  THE  EED  RIVER.  517 

ries  of  that  region  would  amply  repay  development,  in 
view  of  the  large  market  for  lumber  along  Red  River 
and  the  Mississippi.  They  further  declared,  that  the 
cotton  and  sugar  plantations  of  West  Louisiana  offered 
great  attractions,  and  were  worthy  the  attention  of  North 
ern  men.  The  passage  of  these  resolutions  indicates  a 
"better  spirit  than  has  been  manifested  by  the  inhabitants 
of  other  portions  of  the  Pelican  State.  Many  of  the 
people  in  the  Red  River  region  profess  to  have  been 
loyal  to  the  United  States  throughout  the  days  of  the 
Rebellion. 

The  Red  River  is  most  appropriately  named.  It 
flows  through  a  region  where  the  soil  has  a  reddish 
tinge,  that  is  imparted  to  the  water  of  the  river.  The 
sugar  produced  there  has  the  same  peculiarity,  and  can 
be  readily  distinguished  from  the  sugar  of  other  locali 
ties. 

Arkansas  is  quite  rich  in  minerals,  though  far  less  so 
than  Missouri.  Gold  abounds  in  some  localities,  and 
lead,  iron,  and  zinc  exist  in  large  quantities.  The  salt 
peter  caves  along  the  White  River  can  furnish  sufficient 
saltpeter  for  the  entire  Southwest.  Along  the  rivers  the 
soil  is  fertile,  but  there  are  many  sterile  regions  in  the 
interior.  The  agricultural  products  are  similar  to  those 
of  Missouri,  with  the  addition  of  cotton.  With  the  ex 
ception  of  the  wealthier  inhabitants,  the  people  of  Ar 
kansas  are  desirous  of  stimulating  emigration.  They 
suffered  so  greatly  from  the  tyranny  of  the  Rebel  lead 
ers  that  they  cheerfully  accept  the  overthrow  of  slavery. 
Arkansas  possesses  less  advantages  than  most  other 


518  A  HINT  FOB  TRAGEDIANS. 

Southern  States,  "being  far  "behind  her  sisters  in  matters 
of  education  and  internal  improvement.  It  is  to  Ibe 
hoped  that  her  people  have  discovered  their  mistake, 
and  will  make  earnest  efforts  to  correct  it  at  an  early 
day. 

A  story  is  told  of  a  party  of  strolling  players  that 
landed  at  a  town  in  Arkansas,  and  advertised  a  per 
formance  of  "  Hamlet."  A  delegation  waited  upon  the 
manager,  and  ordered  him  to  "move  on."  The  spokes 
man  of  the  delegation  is  reported  to  have  said : 

"That  thar  Shakspeare's  play  of  yourn,  stranger, 
may  do  for  New  York  or  New  Orleans,  "but  we  want 
you  to  understand  that  Shakspeare  in  Arkansas  is  pretty 
well  played  out." 

Persons  who  wish  to  give  attention  to  mining  matters, 
will  find  attractions  in  Tennessee,  in  the  deposits  of  iron, 
copper,  and  other  ores.  Coal  is  found  in  immense  quan 
tities  among  the  Cumlberland  Mountains,  and  lead  exists 
in  certain  localities.  Though  Tennessee  can  boast  of 
considerable  mineral  wealth,  her  advantages  are  not 
equal  to  those  of  Missouri  or  North  Carolina.  In  agri 
culture  she  stands  well,  though  she  has  no  soil  of  un 
usual  fertility,  except  in  the  western  portion  of  the  State. 
Cotton,  corn,  and  tobacco  are  the  great  staples,  and 
considerable  quantities  of  wheat  are  produced.  Stock- 
raising  has  received  considerable  attention.  More  mules 
were  formerly  raised  in  Tennessee  than  in  any  other 
State  of  the  Union.  A  large  portion  of  the  State  is 
admirably  adapted  to  grazing. 

Military  operations  in  Tennessee,  during  the  Eebellion, 


THE  BLUE  GRASS  REGION.  519 

were  very  extensive,  and  there  was  great  destruction  of 
property  in  consequence.  Large  numbers  of  houses  and 
other  "buildings  were  "burned,  and  many  farms  laid  waste. 
It  will  require  much  time,  capital,  and  energy  to  obliter 
ate  the  traces  of  war. 

The  inhabitants  of  Kentucky  believe  that  their  State 
cannot  be  surpassed  in  fertility.  They  make  the  famous 
"Blue  Grass  Region,"  around  Lexington,  the  subject 
of  especial  boast.  The  soil  of  this  section  is  very  rich, 
and  the  grass  has  a  peculiar  bluish  tinge,  from  which  its 
name  is  derived.  One  writer  says  the  following  of  the 
Blue  Grass  Region  I— 
View  the  country  round  from  the  heads  of  the  Licking,  the  Ohio, 
the  Kentucky,  Dick's,  and  down  the  Green  River,  and  you  have  a  hun 
dred  miles  square  of  the  most  extraordinary  country  on  which  the  sun 
has  ever  shone. 

Farms  in  this  region  command  the  highest,  prices,  and 
there  are  very  few  owners  who  have  any  desire  to  sell 
their  property.  Nearly  all  the  soil  of  the  State  is  adapted 
to  cultivation.  Its  staple  products  are  the  same  as  those 
of  Missouri.  It  produces  more  flax  and  hemp  than  any 
other  State,  and  is  second  only  to  Virginia  in  the  quality 
and  quantity  of  its  tobacco.  Its  yield  of  corn  is  next  to 
that  of  Ohio.  Like  Tennessee,  it  has  a  large  stock-raising 
interest,  principally  in  mules  and  hogs,  for  which  there 
is  always  a  ready  market.  V 

Kentucky  suffered  severely  during  the  campaigns  of 
the  Rebel  army  in  that  State,  and  from  the  various  raids 
*    of  John  Morgan.    A  parody  on  "My  Maryland"  was 


520         THE  EXTREME  SOUTHWEST. 

published  in  Louisville  soon  after  one  of  Morgan's  visits, 
of  which  the  first  stanza  was  as  follows  :-— 

John  Morgan's  foot  is  on  thy  shore, 

Kentucky !  O  Kentucky  1 
His  hand  is  on  thy  stable  door, 

Kentucky  1  O  Kentucky ! 
He'll  take  thy  horse  he  spared  before, 
And  ride  him  till  his  back  is  sore, 
And  leave  him  at  some  stranger's  door, 

Kentucky !  O  Kentucky ! 

Last,  and  greatest,  of  the  lately  rebellious  States,  is 
Texas.  Every  variety  of  soil  can  "be  found  there,  from 
the  richest  alluvial  deposits  along  the  river  "bottoms, 
down  to  the  deserts  in  the  northwestern  part  of  the 
State,  where  a  wolf  could  not  make  an  honest  living. 
All  the  grains  of  the  Northern  States  can  "be  produced. 
Cotton,  tobacco,  and  sugar-cane  are  raised  in  large 
quantities,  and  the  agricultural  capabilities  of  Texas  are 
very  great.  Being  a  new  State,  its  system  of  internal 
communications  is  not  good.  Texas  has  the  reputation 
of  being  the  finest  grazing  region  in  the  Southwest. 
Immense  droves  of  horses,  cattle,  and  sheep  cover  its 
prairies,  and  form  the  wealth  of  many  of  the  inhabitants. 
Owing  to  the  distance  from  market,  these  animals  are 
generally  held  at  very  low  prices. 

Shortly  after  its  annexation  to  the  United  States, 
Texas  became  a  resort  for  outcasts  from  civilized  society. 
IB.  some  parts  of  the  Union,  the  story  goes  that  sheriffs 
and  their  deputies  dropped  the  phrase  "non  est  inwn- 
tus"  for  one  more  expressive.  Whenever  they  dis 
covered  that  parties  for  whom  they  held  writs  had 


G.  T.  T.  521 

decamped,  they  returned  the  documents  with  the  in 
dorsement  "Gf.  T.  T.4"  (gone  to  Texas).  Some  writer 
records  that  the  State  derived  its  name  from  the  last 
words  of  a  couplet  which  runaway  individuals  were 
supposed  to  repeat  on  their  arrival : — 

When  every  other  land  rejects  us, 
This  is  the  land  that  freely  takes  us. 

Since  1850,  the  character  of  the  population  of  Texas 
has  greatly  improved,  though  it  does  not  yet  bear  favor 
able  comparison  to  that  of  Quaker  villages,  or  of  rural 
districts  of  Massachusetts  or  Connecticut.  There  is  a 
large  German  element  in  Texas,  which  displayed  devoted 
loyalty  to  the  Union  during  the  days  of  the  Rebellion. 

An  unknown  philosopher  says  the  world  is  peopled 
"by  two  great  classes,  those  who  have  money,  and  those 
who  haven't — the  latter  "being  most  numerous.  Migra 
tory  Americans  are  subject  to  the  same  distinction.  Of 
those  who  have  emigrated  to  points  further  West  during 
the  last  thirty  years>  a  very  large  majority  were  in  a 
condition  of  impecuniosity.  Many  persons  emigrate  on 
account  of  financial  embarrassments,  leaving  behind 
them  debts  of  varied  magnitude.  In  some  cases,  Terri 
tories  and  States  that  desired  to  induce  settlers  to  come 
within  their  limits,  have  passed  laws  providing  that  no 
debt  contracted  elsewhere,  previous  to  emigration,  could 
be  collected  by  any  legal  process.  To  a  man  laboring 
under  difficulties  of  a  pecuniary  character,  the  new  Ter 
ritories  and  States  offer  as  safe  a  retreat  as  the  Cities  of 
Refuge  afforded  to  criminals  in  the  days  of  the  ancients. 


522  LABOR  AND  CAPITAL. 

Formerly,  the  West  was  the  only  field  to  which  emi 
grants  could  direct  their  steps.  There  was  an  abundance 
of  land,  and  a  great  need  of  human  sinew  to  make  it  lu 
crative.  When  land  could  "be  occupied  "by  a  settler  and 
held  under  his  pre-emption  title,  giving  him  opportunity 
to  pay  for  his  possession  from  the  products  of  his  own 
industry  and  the  fertility  of  the  soil,  there  was  compara 
tively  little  need  of  capital.  The  operations  of  specu 
lators  frequently  tended  to  retard  settlement  rather  than 
to  stimulate  it,  as  they  shut  out  large  areas  from  cultiva 
tion  or  occupation,  in  order  to  hold  them  for  an  advance. 
In  many  of  the  Territories  a  dozen  able-bodied  men,  ac 
customed  to  farm  labor  and  willing  to  toil,  were  con 
sidered  a  greater  acquisition  than  a  speculator  with 
twenty  thousand  dollars  of  hard  cash.  Labor  was-  of 
more  importance  than  capital. 

To  a  certain  extent  this  is  still  the  case.  Laboring 
men  are  greatly  needed  on  the  broad  acres  of  the  far- 
Western  States.  No  one  who  has  not  traveled  in  that 
region  can  appreciate  the  sacrifice  made  by  Minnesota, 
Iowa,  and  Kansas,  when  they  sent  their  regiments  of 
stalwart  men  to  the  war.  Every  arm  that  carried  a  mus 
ket  from  those  States,  was  a  certain  integral  portion  of 
their  wealth  and  prosperity.  The  great  cities  of  the  sea 
board  could  spare  a  thousand  men  with  far  less  loss  than 
would  accrue  to  any  of  the  States  I  have  mentioned, 
by  the  subtraction  of  a  hundred.  There  is  now  a  great 
demand  for  men  to  fill  the  vacancy  caused  by  deaths  in 
the  field,  and  to  occupy  the  extensive  areas  that  are  still 
uncultivated.  Emigrants  without  capital  will  seek  the 


WHAT  THE  SOUTH  NEEDS.  523 

West,  where  their  stout  arms  will  make  them  welcome 
and  secure  them  comfortable  homes. 

In  the  South  the  situation  is  different.  For  the  pres 
ent  there  is  a  sufficiency  of  lalbor.  Doubtless  there  will 
be  a  scarcity  several  years  hence,  but  there  is  no  reason 
to  fear  it  immediately.  Capital  and  direction  are  needed. 
The  South  is  impoverished.  Its  money  is  expended, 
and  it  has  no  present  source  of  revenue.  There  is  noth 
ing  wherewith  to  purchase  the  necessary  stock,  supplies, 
and  implements  for  prosecuting  agricultural  enterprise. 
The  planters  are  generally  helpless.  Capital  to  supply 
the  want  must  come  from  the  rich  North. 

Direction  is  no  less  needed  than  capital.  A  majority 
of  Southern  men  declare  the  negroes  will  be  worthless 
to  them,  now  that  slavery  is  abolished.  "  We  have," 
say  they,  "  lived  among  these  negroes  all  our  days.  We 
know  them  in  no  other  light  than  as  slaves.  We  com 
mand  them  to  do  what  we  wish,  and  we  punish  them 
as  we  see  fit  for  disobedience.  We  cannot  manage  them 
in  any  other  way." 

No  doubt  this  is  the  declaration  of  their  honest  be 
lief.  A  Northern  man  can  give  them  an  answer  appeal 
ing  to  their  reason,  if  not  to  their  conviction.  He  can 
say,  "You  are  accustomed  to  dealing  with  slaves,  and 
you  doubtless  tell  the  truth  when  declaring  you  cannot 
manage  the  negroes  under  the  new  system.  We  are  ac 
customed  to  dealing  with  freemen,  and  do  not  know  how 
to  control  slaves.  The  negroes  being  free,  our  knowl 
edge  of  freemen  will  enable  us  to  manage  them  without 
difficulty." 


524  THE  COST  OF  A  HOME. 

Every  thing  is  favorable  to  the  man  of  small  or  large 
capital,  who  desires  to  emigrate  to  the  South.  In  con 
sideration  of  the  impoverishment  of  the  people  and  their 
distrust  of  the  freed  negroes  as  laborers,  lands  in  the  "best 
districts  can  "be  purchased  very  cheaply.  Plantations 
can  "be  "bought,  many  of  them  with  all  the  buildings  and 
fences  still  remaining,  though  somewhat  out  of  repair, 
at  prices  ranging  from  three  to  ten  dollars  an  acre.  A 
few  hundred  dollars  will  do  far  more  toward  securing  a 
home  for  the 'settler  in  the  South  than  in  the  West.  La 
bor  is  abundant,  and  the  laborers  can  be  easily  con 
trolled  by  Northern  brains.  The  land  is  already  broken, 
and  its  capabilities  are  fully  known.  Capital,  if  judi 
ciously  invested  and  under  proper  direction,  whether  in 
large  or  moderate  amounts,  will  be  reasonably  certain 
of  an  ample  return. 


FINIS. 


f 


14  DAY  USE 

RETURN  TO  DESK  FROM  WHICH  BORROWED 


RETURN       CIRCULATION  DEPARTMENT 

TO  ""^       202  Ma  i  n  L  i  bra  ry                         642-3403 

LOAN  PERIOD  1 
HOME  USE 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

ALL  BOOKS  MAY  BE  RECALLED  AFTER  7  DAYS 

1 -month  loans  may  be  renewed  by  calling  642-3405 

6-month  loans  may  be  recharged  by  bringing  books  to  Circulation  Desk 

Renewals  and  recharges  may  be  made  4  days  prior  to  due  date 

DUE   AS  STAMPED  BELOW 


JUN  2  1  1977 

SEP  18  1991 

AOTO  DISC  SFP  1  1  '9 

JUL021994 

AUTO  DISC  CIR 

/\U602'94 

SENT  ON  ILL 

SFP  2  *  2009 

FORM  NO.  DD  6,  40m,  6'76 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA,  BERKELEY 
BERKELEY,  CA  94720 

- . , 


U.C.BERKELEUIBRARIES 


' 


